Published online by Cambridge University Press: 29 September 2014
This article challenges conventional narratives that suggest that the travails in the Doha Round, the shift to bilateral free trade agreements, and the broader unfolding of the global crisis collectively presage the decline of either the WTO or the broader institution of multilateral trade. We question the extent to which recent trends can indeed be said to constitute a genuine crisis of trade multilateralism by reflecting upon the contradictory and ambiguous nature of the multilateralism of the past, and also upon how contemporary multilateralism has been framed with reference to it. Our main finding is that, in contrast to the many short and medium-term symptoms which tend to appear in the conventional story of multilateral decline, there is actually a far more worrying long-term trend which underpins the varied conflicts that characterise contemporary trade politics: the fundamental lack of a shared social purpose between the developed countries and the more powerful emerging countries on which a stable, equitable, and legitimate edifice of multilateral trade rules can be erected, institutionalised, and enhanced.
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75 The 1947 Protocol of Provisional Application of the GATT also contained the ‘grandfather clause’ that provided for Part II of the GATT to be applied only to the fullest extent not inconsistent with existing legislation, that is, legislation that existed before 30 October 1947. However, not all pre-existing legislation was exempt; it was generally understood that it included only legislation and measures based on legislation that imposed on the executive authority requirements that could not be modified by executive action.
76 The current Doha Round contains a mandate to clarify and improve the rules applying to PTAs; a provisional Transparency Mechanism for Regional Trade Agreements was established via a WTO Decision on 14 Dec 2006 See: {http://www.wto.org/english/tratop_e/region_e/trans_mecha_e.htm}.
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78 In a case of mass-discrimination, a total of 14 countries (out of around 39) invoked this clause when refusing to apply the GATT to Japan during its accession in the 1950s.
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117 See, for example, the declaration by the Friends of Development, 15 December 2011, WT/MIN(11)/17.
118 We are not necessarily claiming a direct causality here, but that these problems have worsened during the same period that trade and finance liberalisation rules have become the norm warrants a cautious rather than business-as-usual approach.
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