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Misrecognition in the making of a state: Ghana’s international relations under Kwame Nkrumah

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  20 November 2018

Julia Gallagher Open the ORCID record for Julia Gallagher [Opens in a new window]
Julia Gallagher*
Affiliation:
Department of Politics and International Studies, SOAS, University of London
*
*Corresponding author. Email: jg35@soas.ac.uk
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Abstract

This article draws on a Kleinian psychoanalytic reading of Hegel’s theory of the struggle for recognition to explore the role of international misrecognition in the creation of state subjectivity. It focuses on Ghana’s early years, when international relations were powerfully conceptualised and used by Kwame Nkrumah in his bid to bring coherence to a fragile infant state. Nkrumah attempted to create separation and independence from the West on the one hand, and intimacy with a unified Africa on the other. By creating juxtapositions between Ghana and these idealised international others, he was able to create a fantasy of a coherent state, built on a fundamental misrecognition of the wider world. As the fantasy bumped up against the realities of Ghana’s failing economy, fractured social structures, and complex international relationships, it foundered, causing alienation and despair. I argue that the failure of this early fantasy was the start of Ghana’s quest to begin processes of individuation and subjectivity, and that its undoing was an inevitable part of the early stages of misrecognition, laying the way for more grounded struggles for recognition and the development of a more complex state-subjectivity.

Keywords

HegelKleinGhanaNkrumahMisrecognitionStatehoodIR
Type
Research Article
Information
Review of International Studies , Volume 44 , Special Issue 5: Special Issue on Misrecognition in World Politics: Revisiting Hegel , December 2018 , pp. 882 - 901
Copyright
© British International Studies Association 2018 

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References

1 Nkrumah, Kwame, Africa Must Unite (London: Panaf Books, 1998 edn), p. xv Google Scholar .

2 Ibid., p. xiv.

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5 Ibid., p. 49.

6 Nkrumah, Kwame, Consciencism (London: Panaf Books, 1964)Google Scholar , cited and discussed by Biney, Ama, The Political and Social Thought of Kwame Nkrumah (Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 2011)CrossRefGoogle Scholar .

7 There’s a wide literature on this topic. For a sense of the range and scale of the topic, see, for example, Wallerstein, Immanuel, ‘Ethnicity and national integration in West Africa’, Cahiers d'Études Africaines, 1:3 (1960), pp. 129–139 CrossRefGoogle Scholar ; Mohamed, M. A. and Markakis, John, Ethnicity and the State in Eastern Africa (Uppsala: Nordiska Afrikainstitutet, 1998)Google Scholar ; Vale, Peter, Security and Politics in South Africa: The Regional Dimension (Cape Town: University of Cape Town Press, 2003)Google Scholar ; and Forrest, Joshua, Subnationalism in Africa: Ethnicity, Alliances, and Politics (Boulder: Lynne Rienner, 2004)Google Scholar .

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9 Nkrumah’s powerful picture of starting from scratch is a little disingenuous. Ghana’s independence was not an overnight revolution but ‘achieved by staged constitutional steps’, in which he was a key player, heading a transitional government from 1951. Apter, David, ‘Nkrumah, charisma and the coup’, Daedalus, 97:3 (1968), pp. 757–792 Google Scholar (p. 757). Nonetheless, his description of a dramatically disruptive and historically unprecedented transformation, moving from identityless-ness and conscienceless-ness to viable new state is persuasive.

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13 Kinnvall, Catarina and Svensson, Ted, ‘Misrecognition and the Indian State: the desire for sovereign agency’, Review of International Studies, 44:5 (2018)CrossRefGoogle Scholar , this Special Issue; Zarakol, Ayşe, ‘Sovereign equality as misrecognition’, Review of International Studies, 44:5 (2018)CrossRefGoogle Scholar , this Special Issue.

