Hostname: page-component-78c5997874-8bhkd Total loading time: 0 Render date: 2024-11-10T12:48:47.077Z Has data issue: false hasContentIssue false

Stature in nineteenth-century Rio de Janeiro: preliminary evidence from prison records*

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  13 January 2010

Zephyr Frank
Affiliation:
Stanford Universitya

Abstract

Based on anthropometric data and descriptive information contained in the records of the Rio de Janeiro city jail (Casa de Detenção), this paper explores patterns of change in living conditions during the nineteenth century. The research shows that there were significant changes in the heights of prisoners over time and according to race and nationality.Most importantly, heights of Brazilian-born slaves declined for the cohorts born in the 1830s through the beginning of the 1860s. In addition, differences in heights for natives of the city of Rio de Janeiro and for other Brazilian prisoners provide evidence of an «urban penalty» in stature during this period. Poor nutrition, the high cost of food and shelter, the movement of some slaves out of the city and into plantation work after 1850, and urban epidemics are assessed as the factors influencing trends in prisoner heights. Throughout the analysis, height trends discovered in Rio de Janeiro are placed in international comparative perspective.

Resumo

Esta análise sobre condições de vida no Rio de Janeiro, no século XIX, baseia-se em dados antropométricos e descritivos obtidos na documentação da Casa de Detenção. A pesquisa mostra que houve mudanças significativas nas alturas de presos ao longo do tempo e em função de sua cor e nacionalidade. Principalmente, houve um declínio na estatura de escravos, a partir dos nascidos nos anos 1830 e continuando ate os anos 1860, onde se interrompe o presente estudo. As diferenças entre escravos e homens livres por um lado, e entre brasileiros nativos no Rio de Janeiro e brasileiros nascidos fora da capital por outro lado, mostram que, além do declínio percebido na estatura dos escravos, houve também uma «penalidade urbana» na estatura, indicada pelo fato de serem os presos nascidos no Rio de Janeiro menos altos do que os outros presos brasileiros. Falta de alimentação, aumento no custo de vida em geral, transferência de escravos para fora da cidade depois de 1850, e epidemias urbanas eram fatores que influíam nas alturas dos presos.

Type
Articles/Artículos
Copyright
Copyright © Instituto Figuerola de Historia y Ciencias Sociales, Universidad Carlos III de Madrid 2006

Access options

Get access to the full version of this content by using one of the access options below. (Log in options will check for institutional or personal access. Content may require purchase if you do not have access.)

References

References

Brazil, Ministerio do Imperio (1857): Relatorio do anno de 1856 apresentado a assemblea geral legislativa. Rio de Janeiro: Typ. Laemmert.Google Scholar
Brazil. (18731876): Recenseamento da população do Brazil a que se procedeu no dia 1 de agosto de 1872. Rio de Janeiro: Diretoria Geral de Estatística.Google Scholar

