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Hang Him High: The Elevation of Jánošík to an Ethnic Icon

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  27 January 2017

Martin Votruba
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Abstract

In this paper, Martin Votruba traces the evolution of the Jánošík myth. The highwayman Jánošík is a living legend in Czech, Polish, and Slovak cultures. Contrary to common claims, the modern celebratory myth of the brigand hanged in the eighteenth century is at odds with the traditional images of brigandage in the western Carpathians. Folk songs and The Hungarian Simplicissimus of the seventeenth century often anathematize highway robbery. High literature of the mostly Slovak counties of the Kingdom of Hungary in the Habsburg empire similarly cast Jánošík as a criminal. Yet some intellectuals, such as Pavol Jozef Šafárik, inspired by the robber in German literature, singled out Jánošík from among other brigands and reduced that folklore-based opprobrium. Others, such as Ján Kollár, resisted Jánošík's rehabilitation. Subsequent Central European national revivals and ethnic activism prompted the Slovak romantic poets to reinvent Jánošík as a folk rebel against social and ethnic oppression.

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Articles
Information
Slavic Review , Volume 65 , Issue 1 , Spring 2006 , pp. 24 - 44
Copyright
Copyright © Association for Slavic, East European, and Eurasian Stuthes. 2006

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References

I am grateful to Daniel E. Miller, University of West Florida, for his copious comments, to Valerie Harwin, Los Angeles, for her dedicated review of an early draft, to Charles Sabatos, University of Michigan, Ann Arbor, for useful references and suggestions, and to the Center for Russian and East European Stuthes, University of Pittsburgh, for a grant that supported part of this research.

1 The major proponent of Jánošík's myth under communism became Melłcherčík, Andrej, Jánošíkovská tradícia na Slovensku (Bratislava, 1952)Google Scholar. His subsequent publications, as well as those by dozens of other authors, followed this lead. It still resonates, for example, in the views of Škvarna, Dušan, Začiatky moderných slovenských symbolov: K vytváraniu národnej identity od konca 18. do polovice 19. storočia (Banska Bystrica, 2004)Google Scholar. A well-argued major break with that legacy came from Goszczyńska, Joanna, MitJánošíka wFolklorze i Literaturze Slowackiej XIX Wieku (Warsaw, 2001)Google Scholar.

2 “Literally hundreds of songs about him [Jánošík] survive to the present day,” Hobsbawm, Eric, Bandits (New York, 1969), 47 Google Scholar.

3 Similar comments occur in several English novels, for example, “Jánošík, the Slovak outlaw hero, who took to the hills … in revolt against the feudal tyranny that kept his countrymen serfs.” Peters, Ellis [Edith Pargeter], The Piper on the Mountain (New York, 1966), 70 Google Scholar. (There are several reissues, most recently in 1996.)

4 To aid orientation and simplify the references to the localities in the Carpathians, I have standardized their diverse historical spellings to those identifiable on modern maps of central Europe. For unusual locales, bibliographical references give the spellings of the places of publication from the title pages followed by their customary English or modern local names in brackets.

5 Due to inclement weather, a decrease in travelers and the winter closures of highelevation sheepfolds, where shepherds sometimes sold the brigands food, bought their loot for resale, or passed on intelligence about police searches, brigand bands in the western Carpathians would traditionally disperse on or not long after Michaelmas (29 September) and agree to reassemble on St. Adalbert's Feast-Georgemas (23-24 April).

6 The most recent reconstruction, with some confused geography and details, is by Sroka, Stanislaw A., Jánošík—prawdziwa historia karpackiego zbójnika (Kraków, 2004), 29–60 Google Scholar; Stanislaw Dzieciolowski, the author of several papers on Jánošík, has announced his forthcoming reconstruction/ura7/ano.sjfc hetman Zbójnicki.

