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Gramsci meets emergentist materialism: Towards a neo neo-gramscian perspective on world order
Published online by Cambridge University Press: 21 May 2018
Abstract
Neo-Gramscians have made invaluable contributions to expanding traditional IR/IPE theory. Nevertheless, as the following article indicates, the ontological, epistemological, and methodological positions they adopt results in a rather one-sided interpretation of Antonio Gramsci and a partial, at times erroneous, account of the nature of the current global system. In highlighting these oversights, the neo neo-Gramscian approach presented here – rooted in a critical realist philosophy of science, specifically ‘emergentist materialism’, and involving a more complete reading of Gramsci – seeks to lay the basis for the elaboration of a more convincing theoretical and conceptual framework to analyse the changing dynamics of contemporary world order, without which the Coxian critical theory dream of engendering social emancipation cannot be fully realised.
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References
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3 As a positivist ‘problem-solving theory’ it is: (i) implicitly conservative; (ii) prone to methodological dualism; (iii) liable to dubious ‘objective’ knowledge claims; (iv) often guilty of ahistoricism; and ultimately (v) unable to theorise change. Cox, ‘Social forces’, pp. 91–2.
4 ‘Theory is always for someone and for some purpose.’ Ibid., p. 87.
5 Ibid., pp. 87–90.
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15 For simplicity’s sake this article will differentiate between the ‘Coxians’ and the ‘Amsterdam School’. The former, the most commonly referred to here, consists of those neo-Gramscians that draw directly from Robert Cox, which include, among others, Stephen Gill, Mark Rupert, Adam D. Morton, Andreas Bieler, and William I. Robinson. The ‘Amsterdam School’, on the other hand, while applying many of Cox’s concepts, draws more directly from Gramsci and Marx. These include Henk Overbeek, Kees van der Pijl, Bastiaan van Apeldoorn, Otto Holman, and Marianne Marchand.
16 Cox, ‘Social forces’, p. 95.
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19 Ibid., pp. 100–01.
20 Considered as the principal collective actors ‘engendered by the production process’, which encapsulate certain configurations of social class forces and operated within and across all spheres of activity.
21 Drawing on Gramsci’s ‘integral State’, Cox understands FOS as historically contingent ‘state-society complexes’ whose particular nature is determined by the underlying configurations of social-class forces as expressed in its HB. Cox, ‘Social forces’, p. 86; Cox, Production, Power, p. 105.
22 Referring to ‘the particular configuration of forces which successively define the problematic of war and peace for the ensemble of states’, allowing critical theorists, such as Cox, to envision the possibility of other alternative forms of WO. ‘Order’ here refers to ‘the way things usually happen’ (for example, established practices), rather than the absence of ‘disorder’. Cox, ‘Social forces’, pp. 100, 117, fn. 2.
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24 Ibid., p. 131.
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34 This interpretation was borne out by Gramsci’s definition of a ‘determined market’: a ‘determined relation of social forces in a determined structure of the apparatus of production, this relationship being guaranteed (that is, rendered permanent) by a determined political, moral and juridical superstructure’. Gramsci, Selections from the Prison Notebooks, p. 410.
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41 Bhaskar, The Possibility of Naturalism, p. 27.
42 For simplicity’s sake, the following text will refer to ‘positivism’ and ‘interpretism’, although Bhaskar himself tends to use ‘empirical realism’, and ‘neo-Kantian transcendental idealism’, respectively.
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59 Retroduction begins by first identifying an observable phenomenon or event at the ‘actual’ level before hypothesising on the necessary and internal properties of the underlying ‘hidden’ generative mechanism, located at the ‘real’ level expressed in its causal powers. The newly discovered generative mechanism (intransitive dimension) is then re-examined at the ‘actual’ level again before being brought back again to the abstract/theoretical level for refinement utilising the theories, concepts, models, and other cognitive resources at one’s disposal (transitive dimension). See Bhaskar, Roy, ‘On the possibility of social science knowledge and the limits of naturalism’, Journal for the Theory of Social Behaviour, 8 (1978), 1–28 CrossRefGoogle Scholar; see also Roy Bhaskar, ‘The logic of scientific discovery’; Tony Lawson, ‘Economic science without experiments’; and Margaret S. Archer, ‘Introduction: Realism in social sciences’, all in Margaret S. Archer, Roy Bhaskar, Andrew Collier, Tony Lawson, and Alan Norrie (eds), Critical Realism: Essential Readings (London: Routledge, 1998).
