No CrossRef data available.
We use cookies to distinguish you from other users and to provide you with a better experience on our websites. Close this message to accept cookies or find out how to manage your cookie settings.
We use cookies to distinguish you from other users and to provide you with a better experience on our websites. Close this message to accept cookies or find out how to manage your cookie settings.
Published online by Cambridge University Press: 18 November 2021
Adolph Hummel, from Hesse, established in Soho a music publishing business that lasted 12 years (1760–1772). His publishing strategy differed in several ways from that commonly adopted by London publishers: he published only foreign-born (mostly German or Italian) composers; he did not issue vocal music; and, while taking the common routes of advertising his publications by notices in contemporary newspapers and listing issues in the imprints to title pages, he was highly unusual in that he produced no catalogue. He was also unusual in obtaining a royal licence to protect his copyright. He was the first publisher in London to issue a string quartet, and possibly the first to add violin accompaniments to already-published solo harpsichord sonatas to create accompanied sonatas. He was probably related to the Hummel music publishing brothers of the Netherlands. Personal information about him is hard to come by, but we know that Frau Anna Maria Mozart was godmother to his youngest child; he was a particular friend of J. C. Bach; he was prosecuted, for an undisclosed reason, by the musician Rudolf Straube; and he was the founder of three generations of the musical ‘English Hummells’. The final part of this article comprises a detailed catalogue of Hummel’s publications.
1 Leopold Mozart, Reise-Aufzeichnungen, 1763–1771. 27 faksimilierte handschriftliche Blätter. Im Auftrage des Mozarteums zu Salsburg zum ersten Male vollständig herausgegeben und erläutert von Dr. Arthur Schurig. Mit einem Bildnisse Leopold Mozarts und einer Mozart-Ikonographie (Dresden, 1920), (unnumbered page). Leopold wrote a single ‘m’ in ‘Feme’ and a single ‘n’ in ‘An’s’, with a superscript bar over each of those letters indicating a contraction of the double consonant.
2 Matthews, Betty, ‘Frau Mozart as Godmother’, Musical Times, 123 (1982), 612CrossRefGoogle Scholar, refers to the letter and gives an English translation of it (presumably her own translation). Her article does not give the source of the original letter, and I am grateful to Cliff Eisen for informing me of its location: Mozart: Briefe und Aufzeichnungen, eds. Wilhelm A. Bauer, Otto E. Deutsch, and Joseph Heinz Eibl, 7 vols. (Kassel, 1962–75), i, 181.
3 As Matthews, 612, points out, the letter does not identify the Hummels, but the date of the baptism described by Leopold fits the date when the Hummels’ second daughter, Charlotte, would, following the custom of the time, have undergone the ceremony, about one month after her birth on 5 February 1765.
4 Anne, 23 January 1760; Charles Frederick, 18 February 1761; Adolph, 30 May 1762; Charlotte, 4 March 1765. All are recorded in the Anglican Parish Registers, St Anne Soho Baptisms, City of Westminster Archives, London (henceforth CWA), microfilm, 2.
5 Robert Eitner, Biographisch-bibliographisches Quellen-Lexikon der Musiker und Musikgelehrten christlicher Zeitrechnung bis Mitte des neunzehnten Jahrhunderts, 10 vols. (Leipzig, 1900–04; repr. Graz, 1959), v, 226.
6 Hummel was not listed in the poor rate for King Street on 20 June 1760 (CWA, ref. A221x) but was included in the watch rate for 3 November 1760 (CWA ref. A1473), in the list-position formerly occupied by Jacob Stoddart. I am grateful to Alison Kenney, Archivist at the CWA, who searched the records and supplied this information.
7 Smith, Adam, An Inquiry into the Nature and Causes of the Wealth of Nations (London: A. Strahan and T. Cadell, 1776), i, 146 Google Scholar; cited in Nex, Jenny, ‘Longman, Broderip and their Successors’ in The Music Trade in Georgian England, ed. Kassler, M. (Farnham: Ashgate, 2011), 17 Google Scholar.
8 Whitehead, Lance and Nex, Jenny, ‘The Insurance of Musical London and the Sun Fire Office 1710–1779’, The Galpin Society Journal, 67 (2014), 181–216 (p. 170)Google Scholar. The insurance archive is deposited at the London Metropolitan Archives, City of London: policy registers are at CLC/B/192/F/001/Ms 11936; books of endorsements are at CLC/B/192/F/004/Ms 12160.
9 Buttall’s listing for the King Street watch dated 3 November 1760 is at CWA, ref. A221x. His first name is given as ‘Jonas’ in the watch rate but ‘Jonathan’ in newspaper announcements (e.g. London Evening Post, 18 October 1744). He ran an extensive__ … ironmongery business from his King St properties. The author ‘F.G.S.’ in Notes and Queries, February 1895, 153, relates that after Buttall’s death in 1768 his son, also called Jonathan, took over the business: this Jonathan Buttall was the ‘Blue Boy’ of Thomas Gainsborough’s famous painting (c. 1770) of that name.
10 Strype, John, A Survey of the Cities of London and Westminster: containing the Original, Antiquity, Increase, Modern Estate and Government of those Cities, 2 vols. (London: A. Churchill, J. Knapton, R. Knaplock, J. Walthoe and 6 others, 1720), ii, 85 (updated version of John Stow’s title publ. London, 1633)Google Scholar.