7 Anon. [Friedrich Schiller], the Rauber. Ein Schauspiel (Stuttgart, 1781). A revised version was published before its Mannheim premiere: the Rauber. Ein Trauerspiel (Frankfurt, 1782).

8 The geographic and cultural distance worked both ways: when imitations of South Slavic poems from Dalmatia, Bosnia, and Herzegovina caught Aleksandr Pushkin's interest in 1834, he translated them and called them “Songs of the Western Slavs.“

9 “Spasit nás může jen Jánošík.” Hana Formánková, “Spravedlnosti za dost by mohl učinit jen Jánošík,” 1 October 2003 at http://www.neraweb.cz/index.php?stype=all&id=632 (last consulted 4 November 2005).

10 Danuta Frey, “Jánošík chce rozgryžč program Platnik,” Ruea.pospoh.ta 6-7 (December 2004).

11 Maukšová, Felicitas, “Recepcia Bottovej Smrti Jánošíkovej v školskej praxi,” in Bolfík, Julius, ed. Ján Botto—život a thelo (Rimavská Sobota, 1983), 93–100 Google Scholar.

12 In addition to being included in numerous anthologies, it has appeared in at least eleven single-poem editions. Botto, Ján, “Smrt' Jánošíka. Romanca,“ Lipa 2 (1862), 251–78Google Scholar. (There are numerous reeditions and reprints under the title “Smrr” Jánošíkova.“)

13 Patricia Ann Krafcik, “Jánošík, the Slovak Robin Hood: The Brigand Metes Out Justice” (paper, American Association for the Advancement of Slavic Stuthes, Pittsburgh, 21-24 November 2002).

14 Also spelled Paul/Pavel Joseph/Josef Schaffarik/Safafik, and Ján Kollár.

15 Horák, Jiří and Plicka, Karel, Zbojnícke piesne slovenského ludu (Bratislava, 1965)Google Scholar; and Gašparíková, Viera, ed. Jánošík, obraz zbójnika v národnej kultúre (Bratislava, 1988)Google Scholar.

16 Maurus, Bishop of Quinque Ecclesiae (†l070), “Vita sanctorum heremitarum Zoerardi confessioris et Benedicti martiris a beato Mauro episcopo Quinecclesiastensi [sic] descripta,” in Szentpétery, Emericus, ed., Scriptores rerum Hungaricarum, tempore dticum regumque stirpis Arpadianae gestarum, vol. 2 (Budapest, 1938), 357–61Google Scholar. (There are several editions and translations.) Bishop Maurus's seat is now called Pécs in Hungary. He learned of the story from St. Hippolyte's Benedictine Monastery at Zobor near the town called Nitra in Slovakia. Zoerardus is rendered as Swierad in Polish, Svorad in Slovak, Zeorárd/Szórád in Hungarian; the legend identifies him as having come from Poland, which extended over parts of today's Slovakia for several decades in the eleventh century.

17 Dacianischer Simplicissimus [probably Daniel Speer], Ungarischer Oder Dacianischer Simplicissimus, Vorslellend Seinen wunderlichen Lebens-Lauff Und Sonderliche Begebenheiten gethaner Räisen. Nebenst Wahrhaffter Beschreibung deβ vormals im Flor gestandenen und öffters verunruhigten Ungerlands, So dann theser Ungarischen Nation Sitten, Gebräuch, Gewohnheiten und führenden Kriege. Sambt Deβ Grafen Tekely Herkommen, und biβ aufjetzige Zeit verloffenen Lebens-Lauff. Denck-würdig und lustig zu lesen (n.p., 1683; facsimile, Constance, 1922). (There are numerous reissues and translations.)

18 Reychman, Ján, introduction to Wegierski badź Dacki Simplicissimus, trans, and ed. Reychmanowa, Danuta and Reychman, Ján (Kraków, 1967)Google Scholar, as related by Goszczyńska, Mit Jánošíka, 48.

