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The past, present, and future of intervention

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  30 September 2013

GEORGE LAWSON  and
LUCA TARDELLI
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Abstract

Despite the prominent place of intervention in contemporary world politics, debate is limited by two weaknesses: first, an excessive presentism; and second, a focus on normative questions to the detriment of analysis of the longer-term sociological dynamics that fuel interventionary pressures. In keeping with the focus of the Special Issue on the ways in which intervention is embedded within modernity, this article examines the emergence of intervention during the nineteenth and twentieth centuries, assesses its place in the contemporary world, and considers its prospects in upcoming years. The main point of the article is simple – although intervention changes in character across time and place, it is a persistent feature of modern international relations. As such, intervention is here to stay.

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Articles
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Review of International Studies , Volume 39 , Issue 5: Intervention and the Ordering of the Modern World , December 2013 , pp. 1233 - 1253
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Copyright © British International Studies Association 2013 

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References

1 This was made clear in the exchanges that took place between academics and British policymakers during the seminar series that acted as the incubator for this Special Issue. Policymakers tended to dwell on the ‘lessons’ of interventions they considered to be ‘successful’ (such as Kosovo), while discounting those they considered to be ‘failures’ (such as Iraq). But what was most striking about parliamentarians of all political persuasions was their shared view of intervention as a routine policy tool regardless of judgements about its success or failure.

2 The sheer volume of this work makes if impossible to précis effectively. What is important to note is the partisanship within debates about intervention. On one side are advocates ranging from Gareth Evans to Fernando Tesón. On the other are critics ranging from Noam Chomsky to Mark Mazower. This partisanship is reinforced by the presence of scholarly journals such as The Global Responsibility to Protect (which is largely supportive of the practice) and the Journal of Intervention and Statebuilding (which is not). The result of this ‘with us or against us’ mentality is, for the most part, a non-conversation.

3 For example, at the April 2013 meeting of the International Studies Association in San Francisco, there were over 100 papers and roundtable contributions on intervention. The great majority of these were concerned with normative issues, particularly in relation to recent interventions in Libya, Mali, and Cote d'Ivoire, and the failure to intervene militarily in Darfur and Syria, reinforcing the presentism that tends to surround discussions of intervention.

4 This is not a new point in and of itself – indeed, it is one made by Stephen Krasner in his seminal work on the subject, Sovereignty: Organized Hypocrisy (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1999). However, as will become clear, the approach taken by the contributors does mark a distinctive departure in terms of how the intervention/non-intervention dynamic is approached.

5 Buzan, Barry and Lawson, George, ‘The Global Transformation: The Nineteenth Century and the Making of Modern International Relations’, International Studies Quarterly, 57:3 (2013)CrossRefGoogle Scholar, In Press. On the concept of the ‘long nineteenth century’, see Hobsbawm, Eric, The Age of Empire, 1875–1914 (London: Abacus, 1987), p. 8Google Scholar.

6 See, for example, Recchia, Stefano and Welsh, Jennifer (eds), Just and Unjust Military Interventions: European Thinkers from Vitoria to Mill (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2013)CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Simms, Brendan and Trim, D.J.B. (eds), Humanitarian Intervention: A History (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2011)CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

7 The centrality of ideas of individual rights, rooted in concerns for freedom of conscience, to the development of intervention during the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries is relayed in Reus-Smit, Christian, Individual Rights and the Making of the Modern International System (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2013)CrossRefGoogle Scholar, ch. 3. See also Havercroft, Jonathan, ‘Was Westphalia “All That”? Hobbes, Bellarmine and the Norm of Non-Intervention’, Global Constitutionalism, 1:1 (2012), pp. 120–40CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

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22 Kissinger took his cues from the arch counterrevolutionary of the early nineteenth century, Prince Klemens von Metternich, one of the architects of the Concert of Europe. Kissinger wrote his PhD thesis on Metternich, later publishing it in book form. Kissinger, Henry, A World Restored: Metternich, Castlereagh and the Problems of the Peace 1812–1822 (New York: Weidenfeld and Nicolson, 1999)Google Scholar.

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30 Examples include Bass, Freedom's Battle; and Wheeler, Saving Strangers.

31 Simms, Brendan and Trim, David, ‘Towards a History of Humanitarian Intervention’, in Simms, Brendan and Trim, D.J.B. (eds), Humanitarian Intervention: A History (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2011), p. 2CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

32 Perhaps the closest actual representative of this position was the nineteenth-century British parliamentarian, Richard Cobden. For a discussion of Cobden's non-interventionary credentials, see Vincent, John, Non-Intervention and International Order (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1974)Google Scholar, Part II.

33 Vincent, Non-Intervention, p. 8.

34 See {http://www.un.int/brazil/speech/Concept-Paper-%20RwP.pdf} accessed 1 August 2013.

35 The original report on ‘Responsibility to Protect’ can be found at: {www.un.org/secureworld/}. A key source for the report is Deng, Franciset al., Sovereignty as Responsibility (Washington DC: Brookings, 1996)Google Scholar. The Responsibility to Protect was formally adopted at the 2005 World Summit, which required states to ‘take timely and decisive action’ to protect populations from acts of genocide, war crimes, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against humanity. Two useful, if starkly divergent, takes on the subject are Bellamy, Alex, Global Politics and the Responsibility to Protect (London: Routledge, 2010)Google Scholar; and Hehir, Aidan, The Responsibility to Protect (London: Palgrave, 2012)CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

36 See, for example, Tony Blair's 1999 Chicago Speech, {http://www.pbs.org/newshour/bb/international/jan-june99/blair_doctrine4-23.html} accessed 1 August 2013, which urged assessments of humanitarian intervention to incorporate calculations of interests and the likelihood of success. For a general discussion of this issue, see Chris Brown, ‘The Antipolitical Theory of Responsibility to Protect’, Global Responsibility to Protect (2013), In Press.

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66 This analysis suggests that seeing military interventions as ‘wars of choice’ obscures more than it reveals. See, for example, Charles Krauthammer, ‘Wars of Choice, Wars of Necessity’, Time Magazine (28 October 2001), available at: {http://www.time.com/time/magazine/article/0,9171,181599,00.html} accessed 7 July 2013; Haas, Richard N., War of Necessity, War of Choice: A Memoir of Two Iraq Wars (New York: Simon & Schuster, 2009)Google Scholar.

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86 Buzan and Lawson, ‘Capitalism and the Emergent World Order’.

87 Ibid.

88 Quinn-Judge, Sophie, ‘Fraternal Aid, Self-defence, or Self-interest? Vietnam's Intervention in Cambodia, 1978–1989’, in Simms, Brendan and Trim, D.J.B. (eds), Humanitarian Intervention: A History (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2011), pp. 343–62CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

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90 Quinn-Judge, Sophie, ‘Victory on the Battlefield; Isolation in Asia: Vietnam's Cambodia Decade, 1979–1989’ in Westad, Odd Arne and Quinn-Judge, Sophie (eds), The Third Indochina War: Conflict between China, Vietnam and Cambodia, 1972–79 (London: Routledge, 2006), p. 214Google Scholar.

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96 ‘Syrian Death Toll Now Above 100,000, says UN Chief Ban’, BBC News (25 July 2013), available at: {http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/world-middle-east-23455760} accessed 1 August 2013. Figures on refugees in Syria available at: {www.unhcr.org/50a9f829a.html} accessed 1 August 2013.

97 This is a point made forcefully in Vincent, Non-Intervention, p. 331.