11 Tames, Richard, Soho Past (London: Historical Publications, 1994), 57 Google Scholar.
12 Charters, Murray, ‘Abel in London’, Musical Times, 114 (1973), 1224–26 (p. 1224)CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
13 Terry, Charles Sanford, John Christian Bach (2nd edn, London: Oxford University Press, 1967), 62Google Scholar.
14 Charters, 1225.
15 Court and Private Life in the Time of Queen Charlotte, Being the Journals of Mrs. Papendiek Assistant Keeper of the Wardrobe and Reader to her Majesty, ed. V.D. Broughton, 2 vols. (London, 1887), i, 65. Abel and J. C. Bach began advertising themselves as ‘Chamber Musicians to the Queen’ in 1764 (Charters, 1225).
16 McVeigh, Simon, Concert Life in London from Mozart to Haydn (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1993), 50 Google Scholar.
17 Michael Kassler, Charles Edward Horn’s Memoirs of his Father and Himself (Aldershot: Ashgate, 2003), 2.
18 See, for example, Holman, Peter, ‘Eighteenth-Century English Music: Past, Present, Future’, in Music in Eighteenth-Century Britain, ed. Jones, David Wyn (Aldershot, 2000), 1–13 (p. 3); McVeigh, Concert Life, xiii, xiv.Google Scholar
19 Holman, Peter, ‘Pride or Prejudice?’, Musical Times, 133(1992), 504–5 (p. 504)CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
20 [Gebhard] Friedrich August Wendeborn, A View of England towards the Close of theEighteenth Century by Fred. Aug. Wendeborn, Translated from the Original German by the Author Himself, 2 vols. (London: William Sleater, 1791), ii, 237.
21 The Public Advertiser (henceforth PA), 12 March 1760 (the notice, along with other notices naming Hummel, is transcribed later in this article). In a concert announcement in this period ‘by’ plus a name, e.g. ‘by Hummel’, usually indicated the name of the performer. However, it was also usual at the time for performers to play their own compositions, so ‘Hummel’ may have written the piece he performed. This performance is noted in Nicholas Salwey and Simon McVeigh, ‘The Piano and Harpsichord in London’s Concert Life, 1750–1800: A Calendar of Advertised Performances’ in A Handbook for Studies in 18th-Century English Music, eds. Michael Burden and Irena Cholij (Oxford: Burden and Cholij, 1997), viii, 27–72 (p. 36), though the authors do not identify ‘Hummel’.
22 After a career in England as music copyist, head of a military band in Yorkshire, teacher, performer, and composer, Herschel eventually gave up music as a profession to become Astronomer Royal.
23 Miss Schmeling’s surname is inconsistently spelt in newspaper advertisements and appears as Schmeling, Schmelling, and Schmelings. In later years, she ceased public performance on the violin and found great fame as the singer Madame Mara. A report in Quarterly Musical Magazine and Review, 2 (1818), 171: quoted in Deborah Rohr, The Careers of British Musicians, 1750–1860: A Profession of Artisans (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2009), 113, suggests that this change of career was influenced ‘by the advice of the English ladies who disliked a female fiddler’.
24 The Act of Copyright was passed during the year 1709–10, coming into force on 10 April 1710. In 1777, judgement in legal cases brought by Abel and by J. C. Bach against the publisher Longman established that music compositions were covered by the Copyright Act.
25 The publisher John Walsh obtained a royal privilege in 1760, but it was for publishing specified works by Handel, rather than for his entire output, as in Hummel’s case.
26 Hummel’s privilege is noted in Shef Rogers, ‘The Use of Royal Licences for Printing in England, 1695–1760: A Bibliography’, The Library, 7th series, 1 (2000), 133–92 (p. 185).
27 See Hunter, David, ‘Music Copyright in Britain to 1800’, Music and Letters, 67 (1986), 269–82 (p. 277)CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
28 Hunter, 277, n. 51, lists 16. Hunter names a further three in ‘More Musical Privileges’, Music and Letters, 68 (1987), 210. Hummel’s name is not included in either of Hunter’s lists.
29 This address is given in the imprint of Abel’s op. 3 trios dedicated to the Earl of Aschburnham [sic] and published in 1760.
30 Abel’s licence was granted on 15 April 1760 (Charters, 1224).
31 Southey, Roz, ‘The Role of Gentlemen Amateurs in Subscription Concerts in North-East England during the Eighteenth Century’ in Music in the British Provinces, 1690–1914, eds. Cowgill, Rachel and Holman, Peter (Aldershot: Ashgate, 2007), 115–28 (p. 116–17)Google Scholar.
32 I am indebted to Peter Holman for apprising me, in private correspondence, of this common German practice. Hintz was a musical-instrument maker, as well as a publisher. An account of his career is given in Holman, Peter, Life after Death: The Viola da Gamba in Britain from Purcell to Dolmetsch (Woodbridge: Boydell, 2010), 135–68Google Scholar.
33 All references in this article to plain ‘Hummel’ are to Adolph Hummel. When either of the Dutch Hummel brothers Johann Julius or Burchard come under discussion, they are distinguished by a first name, initial(s), or reference to the Netherlands or their place of work.
34 London Metropolitan Archives: document MJ/SP/1761/01/028. I am grateful to Anne Jarvis for bringing this document to my attention. A transcription and facsimile of the document can be viewed at the London Lives website, <https://www.londonlives.org/index.jsp>; ref. LMSMPS504930019.
35 Jenny Nex and Lance Whitehead, ‘Musical Instrument Making in Georgian London, 1753–1809: Evidence from the Proceedings of the Old Bailey and the Middlesex Sessions of the Peace’, Eighteenth-Century Music, 2/2 (2005), 251–71.