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70 Gramsci, Selections from the Prison Notebooks, p. 377.
71 Ibid., p. 376.
72 Antonio Gramsci, Further Selections from the Prison Notebooks, ed. and trans. Derek Boothman (London: Lawrence & Wishart, 1995), p. 395.
73 See, for example, Gramsci, Selections from the Prison Notebooks, pp. 184, 277–318, 410, 425–72. Gramsci claimed his ‘philosophy of praxis’ was essentially ‘Hegel plus David Ricardo’. Ibid., pp. 400–01.
74 Ibid., pp. 171–3, 401. Indeed, none of Gramsci’s key concepts – hegemony, the integral State, historical bloc, philosophy of praxis, organic intellectuals, common sense, the Modern Prince, and passive revolution – make any sense outside a world historical capitalist system of uneven development, as revealed in his study of the effect of ‘Americanism and Fordism’ on Italy. Ibid., pp. 279–318.
75 Ibid., p. 178.
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79 Ibid.
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88 Ibid., p. 399.
89 Ibid., pp. 219–30.
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92 Cox, ‘Structural issues’, p. 260. See also Robinson, William I., Transnational Conflicts: Central America, Social Change and Globalisation (London: Verso, 2003), pp. 45–46 Google Scholar, 62.
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101 See Morton, Unravelling Gramsci.
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103 Ibid., p. 151.
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107 For a dismantling of Anderson’s critique, see Thomas, The Gramscian Moment, pp. 41–83.
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120 The most significant contributions here come from Stephen Gill and Kees van der Pijl. For Gill, see: American Hegemony and the Trilateral Commission (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1990) and Power and Resistance in the New World Order (2nd edn, Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 2008). For van der Pijl see: From the Cold War to Iraq (London: Pluto Press, 2006); Nomads and Empires (London: Verso 2007); and ‘Is the East still Red? The contender state and class struggle in China’, Globalizations, 4:9 (2012).
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147 van der Pijl, From the Cold War, p. 28.
148 Ibid., p. xi.
149 van der Pijl, ‘Ruling classes’, p. 19.
150 van der Pij, Transnational Classes, p. 98.
151 See, for example, Mittelman, James H. and China, Christine B. N., ‘Conceptualising resistance to globalization’, in Louise Amoore (ed.), The Global Resistance Reader (London: Routledge, 2000)Google Scholar; Morton, Unravelling Gramsci, ch. 7; Ayers (ed.), Gramsci, Political Economy, and International Relations Theory, chs 7–11; and Stephen, Matthew, ‘Globalisation and resistance: Struggles over common sense in the global political economy’, Review of International Studies, 37 (2011), pp. 209–228 CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
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154 Gramsci, Quaderni del Calcere, Quaderni 8, p. 37.
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156 See Gill, Stephen, ‘The global panopiticon? The neoliberal state, economic life, and domestic surveillance’, Alternatives, 20:1 (1995)CrossRefGoogle Scholar; and Gill, Power and Resistance.
157 Robinson, ‘Gramsci and globalization’.
158 See, for example, Panitch, ‘Globalisation and the state’.
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161 Gramsci, Selections from the Prison Notebooks, pp. 116, 176; Antonio Gramsci, ‘The revolution against “capital”’, Selections from Political Writings, 1910–1920 (London: Lawrence & Wishart, 1977), p. 69.
162 Gramsci, Further Selections from the Prison Notebooks, pp. 222–3.
163 Gramsci, Quaderni del Calcere, Quaderni 2, p. 166.
164 van der Pijl, From the Cold War; van der Pijl, Nomads and Empires. See also van Apeldorn, Bastiaan, ‘Geopolitical strategy and class hegemony: Towards a historical materialist foreign policy’, Spectrum Journal of Global Studies, 6:1 (2014)Google Scholar.
165 A dualist categorisation that divides the WO between Lockean state-society complexes (civil society-centred, transcendent comprehensive concept of control, bourgeoisie, self-regulating, and transnational) and their Hobbesian counterparts (state-centred, national interest, state class, centralised administration, and international). Van der Pijl, Transnational Classes, p. 84.
166 Ibid., chs 3–5, 8.
167 Callinicos, Alex, ‘Does capitalism need the state system?’, Cambridge Review of International Affairs, 20:4 (2007)CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
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