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16 I am not a historian of Ghana and I draw therefore on the historical accounts of others to support my broader theoretical and methodological argument. Many of these accounts fit within a complex ideological topography. Ghana, the first African country to become independent, was a magnet for an early generation of Africanist scholars who, as Jeffrey Ahlman writes in a recent account of the period, were drawn into an ideological ‘tug-of-war’ cast either as a ‘struggle between the “modern and the “traditional”, in the case of modernization-minded figures … or as one of revolutionary versus reactionary’: Jeffrey S. Ahlman, Living with Nkrumahism: Nation, State and Pan-Africanism in Ghana (Ohio: Ohio University Press, 2017), p. 10. Academic accounts always fall within the particular ideological bent of their authors, but those of this period of early African independence are particularly ideological – indeed, many academics became part of the political landscape themselves, acting as advisors or sympathetic cheerleaders for Nkrumah and the Convention People’s Party (CPP). It is interesting in the context of the argument presented in this article that Ghanaian politics was at the time seen as so clearly dichotomised – and this is a trend that continues, notably with Ali Mazrui’s description of ‘positive’ and ‘negative’ Nkrumahism. Ali Mazrui, Nkrumah’s Legacy and Africa’s Triple Heritage between Globalisation and Counter-Terrorism (Accra: Ghana University Press, 2004).

17 Unlike her contemporary, Jacques Lacan, Klein does not draw on Hegel and neither, as far as I am aware, do any of her followers. The connections between Klein and Hegel made in this article are mine and build on earlier work: Gallagher, Julia, Zimbabwe’s International Relations: Fantasy and Reality in the Making of the State (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2017)CrossRefGoogle Scholar ; Julia Gallagher, ‘Creating a state: a Kleinian reading of recognition in Zimbabwe’s regional relationships’, European Journal of International Relations (2015), available at: doi: 10.1177/1354066115588204, pp. 1–24. In fact, Klein’s work has rarely been applied to political and social questions, possibly because she did virtually nothing in these directions herself, choosing to keep her ideas in their clinical context. For two notable exceptions, see Segal, Hanna, Psychoanalysis, Literature and War: Papers 1972–1995 (Abingdon: Routledge, 1997)Google Scholar ; Alford, C. Fred, Melanie Klein and Critical Social Theory: An Account of Politics, Art and Reason based on her Psychoanalytic Theory (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1989)Google Scholar .

18 Epstein, Lindemann, and Sending, ‘Frustrated sovereigns’.

19 Georg Wilhelm Friedrich Hegel, Elements of the Philosophy of Right, ed. Allen W. Wood, trans. H. B. Nisbet (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1991), p. 199.

20 Georg Wilhelm Friedrich Hegel, Phenomenology of Sprit, trans. A. V. Miller (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1977).

21 Epstein, Lindemann, and Sending, ‘Frustrated sovereigns’; Epstein, ‘The productive force of the negative and the desire for recognition’.

22 Hegel says recognition is achieved through relations with objects (things) and subjects (people). Klein talks only of objects, but she means both things and people, and, as for Hegel, it is the latter that offer the best prospects for self-realisation. This is because people push back.

23 Melanie Klein, ‘Notes on some schizoid mechanisms’, in Envy and Gratitude and Other Works, 1946–1963 (London: Vintage, 1997), pp. 1–24.

24 Segal, Hanna, Introduction to the Work of Melanie Klein (London: Karnac Books, 2006)Google Scholar .

25 Melanie Klein, ‘Love, guilt and reparation’, in Love, Guilt and Reparation and Other Works, 1921–1945 (London: Vintage, 1998), pp. 306–43. Klein’s depiction of the ‘good breast’ and ‘bad breast’ describes this fracturing of external objects, wherein the same object – here the mother – is sometimes experienced as wholly good and loving, and sometimes as wholly bad and destructive. Melanie Klein, ‘Envy and gratitude’, in Envy and Gratitude and Other Works, 1946–1963 (London: Vintage, 1997d), pp. 176–235.

26 Epstein, ‘The productive force of the negative and the desire for recognition’.

27 Melanie Klein, ‘On identification’ (1955)’, in Envy and Gratitude and Other Works, 1946–1963 (London: Vintage, 1997), pp. 141–75.

28 Bowlby, John, Attachment and Loss (Volume Two): Separation, Anxiety and Anger (New York: Basic Books, 1973)Google Scholar .