36 See Holman, Life after Death, 153, 262–4.
37 Sources consulted: Charles Humphries and William C. Smith, Music Publishing in the British Isles from the Earliest Times to the Middle of the Nineteenth Century: A Dictionary of Engravers, Printers, Publishers and Music Sellers, with a Historical Introduction (2nd edn, Oxford: Backwell, 1970), henceforth HS; GMO; [John H. Sainsbury], A Dictionary of Musicians from the Earliest Ages to the Present Time, 2 vols. (London: Sainsbury, 1825; repr. New York: Da Capo Press, 1966); J. Doane, A Musical Directory for the Year 1794 (London: R.H. Wesley, 1794); Die Musik in Geschichte und Gegenwart: allgemeine Enzyklopädie der Musik, begründet von Friedrich Blume, Zweite, neuerarbeitete Ausgabe, ed. L. Finscher, 30 vols. (Kassel: Bärenreiter, 1994–2008), henceforth MGG, now available online, with updated and new articles, at <https://www.mgg-online.com>
38 Sadie, Stanley, ‘Music in the Home II’, in The Eighteenth Century, Blackwell History of Music in Britain, iv, eds. H. Diack Johnstone and Roger Fiske (Oxford: Basil Blackwell, 1990), 313–54 (pp. 313 and 314)Google Scholar.
39 See Heartz, Daniel, Music in European Capitals: The Galant Style, 1720–1780 (New York: W. W. Norton & Co., 2003)Google Scholar. Specific features of the galant style are discussed in Sheldon, David, ‘The Galant Style Revisited and Re-evaluated’, Acta Musicologica, 47 (1975), 240–70CrossRefGoogle Scholar, and Dowling, W. Jay, ‘Melodic Contour in Hearing and Remembering Melodies’, in Musical Perceptions, eds. Aiello, Rita and Sloboda, John A (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1994), 173–90Google Scholar.
40 D. W. Krummel and Stanley Sadie, Music Printing and Publishing (Basingstoke, 1990), 98, mention as important London and Paris, but omit Amsterdam, perhaps because publishing in Amsterdam was by one firm only, rather than several as in the other centres. However, Amsterdam was also important in printing from engraved plates, as is clear from the numerous catalogues of J. J. Hummel, which show that his firm was active—indeed, a major publisher—in the city from 1762. See Cari Johansson, J. J. & B. Hummel: Music-Publishing and Thematic Catalogues, 3 vols. (Stockholm, 1972).
41 Although Mary was not legally Peter’s wife, she was known as ‘Mary Welcker’.
42 With the Longman firm, Just’s Six divertissemens [sic] pour le clavecin avec l’accompagnement d’un violon; and with Bremner, Pelegrini’s Six Sonatas for the Harpsichord with an Accompaniment for a Violin.
43 Welcker used Hummel’s plates for at least 14 of his editions, usually altering only the imprint on the title page. Details of these editions are given in n. 111 and 112, and an example is illustrated in Figures 4(a) and 4(b). Details of (the fewer) Hummel __ … plates used by Bremner, the Longman firm, and S. and A. Thompson are given, where relevant, in the section of this article headed ‘Adolph Hummel’s Catalogue’, where individual compositions are discussed.
44 One guinea comprised 21 shillings; half a guinea was therefore 101/2 shillings—written 10s. 6d. (With 12 pence in a shilling, half a shilling comprised 6 pence.) The symbol ‘d’ is from the Roman denarius.
45 Currency conversion source: Eric W. Nye, Pounds Sterling to Dollars: Historical Conversion of Currency, <https://www.uwyo.edu/numimage/currency.htm> (accessed 31 July 2019)
46 George, M. Dorothy, London Life in the Eighteenth Century (3rd edn, London: London School of Economics and Political Science, 1951), 167–8Google Scholar.
47 Defoe, Daniel, A Review of the State of the British Nation, 8 vols. (London: [n. pub.], 1709), vi [comment dated 25 June 1709]; quoted in George, 370 Google Scholar.
48 Rudé, George, Hanoverian London: 1714–1808 (2nd edn, Stroud: Sutton Publishing, 2003), 37 Google Scholar.
49 Collyer, Joseph, The Parent’s and Guardian’s Directory, and the Youth’s Guide in the Choice of Profession or Trade (London: R. Griffiths, 1761), 198 Google Scholar.
50 Porter, Roy, English Society in the Eighteenth Century (2nd edn, London: Penguin, 1990), 59 Google Scholar.
51 Collyer, 198.
52 Hunter, David, ‘Music Copyright in Britain to 1800’, Music and Letters, 67 (July 1986), 269–82 (p. 275)CrossRefGoogle Scholar, suggests that ‘Appolo’ was Charles Dibdin. The notice is transcribed in HS, 33.
53 HS, 29.
54 The Morning Post, 25 July 1789. The auction notice is transcribed in HS, 25–26.
55 Sir Herbert Mackworth and the Mackworth collection are discussed in Sarah McCleave, ‘The Mackworth Collection: A Social and Bibliographical Resource’, in Music in Eighteenth-Century Britain, 213–33 (pp. 213–14 and 221, n. 25). The Hummel prints that Sir Herbert bought were: Pelegrini’s Three Sonatas; Tartini’s L’Arte del Arco; Martini’s trios; Wagenseil’s op. 1 sonatas (version with violin accompaniment); and Zuccari’s The True Method of Playing an Adagio—this last being known, from the evidence of the handwritten date on the Mackworth copy, to have been acquired in the year of its publication (1762).