19 Johann Phillip Abelinus, et al., Theatrum Europœum. This is a series with multiple issues covering the period from 1618 to 1738 starting with volume 1: Theatrum Europœum oder Auβfuerliche und WarhafftigeBeschreibung alter und jeder denckwuerdiger Geschichten… vomjahr Christi 1617. biβ auffdasjahr 1629. exclus. (Frankfurt am Main, 1662). Also available online at http://www.bibliothek.uni-augsburg.de/de/dda/dr/hist/werke/we_00001-00021/index.html (last consulted 21 November 2005).

20 German Schleisheim von Sulsfort [HansJakob Christoffel von Grimmelshausen], Der Abentheuerliche Simplicissimus Teusch—Das ist: the Beschreibung Deβ Lebens eines seltzamen Vaganten—genannt Melchior Sternfels von Fuchshaim—wo und welcher gestalt Er nemlich in these Welt kommen—was er darinn gesehen—gelernt—erfahren und aufigestaden—auch warumb er solche wider freywillig quittirt. Überauβ lustig und männiglich nutxlich zu lesen (Monpelgart [Nuremberg], 1669; facsimile, Tubingen, 1954). (There are numerous reissues and translations.)

21 Schiller, Friedrich, “Vierter Aufzug—Der Tyrannenmord, Dritte Szene,” Willielm Tell (Tubingen, 1804)Google ScholarPubMed.

22 Jánošík directed byJaroslavJerry Siakef (Chicago, 1921); Jánošík directed by Martin Fric (Prague, 1935) Jánošík I and II directed by Pal'o Bielik (Bratislava, 1963).

23 In reference to the Slovaks, the author writes Slovaken oder Wenden, Slovakisch oder Wendisch, sometimes he uses just one or the other word; he also spells the latter one as Windisch, and the former one once as Schlowacken. In reference to the Rusyns (Ruthenians) he says Rusnaken, Rusnakisch.

24 Szczotka, Stanislaw, Materiaty do Dziejów Zbójnictwa Góralskiego z lat 1589-1782 (Lublin [Łódź], 1952)Google Scholar.

25 He says that the inhabitants of Liptov (the Slovak spelling is employed in the book) are called Liptace, but nicknamed Zliptace; “von den Zliptaken … gedencken; theses Wort Zliptak heist Deutsch ein schlimmer oder böser Vogel dann Zli heiβt böβ und Ptak heiβt ein Vogel und im plurali numero heissen bose oder schlimme Vogel Zliptace.” Simplicissimus, Ungarisclier Oder Dacianischer Simplicissimus, 145.

26 Links of five of the potential literary motifs to the nineteenth century can be found in Goszczyńska, MitJánošíka. The explication is insignificantly at variance with the German original.

27 This conclusion is based on my random interviews in Slovakia, including in Liptov County, in June and July 2004, and on Internet searches for related words and phrases in Polish and Slovak, which yielded no current usage.

28 Drož, Karel, Život na Tatrdch (Prague, 1906), 192 Google Scholar. The author says that shepherds from Liptov would take terrible revenge on Polish Gorals and they, in turn, called the people from Liptov “Bad Birds“: “Liptáci mstili se góralům strašně, tak že ti jim pfezdivali 'zly [sic] ptacy (zli ptaci).'“

29 Seiz, Johann Christian, ed., UngarischeroderDacianischer Simplicissimus… (Leipzig, 1854)Google Scholar.

30 Frant. Peřinka, Václav, Vesele putovanie po Slovensku, kniha lcdového humoru a vtipu (Prague, 1929; reprint, 1934)Google Scholar.

31 He says these brigands were Rusyns: “ich sagte Windisch und halb Rusnakisch weil sie alle these Rauber Rusnaken.” Simplicissimus, Ungarischer Oder Dacianischer Simplicissimus, 182.