29 Klein, ‘Notes on some schizoid mechanisms’.

30 Klein, ‘On identification’, p. 141.

31 Donald Winnicott, ‘The use of an object and relating through identifications’, in Playing and Reality (London: Tavistock Publications, 1971), pp. 86–94 (p. 54).

32 Melanie Klein, ‘On the sense of loneliness’, in Envy and Gratitude and Other Works, 1946–1963 (London: Vintage, 1997), pp. 300–13 (p. 305).

33 Melanie Klein, ‘Mourning and its relation to manic-depressive states’, in Love, Guilt and Reparation and Other Works, 1921–1945 (London: Vintage, 1998), pp. 344–69.

34 Kristeva, Julia, Melanie Klein (New York: Columbia University Press, 2001)Google Scholar .

35 Saburi Oladeni Biobaku, Secretary to the Premier, Western Region, Nigeria wrote: ‘We think it a matter of the highest priority to develop our people and our resources, to “modernize” in the phraseology of Professor Rostow; when we achieve this we shall invest the African personality with a potency that is bound to be respected everywhere, and our influence in the community of nations will be real, not superficial.’ Saburi Oladeni Biobaku, ‘Comments’, in American Society of African Culture (ed.), Pan-Africanism Reconsidered, pp. 129–32 (p. 131).

36 Rostow, Walt, The Stages of Economic Growth (London: Cambridge University Press, 1962)Google Scholar , and for a more recent example of this logic, see Cooper, Robert, The Breaking of Nations: Order and Chaos in the Twenty-First Century (London: Atlantic Monthly Press, 2003)Google Scholar .

37 Gallagher, Zimbabwe’s International Relations; Epstein, Lindemann, and Sending, ‘Frustrated sovereigns’.

38 Wendt, Alexander, ‘The state as a person in international theory’, Review of International Studies, 30:2 (2004), pp. 289–316 CrossRefGoogle Scholar .

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40 Klein, ‘Love, guilt and reparation’.

41 Bion, Wilfred, Experiences in Groups and Other Papers (London: Tavistock Publications, 1974)Google Scholar .

42 Brian Greenhill, ‘Recognition and collective identity formulation in International Relations’, European Journal of International Relations, 14:2 (2008), pp. 343–68; Neumann, Iver, Uses of the Other In World Politics (Minneapolis, MN: University of Minnesota Press, 1999)Google Scholar .

43 For an overview see Gutman, Amy (ed.), Multiculturalism: Examining the Politics of Recognition (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1994)Google Scholar .

44 Wallerstein, for example, argues that new states don’t have the ‘residual loyalty’ of citizens and need a dominant party and a charismatic leader to embody and enact unity. Wallerstein, Immanuel, Africa, the Politics of Independence (New York, Random House, 1961), p. 87 Google Scholar .

45 Apter describes Nkrumah acting as the ‘nucleus of unity’ for Ghana as it attempted to create new institutions and abolish old ones. Apter, David, Ghana in Transition (New York: Atheneum, 1972), p. 274 Google Scholar . Kwaku Larbi Korang, in a fascinating discussion of Nkrumah’s depiction of his early life, shows how he portrayed himself as both embodiment and enabler of the emergence of Ghana as a ‘self-nation in a universal modernity that still kept faith with its own nature’. Larbi Korang, Kwaku, Writing Ghana, Imagining Africa: Nation and African Modernity (Rochester: Rochester University Press, 2004)Google Scholar .

46 Biney, Ama, ‘The legacy of Kwame Nkrumah in retrospect’, The Journal of Pan African Studies, 2:3 (2008)Google Scholar , pp. 129–59 (p. 136).

47 Nkrumah read widely and wrote prolifically during his time in power. Although some of his writing was achieved in collaboration and written by others, the ideas in his books were clearly his. On Nkrumah’s writings and thought, see Biney, The Political and Social Thought of Kwame Nkrumah and Immanuel Wallerstein, ‘Implicit ideology in Africa: a review of books by Kwame Nkrumah’, The Journal of Conflict Resolution, 11:4 (1967), pp. 518–22 (p. 519).

48 For a detailed account of Ghana’s decline under Nkrumah, see Gocking, Roger, The History of Ghana (Westport: Greenwood Press, 2005)Google Scholar .

