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The vocacyon of Johan Bale and Early English Autobiography

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  20 November 2018

Leslie P. Fairfield
Leslie P. Fairfield*
Affiliation:
Purdue University
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Extract

Sixteenth-Century Englishmen were not frequently given to self-scrutiny—at least not in writing. This was a disinclination which they shared with their medieval forbears, since autobiography was not a very common form of literary activity in the Middle Ages. Monastic self-analysis, sub specie aeternitatis and guided by the standard categories of virtues and vices—yes. Coherent study of the self, for its own sake and in all its quirks and idiosyncracies—scarcely ever. In the early sixteenth century, the murmur of new ideas from Italy did begin to touch England: a sense of distance and of difference between the present and the past, and an awakened appreciation for the discrete, the singular in human personality.

Type
Research Article
Information
Renaissance Quarterly , Volume 24 , Issue 3 , Autumn 1971 , pp. 327 - 340
Copyright
Copyright © Renaissance Society of America 1971

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References

1 See especially Stauffer, Donald, English Biography Before 1700 (Cambridge, Mass., 1930), pp. 175–177 CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Shumaker, Wayne, English Autobiography (Berkeley, Calif., 1954), pp. 5–17 Google Scholar; and Delany, Paul, British Autobiography in the Seventeenth Century (London, 1969), pp. 6–39 Google Scholar.

2 See Stauffer, pp. 33ff.

3 Shumaker, pp. 17-18; for perhaps the first prose treatment of a whole life, see Osborne, James, ed., The Autobiography of Thomas Whythorne (Oxford, 1961)Google Scholar.

4 The words are Stauffer's, p. 178.

5 Shumaker correctly points this out, p. 57.

6 For general data on Bale's early life, see J. Bale, Illustrium maioris Britannie Scriptorum. … Summarium (Wesel: D. van der Straten, 1548), fol. 242v,and idem, Scriptorum Illustrium maioris Britannie.… Catalogus (Basel: Oporinus, 1557), pt. I, p. 702. There are also numerous bits of autobiographical data scattered through the following manuscripts: British Museum MSS. Harley 1819 and Harley 3838; Bodleian Library MSS. Bodley 73 and Selden supra 41; and Cambridge University Library MS.Ff.6.28. Concerning the date of Bale's doctorate, there can be no certainty at the, moment. Neither Grace Book B (Mary Bateson, ed., Cambridge, 1903) nor Grace Book T (W. G. Searle, ed., Cambridge, 1908) record the degree. Yet by July 4, 1534, Bale was being styled ‘theologie doctor': see Borthwick Institute, York, MS. R.1.28, fol. 85v.

7 For this period of Bale's life, see the present writer's unpublished PH.D. dissertation, ‘The Historical Thought of John Bale, 1495-1563’ (Harvard University, 1969), pp. 10- 15,38-48.

8 For this incident, see the following documents in the Public Record Office, London: SP I/III , fols. 183-187; SP I/114, fol. 54; and SP I/115, fol. 63. See also Bale's letter to Cromwell: British Museum MS. Cotton Cleopatra E. IV, fol. 167.

9 Bale's early collections related exclusively to Carmelite authors: see British Museum MSS. Harley 1819 and Harley 3838, and Bodleian Library MS. Selden supra 41. However, Bale's interests broadened in the 1530's, under the influence of John Leland and when Bale began to suspect that the English monastic libraries might not survive the impending storm. Bale says that he worked for three years after 1533 in the libraries of the Carmelites and the Augustinians: J. Bale, Illustrium maioris Britannie Scriptorum…. Summariutn (hereafter ‘Summarium’), fol. 246v. But it seems likely that his bibliographical activity continued on after 1536: viz., J. Bale, Scriptorum Illustrium maioris Britannie… . Catalogus (hereafter ‘Catalogus’), pt. I, p. 700, re Ralf Radcliff's library at Hitchin. For Bale's later agony over the loss of the monastic libraries, see Bale, J., The laboryouse Journey & serche of Johan Leylande (London: S. Mierdman, 1549)Google Scholar, sigs. A7V-A8.