32 The first one is also spelled Beyhuβ. Beyhus is probably from the Hungarian bajusz, “whiskers,” which entered the Carpathian Slavic and Germanic vernaculars. The authornarrator plausibly explains the meanings of the other two: Hafran as “raven” (although that would be a Slovak, that is, West Slavic version of the word, while the contemporary standardization of Rusyn has East Slavic roots) and Jánko's nickname as “bold guy.” “vom Jánko einem Pacholek… das ist einem tapffern Kerl” related to the word boy/guy: “ich werde Pacholce das ist auf Deutsch Kerl.” Simplicissimus, Ungarischer Oder Dacianischer Simplicissimus, 195,182.

33 Literally, “the empty-handed traveler will sing vis-á-vis a brigand,” but its contextual meaning was “a person who has nothing has nothing to lose or fear,” which would have been more characteristic of students than of merchants and other travelers. It was probably first written down around 100 C.E. in satire “X-Omnibus in terris.” Juvenalis, Decimus Junius, Saturae, ed. Knoche, Ulrich (Munich, 1950)Google Scholar, verse 22. There are several wordings of the saying, always with latro (brigand).

34 Koliopoulos, John S., Brigands with a Cause: Brigandage and Irredentism in Modern Greece, 1821-1912 (Oxford, 1987)Google Scholar.

35 Kocis, Jozef, Nezndmy Jánošík (Martin, 1986)Google Scholar creates a weighty narrative about Jánošík's apparent revolutionary intentions from a historical report that guns and substantial amounts of cloth were discovered in some of his hiding places.

36 “Vlha, vlha, pekný vták,” in Minárik, Jozef, ed., Slovenská renesancnd lutna, Antológia zo slovenskéj renesančnej poezie (Bratislava, 1982), 378 Google Scholar; and Gašparíková, Viera, ed., Jánosik, obraz zbojntka v národnej kultúre (Bratislava, 1988), 129 Google Scholar.

37 “Ide furman dolinou.” Available online at http://supermusic.sk/skupina.php?action=piesen&idpiesne=4070 (last consulted 4 November 2005).

38 “Ide furman dolinami.” Manuscript by Rehor Pauliny, Zbornik Rehora Paulinyho (Poltar, 1830-1832), Archivliteratury a umenia slovenskéj narodnej kniznice, Martin: MJ 446. Reprinted in Minárik, Jozef, ed., Po chodnickoch kamennych po cestickach krvavych alebo Piesne a verse o živote, laske a smrti urazenych, poniienych a nevoVnych, ale aj nepokorenych, hrdych a proti krivde sa buriacich slovenských dedov, pradedov a prapradedov, ktori veky trpeli na panskych dvoroch, bojiskdch a sibeniciach. Vyberslovenskéj rukopísněj socidlnejpoezie (1577—1870) (Bratislava, 1980), 325–26Google Scholar.

39 Anon., “Jak Jánošík tancyl z hrabinom,” in Komorowska, Teresa and Gašparíková, Viera, eds., Zbójnicki dar, Polskie i slowackie opowiadania tatrzańskie (Warsaw, 1976), 29–30 Google Scholar.

40 István Szakolczai, , “Praedonum cantus” (1762). Published as “Zbojnícka piesefi,“ in Minárik, Jozef, trans, and ed., Zhlenotnice starsieho slovenského pisomnictva 3: Antológia barokových literdrnych textov I(Poézia) (Bratislava, 1989), 171–72Google Scholar.

41 Anon., “Znamenitá kazeft gednoho Kazatele za dnu hlawnjho zbognjkaJánosjka,“ Stare nowiny liternjho umenj (May 1785): 65-68.

42 Waclaw z Potoka Potocki (†l696), “Kazanie do zbojcow,” in Aleksander Bruckner, ed., Ogrodfraszek (L'viv, 1907), 2:238-39.