49 Rooney, David, Kwame Nkrumah: The Political Kingdom in the Third World (London: I. B. Tauris, 1988)Google Scholar . Nkrumah’s drive towards centralised control can also be read in the context of his increasingly narrow options in the face of economic crisis. Birmingham, Kwame Nkrumah.

50 Nkrumah, Africa Must Unite, p. xiv.

51 Ibid., p. 105.

52 Nyerere writes of a natural African socialism and advocates its revival rather than a turn to Western forms. Nyerere, Julius K., Ujamaa: Essays on Socialism (Dar es Salaam: Oxford University Press, 1968)Google Scholar . Nkrumah was less emphatically anti-tradition in some of his later work, arguing for a ‘scientific working out’ of traditional forms of African egalitarianism. Kwame Nkrumah, ‘African socialism revisited’, in Africa: National and Social Revolution (Prague: Peace and Socialism Publishers, 1967).

53 Nkrumah, Africa Must Unite, p. 107.

54 Kwame Nkrumah, Consciencism.

55 Zolberg, Aristide, ‘The structure of political conflict in the new states of tropical Africa’, American Political Science Review, LXII:1 (1968)Google Scholar , pp. 70–87.

56 John Marcum ‘Pan-Africanism: Present and future’, in American Society of African Culture (ed.), Pan-Africanism Reconsidered, pp. 53–65 (pp. 53–4).

57 Mamdani, Mahmood, Citizen and Subject: Contemporary Africa and the Legacy of Later Colonialism (London: James Currey, 1996)Google Scholar .

58 Nkrumah, Africa Must Unite, p. 68.

59 Ibid., p. 72.

60 Ibid., p. 62.

61 Ibid., p. 74.

62 Owusu, Maxwell, Uses and Abuses of Political Power: A Case Study of Continuity and Change in the Politics of Ghana (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1970)Google Scholar .

Here, Nkrumah was adopting the prevailing economic philosophy of the day – in Africa and beyond. A centralised economy focused on industrial growth, was the norm in the 1960s and pursued by socialist and capitalist African regimes alike. See Cooper, Frederick and Packard, Randall (eds), International Development and the Social Sciences (Berkley: University of California Press, 1991)Google Scholar .

63 Nkrumah, Africa Must Unite, p. 122.

64 Ibid., p. 126.

65 Ibid., pp. 126–7.

66 Rathbone, Richard, Nkrumah and the Chiefs: The Politics of Chieftancy in Ghana, 1951–60 (Oxford: James Currey, 2000)Google Scholar .

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68 Nkrumah, Africa Must Unite, p. 221.

69 Apter, ‘Nkrumah, charisma and the coup’.

70 Dorman, for example, writes of a very similar tendency in Zimbabwe, achieving independence more than twenty years after Ghana, where a variety of civil society groups worked alongside the government to suppress division and dissent in the interests of the unity of the new nation. Dorman, Sara, Understanding Zimbabwe: From Liberation to Authoritarianism (London: Hurst, 2016)Google Scholar .

71 Apter, ‘Nkrumah, charisma and the coup’, p. 779.

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74 Milne, June, Kwame Nkrumah – A Biography (London: Panaf, 2000)Google Scholar .

75 Wallerstein, ‘Implicit ideology in Africa’; see also Joseph G. Amamoo, The Ghanaian Revolution (London: Jafint Co. Publishers, 1988).

76 The argument that these were idealised by Nkrumah – that I make below – does not mean there was no substance to his perceptions of international friends and enemies. Ghana’s fragile economy was, like many other African economies, too small and too focused on its colonial dependence to have much hope of making it without substantial pan-African cooperation. Likewise, Nkrumah’s analysis of a malevolent West was rooted in the fact of Cold War anxieties and heavy-handed or illegal interventions in new states that were thought to be going the ‘wrong way’ ideologically.

77 Franz Fanon’s book, Black Skin, White Masks was published in French in 1952, and in English in 1967. His The Wretched of the Earth was published in French in 1961 and in English in 1963.

78 Nkrumah was similar to Fanon in that he ‘advocated for a theory of decolonisation rooted in a dialectic of destruction and rebirth’. Ahlman, Living with Nkrumahism, p. 11.