Bibliography

Arcaleni, E. (2006): «Secular Trends and Regional Differences in the Stature of Italians, 1854–1980». Economics and Human Biology 4:1, pp. 2438.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Bethell, L. (1970): The Abolition of the Brazilian Slave Trade: Britain, Brazil and the Slave Trade Question. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.Google Scholar
Carrión, J. M. M. (2001): «Estatura, Salud y Bienestar en las Primeiras Etapas del Crecimiento Económico Español: Una Perspectiva Comparada de los Niveles de Vida», working paper no. 0102, Madrid: AEHE.Google Scholar
Carson, S. A. (2005): «The biological standard of living in 19th century Mexico and in the American West». Economics and Human Biology 3:3, pp. 405419.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Carvalho de Mello, P.«Rates of Return on Slave Capital in Brazilian Coffee Plantations», in Fogel and Engerman, «Without Consent or Contract», Technical Papers, Volume 1, especially p. 75.Google Scholar
Chalhob, S. (1996): Cidade febril: cortiços e epidemias na corte imperial. São Paulo: Companhia das Letras.Google Scholar
Chalhob, S. (1990): Visões da liberdade: uma história das últimas décadas da escravidão na corte. São Paulo: Companhia das Letras.Google Scholar
Coatsworth, J. H. (1996): «Welfare», American Historical Review 101:1, pp. 112.Google Scholar
Coatsworth, J. H. (2005): «Structures, Endowments, and Institutions in the Economic History of Latin America». Latin American Research Review 40:3, pp. 126144.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Cole, T. (2000): «Secular Trends in Growth». Proceedings of the Nutrition Society 59, pp. 317324.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Cooper, D. (1986): «The New Black Death-Cholera in Brazil, 1855–56». Social Science History 10:4 (winter), pp. 467488.Google Scholar
Eveleth, P. and Tanner, J. M. (1990): Worldwide Variation in Human Growth. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.Google Scholar
Floud, R. (2002): «The achievements of anthropometric history», in Smith, M. (ed.), Human Biology and History. London: Taylor & Francis, pp. 152164.Google Scholar
Fogel, R.et al. (1983): «Secular Changes in American and British Stature and Nutrition». Journal of Interdisciplinary History 14:2 (Autumn 1983), pp. 445481.Google Scholar
Frank, Z. (2004): Dutra's World: Wealth and Family in Nineteenth-Century Rio de Janeiro. Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press.Google Scholar
Frank, Z. (2005): «Wealth Holding in Southeastern Brazil, 1815–1860». Hispanic American Historical Review 85:2 (May), pp. 223258.Google Scholar
Graden, D. (1996): «An Act “Even of Public Security”: Slave Resistance, Social Tensions, and the End of the International Slave Trade to Brazil, 1835–1856». Hispanic American Historical Review 76:2, pp. 249282.Google Scholar
Heywood, J. (1864): «Resources of Brazil», Journal of the Statistical Society of London, 27:2. pp. 245257, esp. 254.Google Scholar
Higman, B. W. (1979): «Growth in Afro-Caribbean Slave Populations». American Journal of Physical Anthropology 50, pp. 373386.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Holloway, T. (1993): Policing Rio de Janeiro. Stanford: Stanford University Press.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Hopkins, M. and Cardell, N. S. (1992): «The Relation between the cost of Calories for Suckling Babies and for Nursing Mothers», in R. Fogel, Without Consent or Contract: the Rise and Fall of American Slavery: Evidence and Methods. New York: Norton, pp. 310–11.Google Scholar
Johnson, P. and Nicholas, S. (1997): «Health and Welfare of Women in the United Kingdom, 1785–1920», in R. Steckel and R. Floud, Health and Welfare During Industrialization Chicago: University of Chicago Press, pp. 201250.Google Scholar
Karasch, M. (1987): Slave Life in Rio de Janeiro, 1800–1850. Princeton: Princeton University Press.Google Scholar
Kipple, K. (1989) «The Nutritional Link with Slave Infant and Child Mortality in Brazil». Hispanic American Historical Review 69:4, pp. 677690.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Komlos, J. (2004): «How to (and How Not to) Analyze Deficient Height Samples: an Introduction». Historical Methods 37:4 (Fall 2004), pp. 160173.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Komlos, J. (1998): «Shrinking in a Growing Economy? The Mystery of Physical Stature during the Industrial Revolution». Journal of Economic History, 58:3, pp. 779802.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Komlos, J. (1994): «The Stature of Runaway Slaves in Colonial America», in Komlos (ed.), Stature, Living Standards, and Economic Development: Essays in Anthropometric History. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, pp. 93116.Google Scholar