43 Not to be confused with the like-named English series, this volume was first published in Amsterdam in 1649 and republished at various times and locations including in 1770 in Bratislava, then called Pressburg (German), Presporok (Slovak), and Pozsony (Hungarian). It got as far as Russia in the same century, translated asDemokretus smeiushchiisia. Anon, [other editions attributed to J.-P. Langius, i.e., Johann Peter Lange], “Milites cui sunt similes,” Democritus ridens: Sive campus recreationum honestarum cum exorcismo melancholie [sic] (Presburg [sic] [Bratislava], 1770), 206. The anecdote was first suggested as a source by Rudo Brtáň, “Prvý l'udový motiv oJánošíkovi z roku 1785,” Elan 10, nos. 1-2 (1939): 5-6.

44 Written around 400 C.E. by Sulpicius Severus, Vita Sancti Martini Episcopi et Confessoris, chap. 5. Available at www.thelatinlibrary.com/sulpiciusseverusmartin.html (last consulted 4 November 2005). English translation (microfilm) by Watt, Mary Caroline, St. Martin of Tours the chronicles of Sulpicius Severus done into English from the French of Paul Monceaux and with an introduction by him (London, 1928)Google Scholar.

45 “Gakowau offeru tento Kazatel za swau horliwau kázeň obdriel, nenj znamo“ (What alms the Preacher received for his passionate sermon is not known). Anon., “Znamenitá kázeň,” 68.

46 Vilikovský, Ján, “Tři nejstarší slovenské zbojnické písně,” Bratislava 9 (1935): 550– 70Google Scholar; and Nehýbl, Ján, “Kramářská pisefi o Ondrasovi,” Slezsky sbornik, Acta silesiaca 48, no. 8 (1950): 484–85Google Scholar. (There are several reprints of the songs.)

47 The songs may have first been recorded around 1780, or perhaps even earlier. The other three songs concern Surovec, Adam and Ilcik, and Ondras.

48 Kocis, Nezndmy Jánošík, 86; Sroka, Jánošík, 41.

49 Timon, Samuel, Imago nova Hungarice, repreesentans regna, provincias, Banatus, & Comitatus ditionis Hungaricte (Cassoviae [Kosice], 1734)Google Scholar. (There are several reeditions and partial translations.)

50 Dabrowski, Patrice M., “'Discovering’ the Galician Borderlands: The Case of the Eastern Carpathians,” Slavic Review 64, no. 2 (Summer 2005): 381–402 CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

51 Anon., “Pisefi oJánosfkovi zbojnikovi,” verses 162-74, in Vilikovský, “Tři nejstarší slovenské zbojnické písně.” (There are several reprints of the song.)

52 Giřj Palkovič [also spelled Juraj/Gur/Georg Palkowitsch/Palkovičs], Wětssj a zwldsstnegssj Nowý y Starý Kalendár na rok Páne 1807 (n.p., 1806). In the calendar and on other occasions, Palkovič identified himself as professor of the Slovak language, but his position was also advertised as professor of the Czechoslovak language, partly in order to help secure funds from Czech-speaking sponsors in the neighboring Margraviate of Moravia and Kingdom of Bohemia.

53 Giřj Palkovič, Mum ze slowenskych hor: Swazecek priwnj (We Wacove [Vac], 1801). (There are several reeditions of the individual poems.)

54 Bohuslaw Tablic [also spelled Bohuslav], Slowensstj Werssowcy. Collecta revirescunt. Swazek druhý (We Wacove [Vac], 1809), 120-37. (There are several reprints.)

55 Bohuslaw Tablic, a three-page unnumbered footnote to “Jánossjk Liptowský Laupeznjk,“ in Tablic, Sbwensstj Werssowcy, 120-23.

56 Anon. [Pavol Jozef Šafárik], “Slawenj Slowanských pacholků,” and “Poslednj noc,“ Tatranskd Mum s Ijrau Slowanskau (W Lewoci [Levoca], 1814), 25-39, 46-54. (There are several reeditions and reprints.)

57 Šafárik, verse 78, in Anon., “Slawenj Slowanských pacholků,” Tatranskd Muza, 28.

