Published online by Cambridge University Press: 05 August 2009
The need to introduce flexibility and diversity into an increasingly centralized and insensitive system of political and administrative controls is one of the most strongly felt problems in modern democracies. In particular, reforms must be fostered in state governmental and administrative structures to reckon with the evergrowing weight of regional units and metropolitan areas. The debate affects not only the United States but also Western Europe, witness the recent reforms in England, Belgium, France, the Netherlands, and Italy. Italy, after delaying by some twenty years the application of the 1948 constitution which called for the establishment of regional governments, has taken steps which should transform the political-administrative base of the country and may serve as guidelines for other societies where regional allegiances remain strong and where metropolitan areas outweigh rural ones in terms of financial needs and commitments. The changes, some twenty years in the works, are worthy of attention as they offer an interesting case of intrastate regionalism coupled with successful elements of micro-regionalization.
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2 Among the various reasons invoked were the tensions of the cold war, fear of the Italian Communist party's establishing a “red belt,” the lack of strength of the central government and, more recently, the effects regionalism will have on the Christian Democratic party patronage network.
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4 A financial crisis invests more than half of the approximately 8,000 Italian municipalities. Though extreme cases, one can note that the entire income of the commune of Rome barely covers the interest payments on the municipal debt, and that Naples and Messina do not have sufficient revenues to pay the wages of their employees. Even in a town like Bologna, cited as an example of good administration, over one-third of the municipal income goes to service. See Zariski, R., Italy: The Politics of Uneven Development (Hinsdale, 1972), p. 120Google Scholar.
5 Article 131, modified by constitutional law 1, 31-12-1963, established Piedmont, Lombardy, Venetia, Liguria, Emilia-Romagna, Tuscany, Umbria, Marches, Abruzzi, Molise, Campania, Puglia, Basilicata, Calabria and five special regions, Valle d'Aosta, Trentino-Alto Adige, Friuli-Venezia Giulia, Sicily and Sardegna. The latter, in accordance with article 116, were granted “particular forms and conditions of autonomy.” See Ottaviano, Vittorio, “Tendances dans l'évolution des régions à statut special,” IRAS, 37 (1971), 28–34Google Scholar. On the ordinary regions, Aldo Piras, “Les régions à statut ordinaire,” ibid., pp. 35–40.
6 Prior to 1972 this was of the competence of the prefect, the arm of the central government in the provinces. He now only controls the organs and functions of local governments (mayors, assessors and municipal councils). For an overview, see Fried, Robert C., The Italian Prefects (New Haven, 1963)Google Scholar; Ragionieri, E., Politica e amministrazione nella storia dett'Italia unita (Bari, 1967)Google Scholar; Sandulli, Aldo Maria, “La problématique des contrôls,” IRAS, 37 (1971), 48–51Google Scholar.
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8 The communes, however, insist they are entitled to partial fiscal autonomy, in matters of taxation in particular, on the grounds that if citizens want certain services they should pay for them. This could represent an additional means to increase local autonomies and above all to help the municipalities decrease their indebtedness.
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37 Ardigò, A., “La formazione delle aree metropolitane in Italia oggi,” in Il fenomeno citta nella vita e nella cultura d'oggi, ed. Nardi, P. (Florence, 1971), p. 214Google Scholar.
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40 The literature on the southern question is abundant. Among scholars of different generations one can mention: Cattaneo, C., “Notizie naturali e civili sulla Lombardia,” in Scritti storici e geografici, eds. Salvemini, G. and Esteban, E. (Florence, 1957), pp. 309–310 ff.Google Scholar; Franchetti, L. and Sonnino, S., La Sicilia (Florence, 1925)Google Scholar; de Viti de Marco, A. “La politica commerciale e il Mezzogiorno,” in Un trentennio di lotte politiche (Rome, 1929)Google Scholar; Compagna, F., La questione meridionale (Milan, 1963)Google Scholar; Salvadori, M. L., II mito del buon governo (Torino, 1963)Google Scholar.
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43 Various authors, Studi preliminari per una ricerca sulle istituzione di un ente intermediario tra provincia e commune (Milan, 1965)Google Scholar; Beltrame, G., “Tesi sul comprensorio,” in Città e società, no. 6 (1971), 30–73Google Scholar; Fiorelli, F., It governo della città (Milan, 1975)Google Scholar; Armaroli, P., Gli statuti delle regioni (Florence, 1971)Google Scholar; Berti, , “Les nouvelles tendances dans l'organisation en Italie,” p. 45Google Scholar.
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47 The demise of the province has been called for ever since the regions came into existence. Ugo La Malfa, the Republican party leader, has been the most resolute advocate of this measure. The DC, invoking spurious constitutional reasons, is reluctant to abolish an administrative unit that makes little sense in the regional context, and even less if the comprensori become a reality. The major reason for maintaining the province is its value as an instrument of patronage. In France, the maintenance of the department in a regional framework also appears questionable, though its existence is strongly reemphasized by the law of 5 July 1972 (see “Le Région,” Cahiers François, pp. 31–39).
48 Already in early July of 1976 Emilia-Romagna, Tuscany and Piedmont were pressuring the government for a speedy resolution of the problem.
49 See, for example, Morbidelli, G., “La delega dalle regioni agli enti locali in materia di urbanistica,” in La delega delle funzioni agli enti locali, Formez, Quaderno, no. 1 (1974), 109–147Google Scholar; Morpurgo, G., “Urbanistica e comprensori in Lombardia,” in Il comune democratico, nos. 3–4 (1975), 115–22Google Scholar.