Komlos, J. (1992): «Toward an Anthropometric History of African-Americans: The Case of the Free Blacks of Antebellum Maryland», in Goldin, C. and Rockoff, H. (eds.), Strategic Factors in Nineteenth Century American Economic History: A Volume to Honor Robert W. Fogel Chicago: University of Chicago Press, for the National Bureau of Economic Research, Studies in Income and Wealth, Vol. 52, pp. 297329.Google Scholar
Komlos, J. and Alecke, B. (1996): «The Economics of Antebellum Slave Heights Reconsidered». Journal of Interdisciplinary History 26, pp. 437–57.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Komlos, J. and Coclanis, P. (1997): «On the Puzzling Cycle in the Biological Standard of Living: the Case of Antebellum Georgia». Explorations in Economic History 34, pp. 433459.Google Scholar
Libano Soares, C. E. (2002): A capoeira escrava e outras tradições rebeldes no Rio de Janeiro, 1808–1850. Campinas: Editora UNICAMP.Google Scholar
Lobo, E. (1978): História do Rio de Janeiro (do capital commercial ao capital industrial e financeiro), 2 vols. Rio de Janeiro: Ed. IBMEC.Google Scholar
López-Alonso, M. (2000): «Height, Health, Nutrition and Wealth: A History of Living Standards in Mexico, 1870–1950», Ph.D. diss., Stanford University.Google Scholar
Margo, R. and Steckel, R. (1983): «Heights of native-born whites during the antebellum period». Journal of Economic History 43:1 (March), pp. 167–74.Google Scholar
Martínez Carrión, J. M. (2001): Estatura, Salud y Bienestar en las Primeiras Etapas del Crecimiento Económico Español: Una Perspectiva Comparada de los Niveles de Vida, Madrid: working paper no. 0102 AEHE, appendix, table 1, p. 57.Google Scholar
Mattoso, K. (1992): Bahia, Século XIX. Rio de Janeiro: Nova Fronteira.Google Scholar
Mattoso, K. (1986): To be a Slave in Brazil. New Brunswick: Rutgers University Press.Google Scholar
Meisel, A. and Vega, M. (2005): «The Stature of the Colombian Elite Before the Onset of Industrialization, 1870–1919». Banco de la República, Borradores de Economia, paper number 339.Google Scholar
Needell, J. (2006): The Party of Order: The Conservatives, the State, and Slavery in the Brazilian Monarchy, 1831–1871. Stanford: Stanford University Press.Google Scholar
Nogueról, L. P., Shikida, C. D. and Monasteiro, L. M. (2005): «Seis Centímetros: Uma Analíse Antropométrica da Pof 2002–03». ANPEC, Anais do XXXIII Encontro Nacional de Economia, n°. 159.Google Scholar
Reis, J. (2004): «Was there an Anthropomorphic Paradox in Portugal?», working paper.Google Scholar
Pritchett, J. and Freudenberger, H. (1992): «A Peculiar Sample: The Selection of Slaves for the New Orleans Market». Journal of Economic History 52:1 (March), pp. 109127.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Salvatore, R. and Baten, J. (1998): «Heights and Welfare in Late-Colonial and Post-Independence Argentina», in Komlos, J. and Baten, J. (eds.), The Biological Standard of Living in Comparative Perspective. Stuttgart: Franz Steiner Verlag, pp. 97121.Google Scholar
Salvatore, R. (2004): «Alturas, Nutrición y Bienestar en la Argentina (1790–1950) Algunos hallazgos recientes y su importancia para la historia económica», manuscript working paper.Google Scholar
Sichieri, R. et al. (2000): «Short Stature and Hypertension in the City of Rio de Janeiro, Brazil». Public Health Nutrition 3:1 (Mar.), pp. 7782.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Soares, C. E. L. (2002): A capoeira escrava e outras tradições rebeldes no Rio de Janeiro, 1808–1850. Campinas: Editora UNICAMP.Google Scholar
Slenes, R. (1976): «The Demography and Economics of Brazilian Slavery», Ph.D. diss., Stanford University.Google Scholar
Steckel, R. (1986): «A Peculiar Population: The Nutrition, Health, and Mortality of American Slaves from Childhood to Maturity». The Journal of Economic History 46:3 (September 1986), pp. 721741.Google Scholar
Steckel, R. (1989): «Work, Disease, and Diet in the Health and Mortality of American Slaves», in R. Fogel, Without Consent or Contract, supplement volume 2. New York: Norton, pp. 489507.Google Scholar
Stein, S. (1985, orig. 1957): Vassouras: a Brazilian coffee county, 1850–1900. Princeton: Princeton University Press.Google Scholar
Tadman, R. (2000): «The Demographic Cost of Sugar: Debates on Slave Societies and Natural Increase in the Americas». American Historical Review 105:5 (Dec.), pp. 15341575.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Tatarek, N. (2006): «Geographical height variation among Ohio Caucasian male convicts born 1780–1849». Economics and Human Biology 4, pp. 222236.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Zupko, R. E. (1977) British Weights and Measures: A History from Antiquity to the Seventeenth Century. Madison: University of Wisconsin Press 173.Google Scholar