58 Such pan-Slavic generalizations of Jánošík have shown up sporadically in West Slavic cultures into the present. Rather than attribute Jánošík to the local Polish or Carpathian culture, a Polish blogger recently wrote that “Jánošík was a kind of Slavic Robin Hood” (Jánošík by! takim stowianskim Robin Hoodem). Malgorzata Musierowicz, “Placek zbqjecki Jánošíka,” 23 August 2001 at http://serwisy.gazeta.pl/edukacja/l,51819,408775.html (last consulted 4 November 2005).

59 Perhaps the earliest one, “the wood of Belregard,” appeared in 1304 -1307 in four verses of the Anglo-Norman poem usually called “The Outlaw's Song” written by an unknown author. Spraggs, Gillian, Outlaws & Highwaymen: The Cult of the Robber in England from the Middle Ages to tlie Nineteenth Century (London, 2001)Google Scholar. The poem is available online at www.outlawsandhighwaymen.com/trail.htm (last consulted 4 November 2005).

60 Palkovič, “Oda na horu Synec,” Muza ze slowenskych hor, 28-29.

61 Slovak and some other Slavic languages commonly use the same word for both heaven and sky: nebo.

62 Schaffarik, Paul Joseph, Geschichte der slawischen Sprache und Literatur nach alien Mundarten (Ofen [Budapest], 1826)Google Scholar. It was the first, and for a long time the only, voluminous academic work in German on the topic. Schaffarik published several other influential works.

63 An impetus for Kollár's collection came from the German romantic auTřior Johann Wolfgang von Goethe who asked Kollár for samples of Slovak folk songs during Kollár's stay in Jena in 1817. Goethe metrified and published some of them. Kollár, Ján, ed., Ndrodnie zpiewanky cili pjsne swetske Slowdktl w Uhrdch gak pospoliteho lidu tak i wyssjch stawd, sebrane od mnohych, wpofddek uwedene, wysvetlmjmi opatfene, 2 vols. (W Budjne [Budapest], 1834-35)Google Scholar. (There are several reeditions, reprints, and adaptations.)

64 Herder, Johann Gottfried, “Slawische Völker,” Idem zurPhilosophie der Geschichte der Menschheit (Riga, 1791)Google Scholar, pt. 4, vol. 16.4. Available online at http://www.textlog.de/5663.html (last consulted 4 November 2005).

65 As a colorful interposition, but also as a bow to the local lore, Kollár actually invoked the Slovak proverbial brigands’ command in one sermon: “Give your soul to God and ducats to us!” (Daj Bohu dusu a nam dukdty!), a parallel of the English “Stand and deliver!“ Ján Kollár, “W den Petra Pawla a w nedeli ssestau po S. Trogici (1822) I,” and “Nedele gedenacta po S. Trogici,” Nedelnj, swdtecne i prjtezitostne Kdzne a P\eci (W Pessti [Budapest], 1831), 497-511 and 280-94.

66 Kollár, Ján, sonnets 572-73 of the Fifth Cantos “Acheron,” Sldwy dcera, Lyrickoepicka bdsen topeti zpewjch. Upelne wyddnj (WPesti [Budapest], 1832)Google Scholar. (There are numerous reeditions, reprints, and translations, some with an altered numbering of the sonnets; the original is not paginated.)

67 Kollár also had an incidental personal motivation for his dislike of brigandage: according to his posthumously published memoir, he grew up with stories of how his maternal ancestors had been assaulted by brigands, and he treasured one of the thaler coins that they had saved during the fight, presumably stained with their blood. Ján Kollár, Pämdtiz mladsich rokov života (Liptovsky Mikulas, 1997), 9.

68 The character is called Mina. Although Kollár chose this name and referred to his college love as Vilma Fridriska (i.e., Wilhelmina/Minna Friderika) in one instance in his memoirs, she was baptized Johanne Auguste Friederike Schmidt, and Kollár called her Rickchen (from Friederike, a nickname used by her family) in his letters to Jena. She used the name Friederike with her German family and friends, and Friderika in Kollár's Slovak circles in Budapest and Vienna after she was finally able to marry him in 1835. One of her brothers was baptized Wilhelm.