10 Seven of Bale's published works appeared between 1543—the date of the first one— and 1546 from the Antwerp presses of Christopher van Endhoven's widow, A. Goinus and Stephen Mierdman. In 1546 began a series of eleven works from the press of Dirik van der Straten at Wesel. I owe this information to Miss Katharine Pantzer and her staff at Houghton Library, Harvard University, who are preparing the revised edition of the Short-Title Catalogue, soon to appear. See—in this revised edition of the STC—nos. 848, 850, 1270, 1274a, 1276, 1279, 1280, 1287, 1291, 1296, 1296.5, 1303, 1305, 1309, 14717, 15180, and 17320. (Henceforth all references to the STC will be to the revised edition.)

11 For Bale's connection with the Duchess of Richmond, see Foxe, John, Acts and Monuments, ed. Pratt, J. (London, 1870)Google Scholar, in, 705. For Bale's collation to the living at Bishopstoke, see the Hampshire County Record Office, Winchester, Ms. Reg. Ponet, fol. 12V.

12 See Jordan, W. K., ed., The Chronicle and Political Papers of King Edward VI (Ithaca, N.Y., 1966), p. 179 Google Scholar.

13 Bale, J., The vocacyon of Johan Bale to the bishoprick of Ossorie in Ireland ('Rome,’ i.e., Wesel: Joos Lambrecht, 1553)Google Scholar, fols. 2-15V. For the printer of this work, see below, no. 14.

14 Ibid., fols. 15v-42. Actually the colophon to the pamphlet claims that it was printed ‘in Rome / before the castell of S. Angell / at ye signe of S. Peter / in Decembre / Anno D. 1553’ (ibid., sig. G7—sigs. AI-GI are numbered consecutively 1-49, but sigs. G2-G8 bear no numbering). There is no reason to question the date, but the place given is obviously a bit of bravado. The woodcut on the title page offers a clue, however, to the whereabouts of the press: it was a cut which had previously been used by onejoos Lambrecht (see W. T. Davies, A Bibliography of John Bale, Oxford Bibliographical Society, Proceedings and Papers, v, pt. 4 [Oxford, 1940], p. 268). As of late 1553, Lambrecht's press was located at Wesel: viz., P. Bockmuehl, ‘Wo ist die erste Ausgabe des Werkes von Johannes Anastasius Velanus: “Der Leeken Wechwyser” im Jahre 1554 gedrukt?’ Theologische Arbeiten (Neue Folge), XIII, 115-116. (My thanks to Miss Katharine Pantzer of the Houghton Library, Harvard University, for this latter reference.) So it seems likely that in late 1553 Bale headed for Wesel, where he had spent several years during his first exile. One bibliographical puzzle remains, however, concerning the printer of The vocacyon. At the end of the work, on sig. G8v, we find a printer's device which later appeared on books (printed on the Continent and in London) from the press of Hugh Singleton—the printer's rebus within a border, under which appears the motto ‘God is my helper’ (McKerrow, R. B., Printers’ and Publishers’ Devices in England and Scotland, 1485-1640 [London, 1913], no. 127)Google Scholar. Miss Christina Garrett has suggested that Singleton spent some time at Wesel during Mary's early reign—which would fit with the date of The vocacyon. So probably Singleton and Lambert collaborated in printing the work, at Wesel. (For Singleton's movements, see Christina H. Garrett, ‘The Resurrection of the Masse, by Hugh Hilarie—or John Bale?’ The Library [4th series], xxi, 154-155.)

15 See particularly Delany, pp. 107-157, and Shumaker, pp. 56-58.

16 J. Bale, The vocacyon ofjohan Bale, fol. 37—37v.

17 But not totally alone, if we include the Continent: see the chronicle of Johannes Carion (1532), written under Melanchthon's influence. Cation's chronicle differed from Bale's work in its principle of organization—Carion used a Four-Monarchy scheme— and it does not seem to have influenced Bale's own thought.

18 Bale, J., The Image of bothe churches (London: S. Mierdman for R.Jugge, 1548)Google Scholar: STC no. 1297. The revised edition of the STC will list an edition of the first two parts (of a total of three) of The Image from the press of Stephen Mierdman, probably at Antwerp, in 1545: STC no. 1296.5.

19 See J. Bale, A Mysterye of inyquyte ('Geneva: Michael Woode,’ i.e., Antwerp: A. Goinus, 1545), fol. 60v: ‘Nothynge els are youre histories of the Saintes but fables / lyes / and fantasyes taken out of Legenda aurea made by fryre James de Voragine….’ For the Legenda Aurea, and Protestant attacks upon it, see White, Helen C., Tudor Books of Saints and Martyrs (Madison, Wise, 1963)Google Scholar, chapters n and m, though this work omits Bale's rather central role in the attack.