56 Source of newspaper advertisements: 17th–18th Century Burney Collection Newspapers, digitized by the British Library. The publication dates of 27 of Hummel’s extant issues were not announced in the press (details are given, under individual composer’s names, in the last part of this article: ‘Adolph Hummel’s Catalogue’). Some of these he listed as on sale (‘Of whom may be had’ being a common wording) within an announcement of publication of another work, and an approximate date of publication can be deduced from this. Yet others were listed in imprints of works for which the publication date is known from announcements, so their dates of publication can also be estimated. The plates of a further number were acquired by Welcker, and since Hummel’s edition must, necessarily, have preceded Welcker’s, where Welcker’s publication date is known, Hummel’s can be broadly estimated. For a very few publications, none of these methods is available, and an educated guess of the issue date has been made using other criteria, which are explained in the detailed Hummel catalogue below.
57 The spelling ‘guittar’ was commonly, but not invariably, used at this time for the English, wire-strung guitar, as opposed to the Spanish gut-strung instrument.
58 The only other edition of op. 15 was by Bremner, who issued his edition two years later, using the original plates. No edition of op. 16 other than Merchi’s is known.
59 Michael Talbot, ‘“Full of Graces”: Anna Maria receives ornaments from the hands of Antonio Vivaldi’, Arcangelo Corelli tra mito e realtà storica. Nuove prospettive d’indagine musicologica e interdisciplinare nel 350o anniversario della nascita. Atti del Congresso Internazionale di Studi, Fusignano, 11–14 settembre 2003, eds. Geoffrey Barnett, Antonella D’Ovidio, and Stefano La Via (Florence 2007), 253–68.
60 Will, Richard, ‘Eighteenth-Century Symphonies: An Unfinished Dialogue’, The Cambridge History of Eighteenth-Century Music, ed. Keefe, Simon P. (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2009), 620 Google Scholar.
61 PA, 10 March, 11 March, 12 March, 17 March, and 18 March 1763.
62 The edition is held at the British Library, London (henceforth Lbl), shelfmark R.M.16.b.9.
63 PA, 3 April 1765. Several authors, including Egon Wellesz and F. W. Sternfeld, ‘The Concerto’, The Age of Enlightenment 1745–1790, The New Oxford History of Music vii, eds. Egon Wellesz and F.W. Sternfeld (London: Oxford University Press, 1973), 484, and Rudolph Rasch, ‘Johann Christian Bach in Eighteenth-Century Dutch Newspaper Announcements’, Tijdschrift van de Koninklijke Vereniging voor Nederlandse Muziekgeschiedenis, 50 (2000), 6, have credited Welcker with printing the original edition. It seems highly unlikely that this is correct, since there was no mention of Welcker in any of the 1763 newspaper advertisements for the work, whereas Hummel is named as a retailer alongside J. C. Bach himself.
64 See van Allen-Russell, Ann, ‘Documents relating to Bach vs. Longman and Lukey’, The Collected Works of Johann Christian Bach 1735–1782, ed. Warburton, Ernest, 48 vols. (New York, 1984–99), xlviii, Part II: Sources & Documents (1999), 570Google Scholar.
65 Gaetano Latilla: The Six String Quartets, ed. Michael Talbot, The Early String Quartet Series V, gen. ed. Cliff Eisen (Ann Arbor: Steglein, 2007), ix. Previously, Abel’s op. 8 quartets, published in 1769, were thought to be the earliest string quartets published in London.
66 Ibid., viii.
67 String quartets were often too difficult for amateurs to play. In 1776 the publisher William Napier commented, ‘It has been a general Complaint among the Lovers of Music, that the Quartettos which have lately been published, although many of them are excellent and well composed, yet are so difficult that none but the best Masters are capable of performing them,’ (PA, 18 January 1776; quoted in Sadie, ‘Music in the Home II’, 333). For discussion of the professional performance of string quartets in London, see Meredith McFarlane and Simon McVeigh, ‘The String Quartet in London Concert Life, 1769–1799’ in Concert Life in Eighteenth-Century Britain, eds. Susan Wollenberg and Simon McVeigh (Aldershot: Ashgate, 2004), 161–96. The authors point out that the first concert performance of a string quartet in London was on 27 April 1769, and while it was not until the 1780s that the genre flourished on the London stage, present evidence suggests that professional performances of string quartets did not occur in Paris and Vienna until much later—around the turn of the century.
68 Bremner’s catalogue at Lbl: 7896.h.40.(2.) can be dated to between 5 March 1773 and 11 September 1773 because it contains Abel’s op. 10 overtures, published 5 March 1773, but not ‘Periodical Overture’ No. 37 (Franzl’s), published 11 September 1773.
69 Welcker’s catalogue at Lbl: Hirsch IV.1112.(11), is dated to ‘c. 1773’ by Ronald Ray Kidd, ‘The Sonata for Keyboard with Violin Accompaniment in England 1750–1790’ (Ph.D. dissertation, Yale University, 1968), 508–11 (on which pages Kidd reproduces the catalogue).
