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Double standards in US warfare: exploring the historical legacy of civilian protection and the complex nature of the moral-legal nexus

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  06 July 2009

SEBASTIAN KAEMPF
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Abstract

This article investigates how – by breaking with the historical double standards regarding civilian protection in conflicts – by the end of the twentieth century, US warfare has come to comply with International Humanitarian Law (IHL). Yet, civilians are still being killed. This has sparked controversies over what constitutes legitimate targeting practices and as to whether higher levels of civilian protection could be achieved. Through an engagement with these debates, including an exploration of the evolution of the norm of non-combatant immunity with specific reference to US warfare, the article argues that IHL does not provide fully satisfactory answers to these issues as it is too permissive in relation to the killing of civilians. The article proposes that more stringent moral guidelines, such as those underpinning the idea of ‘due care’, have the potential to go much further in providing protection for the innocent in war.

Type
Research Article
Information
Review of International Studies , Volume 35 , Issue 3 , July 2009 , pp. 651 - 674
Copyright
Copyright © British International Studies Association 2009

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References

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2 The article focuses exclusively on the American (rather than a general ‘Western’) conduct of war for the reason that the US has become the most dominant contemporary military actor, not only possessing unprecedented military capabilities but also being able to project them globally. More importantly, the US, conceiving of itself as a unique historical actor, has tended to project its military capabilities in the language of norms and law – including the exception-less respect for the principle of non-combatant immunity.

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44 Ibid., pp. 139–41.

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91 Coker, Humane Warfare, p. 5.

92 Ibid., p. 5.

93 Walzer, Arguing about War, p. 9.

94 Ibid., p. 9.

95 Here, the Peers Report (which had investigated the underlying causes of the My Lai massacre and located the disrespect for civilian immunity in the systematic failures of military training) led to the 1974 Department of Defence Directive (‘DoD Law of War Program’) which had a profound impact on the internalisation of the principle of non-combatant immunity in the military. For more details, see Bacevich, The New American Militarism, pp. 148–74.

96 Thomas, The Ethics of Destruction, pp. 158–9.

97 Ignatieff, Virtual War, p. 199; Gray, Postmodern War, pp. 31–7.

98 Walzer, Arguing about War, p. 9.

99 Ibid., p. 9.

100 Ignatieff, Virtual War, p. 199.

101 Kenneth P Werrell, ‘Air Force Victorious: The Gulf War vs. Vietnam’ Parameters, 22:2 (Summer 1992), p. 46.

102 Andrew J Bacevich, ‘Morality and High Technology’, National Interest, 45 (Fall 1996), p. 45.

103 Walzer, Arguing About War, pp. 10–11.

104 James Der Derian, Virtuous War: Mapping the Military-Industrial-Media-Entertainment Nework (Oxford: Westview Press, 2002), pp. xv-xvii.

105 Farrell, The Norms of War, p. 179.

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107 Coker, Humane Warfare, pp. 1–45; Farrell, The Norms of War, pp. 177–79.

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109 James Turner Johnson, ‘The Idea of Just War: The State of the Question’, Social Philosophy and Policy, 23 (Winter 2006), pp. 167–95.

110 ‘Additional Protocol Additional to the Geneva Conventions of 12 August 1949, and relating to the Protection of Victims of International Armed Conflicts (Protocol 1)’, available at http://www.unhchr.ch/html/menu3/b/93.htm, accessed on 3 March 2006. Although the US has neither signed nor ratified the Additional Protocol, US forces have nevertheless officially aimed to adhere to it. Thus, the Additional Protocol is generally interpreted as the standard law of the American military and more generally regarded as customary international law. See Smith, ‘The New Law of War’, p. 360.

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114 Nicholas J Wheeler, ‘The Kosovo Bombing Campaign’, in Christian Reus-Smit, (ed.), ‘The Politics of International Law’ (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2003), p. 210.