79 The former French colonies were vigorously wooed by Charles de Gaulle. Nkrumah’s references to ‘balkanisation’ were made in answer to de Gaulle’s breaking up of French West Africa, and his plans to keep French-speaking colonies under close French patronage after independence. See Birmingham, Kwame Nkrumah.

80 Nkrumah, Africa Must Unite, p. 193.

81 Ibid., p. 193.

82 ‘Created in 1957 by the Treaty of Rome and launched in 1959, the European Development Fund (EDF) is the EU’s main instrument for providing development aid to African, Caribbean and Pacific (ACP) countries and to overseas countries and territories (OCTs).’ See {www.ec.europa.eu/europeaid/funding/funding-instruments-programming/funding-instruments/european-development-fund_en} accessed 15 February 2017.

83 Nkrumah, Africa Must Unite, p. 160.

84 Ibid., p. 173.

85 Gocking, The History of Ghana.

86 Nkrumah, Africa Must Unite, p. 86.

87 Ndletyana, Mcebisi, ‘Pan Africanism in South Africa: Confluence of local origin and diasporic inspiration’, in Peter Vale, Lawrence Hamilton, and Estelle Prinsloo (eds), Intellectual Traditions in South Africa: Ideas, Individuals and Institutions (Pietermaritzburg: University of KwaZulu-Natal Press, 2014), pp. 146–172 Google Scholar .

88 Raymond Suttner, ‘African nationalism’, in Vale, Hamilton, and Prinsloo (eds), Intellectual Traditions in South Africa, pp. 121–45 (pp. 136–7).

89 Alioune Diop, ‘Remarks on African personality and negritude’, in American Society of African Culture (ed.), Pan-Africanism Reconsidered, pp. 327–45.

90 Carter, George E., ‘Traditional African social thought’, American Society of African Culture (1962), pp. 255–266 (p. 261)Google Scholar .

91 Apter and Coleman, ‘Pan-Africanism or nationalism in Africa’, pp. 88–9.

92 Nkrumah was one of the main organisers of the fifth Pan-African Congress in Manchester in 1945; see Adi, Hakim and Sherwood, Marika, The 1945 Manchester Pan-African Congress Revisited (London: New Beacon Books, 1995)Google Scholar .

93 Milne, Kwame Nkrumah – A Biography, p. 96.

94 Nkrumah, Africa Must Unite, p. 132.

95 Ibid., p. 142.

96 Ibid., p. 185.

97 Ibid., p. 143.

98 Ibid., p. 217.

99 Ibid., p. 171.

100 Ibid., p. 193.

101 Apter writes of ‘rejoicing in the streets’ at the news of the coup (‘Nkrumah, charisma and the coup’, p. 787) and how ‘women chalked their faces and wore white in the villages – traditional symbols of rejoicing’ (‘Nkrumah, charisma and the coup’, p. 767). Gocking writes: ‘The coup itself was welcomed in Ghana with far more enthusiasm than had been the case for independence … The bars were jammed with celebrants the night after the coup.’ Gocking, The History of Ghana, p. 138. For a detailed account of the key actors involved in the coup, see Baynham, Simon, The Military and Politics in Nkrumah’s Ghana (Boulder: Westview Press, 1988)Google Scholar .

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103 Buenor Hadjor, Kofi, Nkrumah and Ghana: The Dilemma of Post-Colonial Power (London: Kegan Paul International, 1988), pp. 87, 99 Google Scholar .

104 Milne, Kwame Nkrumah – A Biography.

105 First details the ways in which the US and European powers worked to undermine Nkrumah, and to support the regime that replaced him, but her account suggests that while they might have hoped for a coup, and supported it when it occurred, they did not mastermind it. First, Ruth, The Barrel of a Gun: Political Power in Africa and the coup d’etat in Africa (London: Allen Lane, 1970)Google Scholar . In 1978 a former CIA operative, Johri Stockwell claimed in his book In Search of Enemies that the CIA was pivotal in the coup. However, his account is confused and unconvincing. I’m inclined to believe, along with Rooney, that the CIA was clearly ‘well briefed’ on the coup plans, and supportive of them, but ‘they did not actually set the coup in motion or take part’. Rooney, Kwame Nkrumah, p. 254. They didn’t need to. As others have pointed out, the coup didn’t need external direction: there was plenty of domestic opposition to Nkrumah.