70 Campioni’s trios op. 7 no. 4 and Schwindl’s trios op. 3 no. 3.
71 The patent was registered by Burkat Shudi, the renowned Swiss instrument maker then working in London. Halfpenny, Eric, ‘Shudi and the “Venetian Swell”’, Music and Letters, 27 (1946), 180–84 (p. 180)CrossRefGoogle Scholar, reports that the maker registered his patent on 18 December 1769: Halfpenny also discusses the mechanism of Shudi’s ‘swell’ action. For some unidentified reason, this mechanism became known as the ‘Venetian swell’. The other prominent harpsichord maker in London was Jacob Kirkman, from Alsace.
72 A Collection of Favourite Lessons for Young Practitioners of the Harpsichord Composed by Different Authors: A Facsimile of the Eighteenth-century Edition with an Introduction by Gwilym Beechey (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1981). A copy of the original title page (with slightly different wording) is also included in the facsimile.
73 Home, Henry, Lord Kames, Loose Hints upon Education, Chiefly Concerning the Culture of the Heart (Edinburgh: John Bell, 1781), 244Google Scholar; quoted in Richard D. Leppert, Music and Image: Domesticity, Ideology and Socio-Cultural Formation in Eighteenth-Century England (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1988), 28.
74 Ritchie, Leslie, Women Writing Music in Late Eighteenth-Century England: Social Harmony in Literature and Performance (Aldershot: Ashgate, 2008), discusses the role of music and class in the education of women; see, in particular, 51–6Google Scholar.
75 See, for example, images reproduced in Leppert, 37, 47, and 48. Leppert includes only one image of a male—a young boy—playing a keyboard instrument (see 123) and discusses the imagery used in the painting to offset the ‘effeminacy’ that might otherwise be conveyed by the boy’s position.
76 Sadie, 338.
77 Kidd, Ronald, ‘The Emergence of Chamber Music with Obligato Keyboard in England’, Acta Musicologica, 44 (1972), 122–44 (p. 123)CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
78 Ibid., 124.
79 Ibid., 124.
80 Sadie, 337.
81 See Kidd, ‘The Emergence of Chamber Music’, 124–5. The several editions of Giardini’s op. 3 are listed, with dates of publication, in McVeigh, Simon, The Violinist in London’s Concert Life 1750–1784: Felice Giardini and His Contemporaries (New York: Garland, 1989), 357–9Google Scholar.
82 Kidd, ‘The Emergence of Chamber Music’, 125.
83 Ibid., 123.
84 McVeigh, The Violinist in London’s Concert Life, 134.
85 As well as Mondonville’s op. 3 and Giardini’s op. 3, there was a 1759 set (no opus number) by Richter (although this set also had a cello part, only the harpsichord and violin parts were written in score, so presumably one option was that the sonatas could be played by those two instruments only); William Jackson’s op. 2 (c. 1760), and Thomas Gladwin’s 1750s ‘lessons’ for organ or harpsichord, three of which have a violin part (Kidd, ‘The Emergence of Chamber Music’, 133, 131, and 130, respectively).
86 Sadie, 336.
87 PA, 21 July 1761. For the same work Kidd, ‘The Emergence of Chamber Music’, 134, quotes an advertisement from The Daily Advertiser of 29 July 1761, but clearly The PA date, being the earlier, more accurately indicates the date of publication.
88 Kidd, ‘The Emergence of Chamber Music’, 134.
89 Ibid., 134.
90 Hummel also published one of the original Paris set—no. 6—as a single sonata, which he called ‘Sonata I’. He also printed this same sonata as no. 6 in his issue of the set of six accompanied sonatas by Honauer and Schobert. The original French publication included an ad lib. violin accompaniment for this sonata. Hummel printed the accompaniment in score in his stand-alone Honauer ‘Sonata I’, and both in score and as a separate part in the Honauer and Schobert collection.
91 McVeigh, Concert Life, 87.
92 H. Diack Johnstone, ‘Music in the Home I’, The Eighteenth Century, 150–201 (p. 175).
93 Leppert, 122. Elizabeth Cary Ford, ‘The Flute in Musical Life in Eighteenth-Century Scotland’ (Ph.D. dissertation, University of Glasgow, 2016), 65–83, points out that some (aristocratic) ladies were known to play the transverse flute in the early part of the eighteenth century, although the harp, harpsichord, and singing were more popular.
94 McVeigh, Concert Life, 87.
95 The Morning Chronicle, 15 March 1791; quoted in McVeigh, Concert Life, 87.
96 John Berkenhout, A Volume of Letters from Dr Berkenhout to his Son at the University (Cambridge: J. Archdeacon, 1790), 179; quoted in Leppert, 16. The word ‘gentleman’, and other italicized words in the quotation are in Berkenhout’s original writing.
97 Twining, Thomas, Recreations and Studies of a Country Clergyman of the Eighteenth Century (London: Murray, 1882), 145 Google Scholar; quoted in Leppert, 16.
98 Twining, 185.
99 Philip Dormer Stanhope, Letters to his Son by the Earl of Chesterfield on the Fine Art of Becoming a Man of the World and a Gentleman, ed. Oliver H.G. Leigh, 2 vols. (London: Navarre Society, 1926), i, 170; letter dated 19 April 1749; quoted in Leppert, 22.
100 Leppert gives a detailed discussion of male attitudes to gentlemen’s performance of music in the eighteenth century in Music and Image, 11–27.
101 Leppert, 25.
102 Ibid., 45.
103 Johansson, J. J. & B. Hummel, i, 7, explains that the Dutch Hummel brothers Johann Julius in Amsterdam and Burchard in The Hague cooperated closely, advertising jointly, selling each other’s editions, and in some cases publishing jointly. Burchard Hummel’s publishing output was not as prolific as that of his brother. Only one catalogue by Burchard alone is known; his editions were listed in Johann Julius’s catalogue—until 1773 without distinction from his brother’s editions, but thereafter usually being marked with an asterisk.