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117 This figure is disputed by the Yugoslav Government, NGOs, and some researchers who have claimed the number of non-combatant deaths to range from 1,200–5,000. Most sources, however, have come to agree to the figure of 500 civilian dead during NATO's Kosovo campaign. For further details, see Martin Shaw, ‘Risk-transfer Militarism, Small Massacres, and the historic Legitimacy of War’, International Relations, 16:3 (2002), pp. 343–60; Human Rights Watch, ‘Civilian Deaths in the NATO Air Campaign’, available at www.hrw.org/reports/2000/nato/, accessed on 1 June 2006; Carl Conetta, ‘Disengaged Warfare: Should we make a virtue of the Kosovo way of warfare?’, available at http://www.comw.org/pda/0105bm21.html, accessed on 13 Sep 2006.

118 Johnson, ‘The Idea of Just War’, p. 189; Farrell, The Norms of War, pp. 159–62.

119 ‘Final Report to the Prosecutor by the Committee Established to Review the NATO Bombing Campaign Against the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia’, available at www.un.org/icty/pressreal/nato061300.htm, accessed on 1 June 2006.

120 Wheeler, ‘The Kosovo Bombing Campaign’, pp. 189–216.

121 Ibid., p. 214.

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123 Neta Crawford, ‘Just War Theory and the US Counter Terror War’, available at www.apsanet.org, accessed on 11 June 2005.

124 Walzer, Just and Unjust Wars, p. 153.

125 Wheeler, ‘Dying for “Enduring Freedom”’, p. 209; see also Walzer, Just and Unjust Wars, p. 153.

126 Alex J Bellamy, ‘Is the War on Terror Just?’, International Relations, 19:3 (2005), p. 288.

127 Ignatieff, Virtual War, p. 199.

128 Max Boot, ‘Sparing Civilians, Buildings, and even the Enemy’, The New York Times, 30 May 2003.

129 Thomas, The Ethics of Destruction, p. 88.

130 Cited in Rick Atkinson, Crusade: The Untold Story of the Persian Gulf War (New York: Houghton Mifflin, 1993), p. 288.

131 Bacevich, ‘Morality and High Technology’, p. 45.

132 Patricia Owens, ‘Accidents Don't Just Happen: The Liberal Politics of High Technology Humanitarian War’, Millennium: Journal of International Studies, 32:3 (2003), pp. 595–616.

133 Bellamy, ‘Is the War on Terror Just?’, pp. 287–89; Walzer, Just and Unjust Wars, pp. 151–159; Wheeler, ‘Dying for “Enduring Freedom”’, pp. 208–10; Steven Lee, ‘Double Effect, Double Intention, and Asymmetric Warfare’, Journal of Military Ethics, 3:3 (2004), pp. 235–6.

134 Bellamy, ‘Is the War on Terror Just?’, p. 288.

135 Walzer, Just and Unjust Wars, p. 156.

136 Johnson, Morality and Contemporary Warfare, pp. 132–3.

137 Shaw, The New Western Way of War, p. 134.

138 Paul W Kahn, ‘The Paradox of Riskless Warfare’, Philosophy and Public Policy Quarterly, 22:3 (2002), pp. 2–9.

139 Walzer, Just and Unjust Wars, p. 156.

140 Ibid., p. 155.

141 Walzer, Just and Unjust Wars, p. 156.

142 Walzer, Arguing about War, p. 73.

143 Walzer, Just and Unjust Wars, p. 156.

144 Walzer, Arguing about War, p. 17.

145 Unfortunately, Walzer leaves the term ‘marginal’ undefined (Walzer, Just and Unjust Wars,pp. 152–9).

146 Walzer, Just and Unjust Wars, pp. 152–9; Herbert L A Hart, The Concept of Law (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1963), p. 130.

147 Shaw, The New Western Way of War, p. 134; Lee, ‘Double Effect, Double Intention, and Asymmetric Warfare’, pp. 239–41.

148 Hart, The Concept of Law, pp. 129–30.