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The Allied punishment and attempted socialisation of the Bolsheviks (1917–1924): An English School approach

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  05 January 2011

CRISTIAN CANTIR
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Abstract

This article makes theoretical and empirical contributions to the recent literature on the socialisation and punishment of state and non-state actors. First, it argues that the English School can add significantly to our understanding of the socialisation and punishment processes because of the theory's emphasis on great powers as ‘custodians’ of the society of states. Second, it analyses the policies of the United Kingdom, France, and, to a lesser degree, a number of other powers toward the Bolsheviks and the Whites during the Civil War and beyond (1917–1924). The basic argument is that London, Paris, and other capitals acted like ‘guardians’ of the society of states in their attempt to punish and socialise the participants in the Civil War.

Type
Research Article
Information
Review of International Studies , Volume 37 , Issue 4 , October 2011 , pp. 1967 - 1994
Copyright
Copyright © British International Studies Association 2011

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References

1 Such as class instead of nation, like the Bolsheviks proposed.

2 Like Italy's invasion of Ethiopia in 1935–1936. See Lang, Anthony F. Jr., Punishment, Justice, and International Relations: Ethics in the Post-Cold War System (London: Routledge, 2008), pp. 83–85Google Scholar .

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7 The Soviet Union was formed at the end of 1922 out of a series of independent Soviet countries, including Russia. This article will talk about Bolshevik Russia until 1922 and make reference to the Soviet Union after 1922.

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9 This definition of socialisation is compatible with Armstrong's (1993) use, who speaks of it in the context of the English School. For a critique of the various definitions of ‘state socialization’ and the need for more conceptual clarity, see Alderson, Kai, ‘Making Sense of State Socialization’, Review of International Studies, 27 (2001), pp. 415–433CrossRefGoogle Scholar . For a more direct critique of Armstrong's treatment of socialisation, see Halliday, Fred, Revolution and World Politics: The Rise and Fall of the Sixth Great Power (Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 1999), pp. 297–298CrossRefGoogle Scholar .

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69 Thank you to Ross Carroll for pointing out this very important point at the ISA Conference in New York, 15–18 February 2009.

70 They also flaunted diplomatic convention openly – during the Brest Litovsk negotiations with Germany over the country's withdrawal from World War I, the Bolsheviks were represented ‘by Adolf Joffe, an ascetic revolutionary intellectual, seconded by a worker, a sailor, a woman who had earned fame as an assassin, and a peasant picked up off the street at the last minute when someone noted the lack of a representative of his class’ (Wesson, Soviet, p. 33). Also see Wesson, , Soviet, p. 31Google Scholar .

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164 Tsarist Russia, and especially the Provisional Government of March 1918, had already made a lot of strides in terms of being a conventional state accepted by the Western powers.

165 Saunders, Elizabeth N., ‘Setting Boundaries: Can International Society Exclude “Rogue States”?’, International Studies Review, 8:1 (2006), pp. 23–54CrossRefGoogle Scholar ; Simpson, Gerry J., Great Powers and Outlaw States: Unequal Sovereigns in the International Legal Order (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2004)CrossRefGoogle Scholar .

166 Although not necessarily in the theoretical context of the English School, some authors have been concerned with how great powers handle threats to international society. Lowenheim (2003) has investigated the British humanitarian intervention to stop the Barbary pirates, for example. Steele (2005) has investigated Britain's neutrality during the US Civil War, in a context in which Abraham Lincoln's Emancipation Proclamation reframed the slavery debate in London. The subject is, therefore, not completely ignored by International Relations scholars. While acknowledging this, the goal of this article is try to make sense of punishment and attempted socialisation in the context of the English School.

167 For example, see the example of sanctions imposed on Cuba, Burma, or North Korea.

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169 Lang, (Punishment, p. 82)Google Scholar notes, for example, that ‘the role of sanctions versus other forms of ensuring compliance with international law has not always been shared across the Great Powers or throughout the international system’.

170 Although the article is not concerned with this particular topic, conflicts within the Soviet Union should also be investigated in greater depth. Moreover, recognition was forthcoming in 1924 as Joseph Stalin, the new Soviet leader, was becoming more powerful in Moscow. The significance of this switch deserves some attention in further work, as well. See Lahey, Dale Terence, ‘Soviet Ideological Development of Coexistence: 1917–1927’, Canadian Slavonic Papers, 6 (1964), p. 89CrossRefGoogle Scholar for a suggestion why.