104 Of these 18, 15 were first published by J. J. Hummel in Amsterdam: Campioni’s op. 7 trios (although the London Hummel replaced one of the trios with a different one); Guerini’s op. 4 violin duets; Guerini’s opp. 6 and 7 trios; Paganelli’s sonatines; Pugnani’s three quartets and three quintets; Richter’s opp. 2 and 4 symphonies and op. 3 trios; Schwindl’s opp. 1 and 2 sinfonies and Op. 3 trios; Toeschi’s quartets; and possibly Pugnani’s trios [op. 3]. Burchard Hummel, in The Hague, was the original publisher of the remaining three: Guerini’s op. 5 violin duets, Kelner’s fugues, and Ricci’s op. 3 trios.
105 This statement is true for Adolph Hummel’s extant prints; while it cannot be proved for lost prints, it seems reasonable to deduce that this was his policy for all prints.
106 Alderman’s address is given as Buckingham Street, York Buildings, London, in HS, 51. Alderman also engraved Abel’s op. 3 Trios, published for the author in May 1761 and advertised by Hummel in July 1761 on the same date that Hummel advertised the Wagenseil op. 1 violin part, also engraved by Alderman.
107 HS, 302, states that Straight was a partner in Straight & Skillern 1766–9, with premises opposite Tom’s Coffee House in Russell Street, Covent Garden. Presumably Straight’s engraving of the Chalon work in 1766 was before the partnership with Skillern was set up; Straight’s address at this time is not known. Before venturing into engraving on his own account, Straight had been employed by John Walsh the Younger (HS, 303).
108 John and Sarah Phillips were music engravers, printers, and publishers, with premises at the Harp, in St Martin’s Court, near Leicester Fields c. 1740–65 (HS, 256–7).
109 Four engravers with the surname ‘Caulfield’ are listed in HS, 100. The only one who was active as early as 1765 (HS writes ‘c. 1765’) was John Caulfield the Elder. He had been apprenticed to John Walsh the Younger. His address in 1765 is not recorded.
110 HS, 166, which also gives the dates of Haberkorn’s London printing career as 1755–65.
111 J. C. Bach’s op. 1 concertos; J. C. Bach’s Canzonette; and Pesch’s op. 2 trios. The Welcker catalogue consulted is in Barthelemon’s Six Sonatas for two Violins or German Flutes with a Thorough Bass for the Harpsichord Op. 1 at Lbl: R.M.17.c.6.(8.). It contains J. C. Bach’s second set of canzonets, published on 6 April 1767 (PA of that date), but lacks Kammell’s six violin duets announced in the PA of 11 May 1767; therefore, it must have been produced between 6 April and 11 May 1767.
112 The list, compiled from dates given by Welcker in newspaper advertisements for his publication of the relevant items, includes: Campioni op. 7 trios; Galliotti op. 4 trios; Galuppi Lesson; Guerini op. 8 trios; Honauer and Schobert sonatas for clavecin and accompaniment; Latilla quartets; Pugnani op. 4 violin duets; Schwindl op. 3 trios; Toeschi op. 1 trios; and possibly Wagenseil op. 3 sonatas with accompaniment. Very likely Cirri’s op. 11 violoncello ‘solos’ should also be included in this list. See the discussion of this work in the detailed Adolph Hummel Catalogue in the latter part of this article.
113 Hummel was listed in the poor rate of 4 May 1772 (CWA, ref. A1518), but had left by the watch rate of 11 November 1772 (CWA, ref. A1520), when ‘John Cambridge’ is listed as occupying Hummel’s former property. The lease of Hummel’s house was advertised in the PA, 22 September 1772.
114 The Daily Advertiser, Friday, 2 October 1772.
115 Simlett-Moss, Joyce, ‘Confused identities: the two Master Hummel(s)’, Musical Times, 150 (2009), 65–78 (p. 65)Google Scholar.
116 The suit is discussed by Ann van Allen-Russell, 557–82. There is a typographical error, which could lead us astray, in van Allen-Russell’s discussion of the lawsuit, where what should be ‘Sundrytimes’ reads as ‘Sundaytimes’. The original document concerning the lawsuit is held at the National Archives, Kew, London, catalogue ref. C 12/71/22.
117 Details of Charles’s musical activities are given in Simlett-Moss.
118 In chapters 5 and 6 of Life After Death, Peter Holman discusses Abel both as a performer on, and composer for, the viola da gamba.
119 Johansson, French Music Publishers’ Catalogues, 111.
120 HS, 100, provides information on Caulfield’s career. However, since Caulfield engraved Abel’s op. 4 overtures in 1762, he must have become active as an engraver earlier than the year 1765 proposed by these authors.
121 Eitner, i, 86–7.
122 Kidd, ‘The Sonata for Keyboard with Violin Accompaniment’, 498.
123 Terry, 183.
124 Music, Men, and Manners in France and Italy 1770. Being the Journal written by Charles Burney, Mus. D. during a Tour through those Countries (…) Transcribed from the Original Manuscript in the British Museum, Additional Manuscript 35122, ed. H. Edmund Poole (London, 1974), 233 Google Scholar.
