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Transformation at the margins: Imperial expansion and systemic change in world politics

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  21 March 2018

Jeppe Mulich*
Affiliation:
LSE Fellow, London School of Economics and Political Science
*
*Correspondence to: Jeppe Mulich, Department of International History, London School of Economics, Houghton Street, London, WC2A 2AE, United Kingdom. Author’s email: j.mulich@lse.ac.uk

Abstract

Taking the phenomenon of empire as its starting point, this article seeks to provide a framework for addressing the question of how and why international systems change over time. Synthesising elements from network-relational analysis and practice theory, I argue that international systems are best thought of as being composed of multiple partially overlapping and interrelated hierarchical networks. These networks are made up of social ties – as in classic network analysis – but also of specific repertoires of practice. Systemic transformations happen through the reconfiguration of networks, both through shifts in social ties and through changes in their practices. Empire provides a particularly illuminating window into the topic of systemic change, in part because a major driver of historical transformations has been the expansion of empires and their encounters with other heterogeneous polities across the globe, and in part because a focus on imperial interactions highlights the limitations of existing unit-centric perspectives. Drawing on examples from the nineteenth century, I illustrate the usefulness of the framework by showing how different regionally anchored systems came into contact with the expanding spheres of Western empires and how such points of interaction contributed to the development of an increasingly global international system.

Type
Research Article
Copyright
© British International Studies Association 2018 

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49 This point falls along the same lines as Michel Foucault’s analysis of power as simultaneously a repressive and a productive force in society. Foucault, Michel, Power/Knowledge: Selected Interviews and Other Writings, 1972–1977 (New York: Random House, 1980), pp. 109133 Google Scholar. See also the related argument made by Tarak Barkawi and Shane Brighton concerning the generative powers of war in Barkawi and Brighton, ‘Powers of war: Fighting, knowledge, and critique’, International Political Sociology, 5:2 (2011), pp. 126–43.

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58 ‘The Peace Treaty with Ashanti, 27 April 1831’, printed in Metcalfe (ed.), Great Britain and Ghana, pp. 133–4. Not surprisingly, securing European free trade on the coast had a prominent place in this treaty. Conflict between Asante and the British continued at a lower intensity for at least two decades following the signing of the treaty. See Adjaye, Joseph, Diplomacy and Diplomats in Nineteenth-Century Asante (Lanham, MD: University Press of America 1984)Google Scholar. Denmark sold off its remaining holdings to Britain in 1850, in part as a consequence of these developments. See The British National Archives (henceforth TNA), Foreign Office (hereafter FO) 94/412, ‘Cession to Great Britain from Denmark of forts etc., on the Gold Coast’, 17 August 1850.

59 Shumway, The Fante and the Transatlantic Slave Trade, pp. 88–131.

60 For an analysis of emergent British hegemony in the nearby Niger Delta at the tail end of the century, see MacDonald, Networks of Domination, 149–81.

61 For more on the role of liminal actors in unsettling existing balances-of-power, see Mike Glosny and Daniel Nexon, ‘The Outsider Advantage: Why Liminal Actors rise to System-Wide Domination’, paper presented at the ISA Annual Convention, New Orleans (18–21 February 2015). What is particularly interesting in the case of the Gold Coast is that the initial rising power was a local, African, empire, rather than a European one.

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73 Ibid., pp. 172–216. This legibility did not appear out of thin air in the nineteenth century, of course. For earlier Qing engagements with an emerging inter-imperial legal order, consider the treaties between China and Russia dividing up the Central Eurasian Steppe in the late seventeenth and early eighteenth centuries. See Perdue, China Marches West, pp. 161–72; Mancall, Mark, Russia and China: Their Diplomatic Relations to 1728 (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1971)Google Scholar.

74 TNA, Colonial Office (hereafter CO) 881/8/2, Letter from Consul-General Stuebel to Herbert von Bismarck, 10 June 1884, quoted in ‘Report on the Condition of the Samoan Islands by J. B. Thurston, C. M. G., Acting British Commissioner’, 1887, p. 9.

75 From TNA CO 881/8/2, p. 1.

76 From TNA CO 881/8/2, p. 9. See also the correspondence between London and Wellington in New Zealand Parliamentary Papers, Confederation and Annexation, Papers Relating to the Islands of Samoa and Tonga (London, 1885), pp. 1–5. Indeed, New Zealand would develop into a quasi-imperial power in its own right, governing several Pacific island colonies including, eventually, Western Samoa. See O’Brien, Patricia, ‘From Sudan to Samoa: Imperial legacies and cultures in New Zealand’s rule over the mandated territory of Western Samoa’, in Katie Pickles and Catharine Coleborne (eds), New Zealand’s Empire (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 2015), pp. 127146 Google Scholar.

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79 Indeed, the very process of decolonisation included numerous examples of political experimentation diverging from the narrow model of the nation-state. See, for example, the many attempts at transnational federalism in the British Caribbean: Fraser, Cary, Ambivalent Anti-Colonialism: The United States and the Genesis of West Indian Independence, 1940–1964 (Santa Barbara: Praeger, 1994)Google Scholar; Chávez, John, Beyond Nations: Evolving Homelands in the North Atlantic World, 1400–2000 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2009), pp. 184212 Google Scholar; and in French Africa: Cooper, Frederick, Citizenship between Empire and Nation: Remaking France and French Africa, 1945–1960 (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2014)CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Wilder, Gary, Freedom Time: Negritude, Decolonization, and the Future of the World (Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 2015)Google Scholar.

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