20 Bale, J., A brefe Chronyde concernynge the Examinacyon and death of the blessed martyr of Christ syr Johan Oldecastell (Antwerp: A. Goinus, 1544)Google Scholar; Bale, J., The first examinacyon of Anne Askewe (Wesel: D. van der Straten, 1546)Google Scholar; and Bale, J., The lattre examinacyon of Anne Askewe (Wesel: D. van der Straten, 1547)Google Scholar.

21 J. Bale, A brefe Chronycle … syr johan Oldecastell, fol. 54v; J. Bale, The first examinacyon of Anne Askewe, fol. 8v.

22 J. Bale, The vocacyon ofjohan Bale, fol. 2.

23 Ibid., fol. 43.

24 Ibid., fol. 3.

25 Ibid., fol. 2v

26 See, ibid., fols. 4v-7v for Bale's identification of his misfortunes with those of St. Paul.

27 See Delany, pp. 29-31.

28 On the influence of Henry VIII, see J. Bale, Summarium, fols. 229v-230: … quod sim Evangelii regni Dei (ut spero) per eius (sc. Henrici) administrationem particeps, cum ante illius in Romanum Pontificem edictum, obstinatissimus papista fuerim.’ On the decline of the Carmelite order, see Bale's ‘Anglorum HeUades,’ British Museum MS. Harley 3838, fol. 40. For the influence of Wentworth, see J. Bale, Catalogus, pt. 1, p. 702: ‘… non a monacho aut sacrifico vocatus, sed ab illustri Domino Vuenfordo … serio excitatus, deformationem meam quamprimum vidi et agnovi… .'

29 Literature and Pulpit in Medieval England (New York, 1966), p. 235: ‘In a word, then, our medieval pulpit satire adequately explains alike the coarseness and the acerbity of both Humanist and Reformer.'

30 Ibid., pp. 247-269.

31 For the incident at Doncaster, see Borthwick Institute, York, MS. R.I.28, fol. 91-91v; for the altercation at Thorndon, see Public Record Office, London, SP I/III , fols. 183-187; SP I/114, fol. 54; SP I/115, fol. 63; and also British Museum MS. Cotton Cleopatra B.IV, fol. 167.

32 The vocacyon of Johan Bale, fo.l 36. For other Balian forays against clerical vice, see, ibid., fols. 4v, 18, and 45.

33 Simply as one example, see the pair of autobiographies in the 1950's from the pens of Alger Hiss and Whittaker Chambers.

34 See Owst, G. R., Preaching in Medieval England (New York, 1965), p. 58 Google Scholar.

35 See British Museum MS. Harley 3838, fols. IIIv-112v; Bodleian Library MS. Selden supra 41, fol. 195-195v; and J. Bale, Summarium, fol. 242. For the dating of the manuscripts, see this writer's unpublished PH.D. dissertation, ‘The Historical Thought of John Bale, 1495-1563’ (Harvard University, 1969), pp. 49-52 and 368-369. Bale, of course, published one more autobiographical sketch—after he had written The vocacyon—in his Catalogus (Basel, 1557): pt.1. p. 702.

36 For the efflorescence of English patriotism in general, see particularly Rowse, A. L., The England of Elizabeth (London, 1951)Google Scholar, chapter 2; for Bale's relationship with Leland and for the former's motives in compiling his surveys, see British Museum MS. Harley 3838, fols. 3-5.

37 For Bale's attitude, see his The Laboryouse Journey & serche of Johan Leylande.

38 Bodleian Library MS. Selden supra 41, fol. 195:'… me inter ceteros intersero, omnium minimus, ut sciant posteri inter hos me non semper ociosum fuisse.'

39 See, in the revised edition of the STC,nos. 848, 850, 851, 852, 853, and 853.5. The first two editions contained only one of the examinations each; the last two editions were undated, but probably appeared around 1550.

40 For the earlier period, see for example Rene Aigran, L'Hagiographie: ses sources, ses mithodes, son histoire (Paris, 1953), pp. 132ff. For the later period, see the testimonies scattered through Foxe's Acts and Monuments.