125 The kingdom of Sardinia included part of the mainland, and the king lived in his capital city of Turin, in Piedmont.
126 Thomas Jefferson ‘1783 Catalog of Books [circa 1775–1812]’, 194–7, Coolidge Collection of Thomas Jefferson Manuscripts, Massachusetts Historical Society. See Catherine Jones, Literature and Music in the Atlantic World, 1767–1867, Edinburgh Studies in Transatlantic Literatures (Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press, 2014), 5, 19.
127 Anik Devriès, Dictionnaire des éditeurs de musique français: vol. 1: des origines à environ 1820, ed. François Lesure (Geneva: Minkoff, 1979), 157.
128 See n. 111 on the dating of Welcker’s early-1767 catalogue. Welcker’s 1768/69 catalogue at the University of Glasgow, Sp.Coll.P.b.2, contains Vento’s 4th Set of Lessons, announced in the PA, 10 December 1768, and Pugnani’s overtures issued on 17 December 1768, but lacks Cirri’s six sonatas published on 7 January 1769. The catalogue must have been produced therefore around the turn of the year 1768/69. Welcker’s 1770 catalogue is in ‘Trios: & Quartets / Violino: Primo / Henry Dashwood /’ held at Cambridge University, King’s College Rowe Library, shelfmark Rw.24.245. Inside the cover is handwritten, ‘These Books were made at Welckers Musick Shop in Gerrard Street St Anns Soho London 1770’.
129 Notice in the Star, 19 March 1800.
130 The work is listed in J. J. Hummel’s catalogue, dated by Johansson in J. J. & B. Hummel, ii, to 1765 (catalogue F.3), but does not appear in the catalogue (F.2) that Johansson dates to 1764.
131 The Morning Chronicle, 28 February 1795.
132 International Genealogical Index, <https://www.familysearch.org/search/collection/igi> (accessed 12 August 2019)
133 Survey of London, ed. Francis Henry Wollaston Sheppard, 47 vols. (London: Athlone, 1900–2008), xxxiii: The Parish of St. Anne, Soho, 130.
134 These addresses are given in advertisements for Cirri publications in the PA of 25 February 1765, 14 February 1767, and 4 February 1769.
135 Reported by Lowell Lindgren, ‘Italian Violoncellists and Some Violoncello Solos Published in Eighteenth-Century Britain’, Music in Eighteenth-Century Britain, 121–57 (p. 155). The publication date of ‘c. 1775’ that Lindgren suggests for Hummel’s edition is clearly mistaken, since Hummel had left England in 1772 and had certainly published the work before then.
136 The Filtz trios are listed in Johansson, French Music Publishers Catalogues, Facs. 50, which Johansson dates to 1765, but not in the publisher’s earlier catalogue (Facs. 49) which Johansson dates to ‘1763?’. No 1764 facsimile is included in the volume.
137 ‘An Eighteenth-Century Directory of London Musicians’, Galpin Society Journal, 2 (1949), 27–31 (p. 30); repr. from T. Mortimer, The Universal Directory, or The Noble and Gentleman’s True Guide to the Masters and Professors of the Liberal and Polite Arts and Sciences, and of the Mechanic Arts, Manufacturers, and Trades, Established in London and Westminster, and their Environs (London: [n. pub.], 1763).
138 Mbs: 4 Mus.pr.51833. The edition was advertised in L’Avant Coureur on 5 April 1762 (information given in the online catalogue of the Bibliothèque nationale, Paris (accessed 5 November 2012)
139 Johansson, French Music Publishers, ii, Facs. 54 and 53, respectively.
140 Johansson, J. J. & B. Hummel, iii, T. 22.
141 Burchell, Jenny, Polite or Commercial Concerts? Concert Management and Orchestral Repertoire in Edinburgh, Bath, Oxford, Manchester, and Newcastle 1730–1799 (New York: Garland, 1996), 210 Google Scholar.
142 Ernst Ludwig Gerber, Historisch-biographisches Lexikon der Tonkünstler (1790–1792) und Neues historisch-biographisches Lexikon der Tonkünstler (1812–1814): mit den in den Jahren 1792 bis 1834 veröffentlichten Ergänzungen sowie der Erstveröffentlichung handschriftlicher Berichtigungen und Nachträge, ed. Othmar Wessely, 4 vols. (Graz: Akademische Druck-u. Verlagsanstalt, 1966–97), ii, 337.
143 ‘The first volume of Lacking, Allen, & Co.’s catalogue, Michaelmas 1799, to Michaelmas 1800; including the Valuable Library of a Nobleman’ (London, 1799). <https://www.gale.com/uk/primary-sources/eighteenth-century-collections-online> (accessed 9 August 2018).
144 Welcker’s catalogue in Nasci’s Sonate sei di Cembalo, Lbl: g.272.c.(5.), can be dated to 1772: it contains Kammell’s trios (announced in the PA, 20 May 1772) but lacks Madam Heinel’s Dances for the Harpsichord, Stephen Paxton’s Six Solos for the Violoncello, Max Humble’s Fifth Set of Trios, and Deitz’s Second Set of Lessons—all announced in the PA of 6 June 1772. The catalogue was therefore probably issued around the end of May 1772.
145 Johansson, J. J. & B. Hummel, i, 12.
146 Ibid., i, 19.
147 See Fraser, Antonia, Marie Antoinette: The Journey (London: Weidenfeld & Nicolson, 2001; paperback edn London: Phoenix, 2002), 75 Google Scholar.
148 Newman, William S., The Sonata in the Classic Era (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1963), 637Google Scholar.
