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Apricot Socialism: The National Past, the Soviet Project, and the Imagining of Community in Late Soviet Armenia

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  20 January 2017

Abstract

In April 1965, an illegal demonstration brought an estimated twenty thousand people to the streets of Yerevan to call for the official recognition of the Armenian genocide of 1915 and the return of “Armenian lands.” While this event is traditionally seen as “dissident” and “anti-Soviet,” in this article I draw attention to the demonstration's particularly Soviet character, as it followed rules and practices central to Soviet rituals and the official revolutionary narrative. Party officials and petitioners expressed similar views on past national suffering and its implications for the Soviet community and the communist future, all of which were in turn to be affirmed by the construction of the first genocide memorial ever built on Soviet soil. These local reinterpretations of the Soviet project do not just point to developments that help explain the Soviet system's longevity. They are also a reminder that the constant reimagining of communities not only pertains to the “nation” but also concerns and often intermingles with the reimagination of other communities, such as the Soviet one.

Type
Redefining Community in the Late Soviet Union
Copyright
Copyright © Association for Slavic, East European, and Eurasian Studies. 2014

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References

1. The number given for the size of the demonstration varies: Omari Chechoian, one of the main organizers of the demonstration, states 20,000 participants; the Russian human rights activist Liudmila Alekseeva speaks of 100,000; the French-Armenian historian Claire Mouradian provides the number of 200,000; and the Russian historian Elena Zubkova found the figure given as 3,000 in documents sent to Moscow. See Khechoian, Omari, “Revoliutsiia v umakh,” Aniv, 1, no. 1 (2006): 7;Google Scholar Alexeyeva, Ludmilla, Soviet Dissent: Contemporary Movements for National, Religious and Human Rights, (Middletown, 1985), 123;Google Scholar Mouradian, Claire, De Staline à Gorbatchev: Histoire d'une république soviétique, I'Armenie (Paris, 1990), 224;Google Scholar and Zubkova, Elena Iu.,“Vlast’ i razvitie etnokonfliktnoi situatsii v SSSR 1953-1985 gody,” Otechestvennaia istoriia, no. 4 (2004): 22.Google Scholar

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12. In this respect, the reading of archival sources and interview transcripts resembles much of what Yurchak describes in chapters 3 and 6 of his Everything Was Forever.

13. Pavel Gukasian, interview, Yerevan, April 26, 2007. Gukasian, born 1951, was an apparatchik with the Armenian Komsomol and the Ministry of Culture.

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28. Vardanian, interview.

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31. The Soviet-Turkish Treaty of 1921 reduced the territory of the Armenian republic to a third of what the Treaty of Sevres had granted the independent Republic of Armenia before its Sovietzation in 1920. See Suny, Looking toward Ararat, 131.

32. Hayden, Power of Place, 33.

33. Most of this architectural ensemble remains in place today. Only the Lenin statue was removed after 1991, and the postsocialist urban development has led to, among other things, an obstruction of the perspective onto the smaller peak through the arch connecting the post office and the building formerly housing the labor union.

34. Zukin, Sharon, The Culture of Cities, (Cambridge, Mass., 1996), 3.Google Scholar

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37. HAA HQP', f. 1, op. 45, d. 2,1.41. Komitas (born Soghomon Soghomonian), a monk of the Armenian Apostolic Church, transcribed Armenian folk songs from Anatolia and turned them into choir music that was well received in the Ottoman empire and Europe. He was imprisoned in Istanbul on April 25,1915, the day after the start of the genocide, and subsequently lost his mind; he died in a Paris asylum in 1935.