69 Csaplovics, Johann [also spelled Ján/János Caplovic], “Rauber,” Gemdlde von Ungern [sic] (Pesth [Budapest], 1829), 268–71Google Scholar; and Mednyanszky, Alois von [also spelled Aloyz/Alajos Mednyanszky], Erzdhlungen, Sagen und Legenden aus Ungarns Vorzeit. 2 Theile (Pesth [Budapest], 1829)Google Scholar. (There are several reeissues and translations.) The story by Mednyanszky is that of a robber-nobleman's family. Csaplovics was a lower nobleman; Mednyanszky was a baron.

70 Kaspar Fejerpataky [also spelled Gaspar Fejerpataky-Belopotocky], “O zbogstwj GuraJánossjka, ginace Jánossjaka feceneho, rodileho z Tarchoweg zbognjku a laupeznjku hlawnjka (hadnad'a),” Nowy y Stary Wlastenecky Kalenddf na rok Pane 1832 (W Lewoci [Levoca], [n.d.]). Fejerpataky was a lower nobleman.

71 Chalupka, Ján, Kocaurkowo, anebo Gen abychom w hanbe nezilstali: Weseld hra we 3 gedndnjch (Lewoca [Levoca], 1830)Google Scholar. (There are several reeditions and adaptations.)

72 Kollár, Ján, Wyklad cili Pfjmetky a Wyswetliwky ku Sldwy Dcefe s obrazy, s mappau a s Prjdawkem drobnegsjch bdsnj rozlicneho obsahu (W Pesti [Budapest], 1832), 453 Google Scholar.

73 Daxner, Stefan Marko, “Poklad Jánošíkou,” Owl Tatrdnski 1, no. 6 (1845): 1–2 Google Scholar; Chalupka, Samo, “Jánošíkova naumka,” Orol Tatrdnski 2, no. 35 (1846): 273–74Google Scholar; Jánko Maginhradski [Ján Botto], “PjeseftJánošíkova,“Holubica, levocsky rukopisny zdbavniksprilohou Sokol5 (24 November 1846; facsimile, Martin, 1977). (There are numerous reissues, Chalupka's poem revised by the author under the title “Jánošíkova pamiatka,” and “Likavsky vazen,” Botto's poem both in the original and principally reworked and expanded as “SmrfJánošíka,” then renamed “SmrfJánošíkova.“) All three were Lutherans, Daxner became a lawyer, Chalupka was a pastor, and Botto became a civil engineer, but none of them went to study in Germany. Daxner was Kollár's parishioner in Budapest when he published this poem. Samo Chalupka's older brother was Ján Chalupka, the author of the play Kocaurkowo.

74 Chury, Slavko, “Zbojnictvo v Liptove v prvej polovici 19. storocia,” Vlastivedny sbornik Povaiia 8 (1966): 25–36 Google Scholar.

75 The amateur troupe Diwadlo slowanske swato-mikulasske premiered Ján Chalupka's Kocaurkowo on 22 August 1830; the county seat was called “Saint Nicholas” in the kingdom's languages then.

76 This was noted in Greece with similar geographic conditions, Koliopoulos, Brigands with a Cause.

77 S[amo]. Chalupka and pseud. Samo, “Na Kral'ovej Holi,” “Jánošíkova pamiatka,“ “Junak“; and Sftefan]. Daxner, “Poklad Jánošíkov,” in Cerny, Emil, ed., Slovenská cilanka: Pnnizs'ie gymnasia (Vienna, 1864), 57–58 Google Scholar, 257-59, 281-82, and 323-25. (Aversion of “Na Kral'ovej Holi” is known as “Kral'ovohol'ska.“