149 Frances Elaine Keillor, ‘Leontzi Honauer (1733–ca.1790) and the Development of Solo and Ensemble Keyboard Music’ (Ph.D. dissertation, University of Toronto, 1976), 511.
150 François Joseph Fétis, Biographie universelle des musiciens et bibliographie générale de la musique 10 vols (Brussels: Culture et Civilisation, 1963 (repr. of the Paris: Firmin-Didot, 1873–1875 edition of 8 vols, plus 2 supplements under the direction of M. Arthur Pougin, Paris: Firmin-Didto, 1878, 1880), 1835–44), v, 10Google Scholar.
151 McGuiness, Rosamund and Johnstone, H. Diack, ‘Concert Life in England I’, The Eighteenth Century, 31–95 (p. 62)Google Scholar.
152 The dedication on Burchard’s title page was to ‘A / SON EXCELLENCE. / Monsieur le Baron de Wittorf. / Grand Chambellan et Grand Ecuier de / S.A.S. Monseigneur le Landgrave / Regnant de Hesse. &c. &c. &c. / Comme aussi / A. Messieurs, les Anciens de l’Eglise / Evangelique Luthériénne à Cassel’.
153 Johansson, J. J. & B. Hummel, i, 8.
154 Ibid., 4–5.
155 The dating of Welcker’s 1768/69 and 1772 catalogues has been explained earlier (see n. 128 and 144, respectively).
156 Both dates from Józef Powrożniak, Gitarren-Lexikon (Berlin: Neue Musik, 1979), 92.
157 Dieter Kirsch, ‘Colascione’, in GMO, describes the colascione as a long-necked lute with two or three courses of gut or metal strings played with a plectrum.
158 Jürgen Libbert, ‘Merchi [Melchy, Merchy, Merci], Joseph Bernard’, in GMO.
159 Birth and death data are taken from Eitner, vii, 386.
160 Johansson, French Music Publishers’ Catalogues, Facs. 27.
161 The 1768 catalogue is at Gu: Sp.Coll.O.a.28. It contains ‘Schmids’ quartets, announced in the PA, 30 May 1768, but lacks several items published in November–December of that year: Arnold’s Lesson for Harpsichord or Piano, announced in the PA, 9 November 1768; Gladwin’s ‘8 Lessons’ for harpsichord, announced in the PA 3 December 1768; and Pugnani’s ‘6 Overtures’, announced in the PA, 17 December 1768. The catalogue must have been produced therefore between 30 May and about 8 November 1768. The dating of the 1768/69 Welcker catalogue has been explained in n. 128.
162 Ronald R. Kidd, ‘Ricci, Francesco Pasquale’, in GMO.
163 This catalogue lists Ricci’s harpsichord sonatas with violin accompaniment, which Welcker published on 24 August 1767 (PA of that date). The catalogue must therefore have been issued after that date, but it lacks several works published in 1768.
164 Jochen Reutter, ‘Richter, Franz Xaver’, in GMO.
165 William Jackson, Observations on the Present State of Music in London (Dublin: A. Grueber, Moore, Rice, Jones, M’allister and White, 1791), 16; cited by Kidd, ‘The Emergence of Chamber Music’, 132.
166 [Sainsbury], A Dictionary of Musicians, ii, 424, gives Schobert’s birth place as ‘?Strasbourg’, while Herbert C. Turrentine, ‘Schobert, Johann [Jean]’, in GMO, claims ‘Silesia’ in about 1735.
167 Herbert C. Turrentine, ‘The Prince de Conti: A Royal Patron of Music’, Musical Quarterly, 54 (1968), 309–15 (p. 311).
168 Herbert C. Turrentine, ‘Johann Schobert and French Clavier Music from 1700 to the Revolution. (Volumes I and II.)’ (Ph.D. dissertation, Iowa State University, 1962), 253–5.
169 Anik Devriès-Lesure, Édition et commerce de la musique gravée à Paris dans la première moitié du XVIIIe siècle: Les Boivin; les Leclerc, Archives de l’édition musicale française, 1, ed. François Lesure (Geneva: Minkoff, 1976), i, 257.
170 McCleave, 213–4 and 221 n. 25.
171 Ibid., 228.
172 Arthur Searle, ‘Manuscripts and Printed Music’, Early Music, 14 (1986), 569–71 (p. 571).
173 Galliano Ciliberti, ‘Zannetti [Zanetti], Francesco’, in GMO lists the following Zanetti works as first published in London: op. 1 sonatas; op. 2 quintets (1763); op. 4 sonatas (c. 1770), as well as the unnumbered six solos for violin or flute plus bass continuo (c. 1764) and six trios (c. 1771). (An ‘Op. 2’ set of trios published in Perugia in 1782 comprised different music from the ‘Op. 2’ quintets published in London.)
174 Smith and Humphries, 347.
175 Those examined are reproduced in facsimile by Johansson, J. J. & B. Hummel, ii, ranging from 1762 (‘F.1’) to ‘1814?’ (‘F.54’).
176 Catalogue in Abel’s Simphonies Op. VII at Lbl: R.M.16.f.16.(21). It lists ‘Periodical Overture No. 18’ (by Richter), which Bremner published on 5 February 1767 (PA), but does not list Abel’s Op. 7 overtures, which Bremner announced as ‘just published’ on 7 May 1767. So the catalogue most likely dates from between 5 February and 7 May 1767.
177 See Holman, Peter, ‘Ann Ford Revisited’, Eighteenth-Century Music 1/2 (2004), 157–81 (at 180–81)CrossRefGoogle Scholar.