106 Feit, Edward, ‘Military coups and political development: Some lessons from Ghana and Nigeria’, World Politics, 20:2 (1968)CrossRefGoogle Scholar , pp. 179–93 (p. 180).

107 Owusu, Uses and Abuses of Political Power.

108 There is a large literature on Ghana’s economic misfortunes under Nkrumah. On Nkrumah’s commitment to ambitious industrialisation schemes, and the economic and political problems it produced, in particular the Volta River Project, see Gocking, The History of Ghana; Decker, Stephanie, ‘Corporate political activity in less developed countries: the Volta River Project in Ghana, 1958–66’, Business History, 57:7 (2011), pp. 993–1017 CrossRefGoogle Scholar ;

and Boateng, The Political Legacy of Kwame Nkrumah of Ghana. Some scholars have criticised Nkrumah’s ‘ambivalence about Western domination of resources’ and weak implementation rather than bad policy (for example, Harcourt Fuller, Building the Ghanaian Nation-State: Kwame Nkrumah’s Symbolic Nationalism (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2014), p. 56). More critical accounts focus on his ‘casualness and ignorance’ in relation to economics (Trevor Jones, Ghana’s First Republic: The Pursuit of the Political Kingdom (London: Methuen, 1976), p. 143). For a broader account of the various causes of economic decline, despite the huge investment of his government’s ‘big push’, see Killick, Tony, Development Economics in Action: A Study of the Economic Policies in Ghana (London: Heinemann, 1978)Google Scholar .

109 Kwei Armah, Ayi, The Beautyful Ones Are Not Yet Born (London: Heinneman, 1969)Google Scholar .

110 Birmingham, Kwame Nkrumah.

111 Cruise O’Brien, Donal, Symbolic Confrontations: Muslims Imagining the State in Africa (London: Hurst, 2003)CrossRefGoogle Scholar .

112 Birmingham, Kwame Nkrumah, p. 109.

113 Gocking, The History of Ghana, p. 126.

114 Martin, Guy, African Political Thought (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2012)CrossRefGoogle Scholar .

115 Cruise O’Brien, Symbolic Confrontations.

116 Gocking, The History of Ghana; Marcum, ‘Pan-Africanism’.

117 Birmingham, Kwame Nkrumah, p. 103.

118 Marcum, ‘Pan-Africanism’, p. 57.

119 Fuller, Building the Ghanaian Nation-State.

120 Birmingham, Kwame Nkrumah, p. 129.

121 Quoted in Rooney, Kwame Nkrumah, p. 251.

122 Apter, ‘Nkrumah, charisma and the coup’, p. 762.

123 See Green, D., ‘Ghana: Structural adjustment and state (re)formation’, in Leonardo A. Villalon and Phillip A. Huxtable (eds), The African State at a Critical Juncture (Boulder: Lynne Reiner, 1998)Google Scholar ; and Jeffries, Richard, ‘Leadership commitment and political opposition to structural adjustment in Ghana’, in D. Rothchild (ed.), Ghana: The Political Economy of Recovery (Boulder: Lynne Rienner, 1991)Google Scholar .

124 Nkrumah Africa Must Unite, p. 148.

125 Murithi, Tim, ‘The African Union at Ten: An appraisal’, African Affairs, 111:445 (2012), pp. 662–669 (p. 662)CrossRefGoogle Scholar .

126 Ibid., p. 668.

127 Epstein, Lindemann, and Sending, ‘Frustrated sovereigns’.

128 Ibid.

129 Nkrumah was voted Africa’s ‘Man of the Millennium’ in a BBC World Service Poll in 1999. See {http://www.bbc.co.uk/worldservice/people/highlights/000914_nkrumah.shtml} accessed 8 March 2018.

130 Scott Thompson, W., Ghana’s Foreign Policy, 1957–1966: Diplomacy, Ideology, and the New State (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1969), p. xvii CrossRefGoogle Scholar .