Published online by Cambridge University Press: 05 August 2009
What is the significance for the understanding of the American Founding of Leo Strauss's efforts toward the recovery of classical political philosophy? That this is a legitimate question to address to Strauss's work is suggested by the claims which he made in the introductions to a number of his most famous books (among other things). He opened his study on Natural Right and History, for example, by raising the question whether our nation “in its maturity still cherish[es] the faith in which it was conceived and raised,” that is, whether it still holds the fundamental proposition of the Declaration of Independence to be true. In doing so, he gave warrant to the expectation that that study, which may be said to culminate in a treatment of classical natural right and make a case for its superiority to all alternatives, would contribute to the strengthening or restoration of our Founding faith.
1. “The Fundamentalists and the Constitution,” The New York Review of Books, 18 February 1988, pp. 33–40.Google Scholar
2. “Preface to the English Translation” Spinoza's Critique of Religion, trans. Sinclair, E. M. (New York: Schocken, 1965), p. 31.Google Scholar
3. “Philosophy as Rigorous Science and Political Philosophy,” Studies in Platonic Political Philosophy, (Chicago: University of Chicago, 1983), p. 34.Google Scholar
4. Cf. Wood, , “Fundamentalists and the Constitution,” p. 34.Google Scholar
5. “The Three Waves of Modernity,” typescript, 19 (published in Political Philosophy: Ten Essays by Leo Strauss, ed. Gildin, H. ([Detroit: Wayne State Press], p. 98)Google Scholar; cf. “On a New Interpretation of Plato's Political Philosophy,” Social Research 13 (1946): 357.Google Scholar
6. Cf. “Liberal Education and Responsibility” Liberalism Ancient and Modem (New York: Basic Books, 1968), pp. 15–19.Google Scholar
7. “The Three Waves of Modernity,” 20 (Political Philosophy: Six Essays by Leo Strauss, p. 98).Google Scholar
8. “Existentialism,” typescript (probably from a tape and unedited), 4 (edited and published as “An Introduction to Heideggerian Existentialism,” in The Rebirth of Classical Bilitkal Rationalism, ed. Pangle, T. [Chicago: University of Chicago, 1989], p. 29).Google Scholar
9. “The Three Waves of Modernity,” 20 (Political Philosophy: Six Essays by Leo Strauss, p. 98).Google Scholar
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15. “The Liberalism of Classical Political Philosophy,” Liberalism Ancient and Modern, p. 28ff.Google Scholar
16. Ibid., p. 64.
17. “An Epilogue,” Liberalism Ancient and Modern, p. 222 and context.Google Scholar
18. Ibid., pp. 223, 222, and 205ff.
19. “Liberal Education and Responsibility,” p. 24.Google Scholar
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21. See, for example, “An Epilogue,” pp. 209–210Google Scholar, as well as The City and Man, pp. 10–11.Google Scholar
22. “On Classical Political Philosophy,” What Is Political Philosophy? (New York: Free Press, 1959), pp. 90–91.Google Scholar
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24. The City and Man, p. 127.Google Scholar
25. Cf. Burnyeat, M. F., “Sphinx Without a Secret,” The New York Review of Books, 30 May 1985, pp. 30–36.Google Scholar
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27. “On Classical Political Philosophy,” pp. 93–94.Google Scholar This is one reason, though not the only one, why it remains a return to political philosophy. Cf. “Exoteric Teaching,” Interpretation 14 (1984): 53 at the end of the first paragraph, as well as note 47 below.Google Scholar
28. “Exoteric Teaching,” pp. 52–53.Google Scholar
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31. Natural Right and History (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1953), p. 8.Google Scholar
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33. Philosophy and Law, trans. Baumann, Fred (Philadelphia: Jewish Publication Society of America, 1987), pp. 3, 11–16, 111–12Google Scholar; “Preface to the English Translation,” p. 31.Google Scholar
34. “Preface to the English Translation” p. 31.Google Scholar
35. “Introduction,” p. 3.Google Scholar
36. Note 1 to “Introduction,” p. 111.Google Scholar
37. “Preface to the English Translation,” p. 31Google Scholar; and, among other places, Philosophy and Law, p. 103ff.Google Scholar; “Quelques Remarques sur la Science Politique de Maimonide et de Farabi,” Revue des Etudes Juives 100 (1936): 2–6.Google Scholar
38. Preface to the German edition of his Hobbes book, Interpretation 8 (1979): 1Google Scholar; cf. the remark of Avicenna which he prefixed to the last book he completed before his death, The Argument and the Action of Plato's Laws (Chicago: University of Chicago, 1975)Google Scholar; cf., on the importance of that remark for Strauss, “A Giving of Accounts,” The College 25 (1970): 3.Google Scholar
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41. Cf. “Preface,” p. 28: Spinoza's refutation is therefore a failure only so long as orthodoxy “limits itself to asserting that it believes” the fundamental points.Google Scholar
42. Cf. “The Mutual Influence of Theology and Philosophy,” The Independent Journal of Philosophy 3 (1979): 115.Google Scholar
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44. It was on its way to becoming “probity” something which Strauss was to distinguish from “attentiveness” or “love of truth,” from genuine openness to the world as it is. (Note 12 to the “Introduction,” Philosophy and Law, pp. 113–14)Google Scholar — It is possible and even probable that Strauss was helped, in coming to understand this limitation of the positive critique of religion, by historicism, which “understands modern natural science as a historically conditioned form of'world interpretation' along with others” (“Introduction,” p. 14Google Scholar; cf. note 2 to the “Introduction,” ibid., p. 112). However that may be, his insight into this limitation of the positive critique must have confirmed for him the (limited) truth of the historicist critique of modern natural science (“Introduction,” p. 15Google Scholar; cf. “On a New Interpretation of Plato's Political Philosophy,“ p. 338f.)Google Scholar
45. The most recent assessment of Strauss's work (“Truth for philosophers alone?” by Holmes, Stephen, Times Literary Supplement, 1–7 December 1989, pp. 1319–24)Google Scholar gives no evidence that its author is aware of this dissatisfaction or, more generally, of Strauss's critique of probity. It thus in effect ascribes to Strauss a position — “dogmatic atheism”—whose denunciation by him had aroused the ire of an earlier generation of critics (see Strauss's, “Reply” to Schaar, and Wolin, in American Political Science Review 57 (1963): 153).Google Scholar
46. Cf., again, Philosophy and Law, p. 111Google Scholar (note 1 to “Introduction”): “‘Irrationalism’ is only a variety of modern rationalism”; cf. also Natural Right and History, pp. 74–76Google Scholar, as well as “The Mutual Influence of Theology and Philosophy,” pp. 117–18.Google Scholar
47. In the “Preface” itself, Strauss gives one hint as to what may have permitted “the change of orientation” that consisted in his coming to regard a return to premodern philosophy as not only desirable but also possible: he says that that change “found its first expression” in the article on Carl Schmitt reprinted at the end of the volume. In that article, Strauss, says that, “In order to launch the radical critique” of modern political philosophy that Schmitt had in mind, he “must first eliminate the conception of human evil as animal evil, and therefore as ‘innocent evil,’ and find his way back to the conception of human evil as moral depravity” (p. 345).Google Scholar For the import of this remark, cf. the Spinoza book proper, when Strauss was still proceeding on the basis of the premise “that a return to pre-modern philosophy is impossible,” 204Google Scholar, with The City and Man, pp. 38–40Google Scholar and “On a New Interpretation of Plato's Political Philosophy,” p. 344.Google Scholar Cf. Natural Right and History, p. 78.Google Scholar