38. HAA HQP', f. 1, op. 45, d. 2,1.38.

39. Vardanian, interview; HAA HQP', f. 1, op. 45, d. 2, 1. 38, 49-50. On the role of hooliganism in the 1960s, see LaPierre, Brian, “Making Hooliganism on a Mass-Scale: The Campaign against Petty Hooliganism in the Soviet Union, 1956-1964,” Cahiers du monde russe, 47, nos. 1-2 (2006): 349–75.Google Scholar

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41. Ter-Abramian, “Gorod i inakomyslie.“

42. Alexeyeva, Soviet Dissent, 123-33; Suny, Looking toward Ararat, 186-87; GARF, f. 8131, op. 36s, dd. 5728, 6182 (Arshakian A.T.); and Rossiiskii gosudarstvennyi arkhiv noveishei istorii (RGANI), f. 5 (Apparat TsK KPSS), op. 58 (Otdel’ organizatsionno-partiinoi raboty TsK KPSS), d. 19 (Materialy otdela Zakavkaskikh respublik), 1.72.

43. Calls for solidarity with Vietnam's struggle against the American invasion, the general support for decolonization, and the official remembrance of World War II were omnipresent in the Soviet press in March and April 1965. On the Soviet press providing its readers with meaningful frames and schemata for interpreting the world around them, see Jeremy Brooks, Thank You, Comrade Stalin! Soviet Public Culture from Revolution to Cold War, (Princeton, 2000), 21.

44. HAA HQP', f. 1, op. 45, d. 68 (Pis'ma sovestkikh grazhdan o velikoi tragedii armianskogo naroda 1915 g. i ob uvekovechnii pamiati pavshikh v rezul'tate genotsida armian), 1.13.

45. Ibid., 11. 6, 7.

46. Ibid., 1.5. It is unclear which particular article and photographs he was referring to. Pravda, featured an article on March 10,1965, with the headline “Ne zabudem, ne prostim!“ See also “Ne dopustit’ amnestii ubitsam!,” Pravda, March 11,1965.

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48. HAA HQP', f. 1, d. 45, d. 68,1.16; note also the similarity here to the interviewees' statements quoted in the introduction to this article. Weiner, “The Making of a Dominant Myth,” 660.

49. HAA HQP’ f. 1, op. 45, d. 68,1.19.

50. Ibid., 1.13. This concern correlates with Soviet border policy, which defined border regions as “front” districts. See Martin, The Affirmative Action Empire, 320.

51. HAA HQP', f. 1, op. 45, d. 68,11. 2, 3, 6,12,18,19. See also Davies, Sarah, Public Opinion in Stalin's Russia: Terror, Propaganda and Dissent, 1934-1941, (Cambridge, Eng., 1997), 124–44.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

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57. HAA HQP', f. 1, d. 44 (Materialy TsK KP Armenii 1964g.), op. 108 (Dokladnye zapiski), 1.31; RGANI, f. 5, op. 58, d. 19,1.24. The print run of the first Armenian edition of Werfel's novel amounted to 40,000 copies. RGANI, f. 5, op. 58, d. 19,1. 64f.

58. On suffering as a “Soviet” virtue, see Alexopoulos, Golfo, Stalin's Outcasts: Aliens, Citizens, and the Soviet State, 1926-1936, (Ithaca, 2003), 113–27;Google Scholar and Kaganovsky, Lilya, How the Soviet Man Was Unmade: Cultural Fantasy and Male Subjectivity under Stalin (Pittsburgh, 2008), 4041.CrossRefGoogle Scholar The serialized contributions of “K 20-letiiu velikoi pobedy” in Pravda, likewise emphasized the overcoming of odds as a victory.

59. HAA HQP', f. 1, op. 45, d. 68,1.12.

60. Ibid., 1.13.

61. Ibid., 1.18.

62. Ibid., 1.4.

63. Ibid., 11. 2-4,12,13.

64. Ibid., 1. 4.

65. See, among others, “Ne zabudem, ne prostim!,” Pravda, March 10,1965.

66. HAA HQP', f. 1, op. 45, d. 68,1.13.

67. On the dissertation's popularity among students, see RGANI, f. 5, op. 58, d. 19, 1.24. On its use in other students’ work, see GARF, f. 8131, op. 36s, d. 7528.

68. HAA HQP', f. 1, op., 123 (Otdel’ kadrov), d. 5531 (Kirakosian Dzh, S.), 1.9.

69. Dzh. S. Kirakosian, “Pervaia mirovaia voina i zapadnye armiane (1914-1916gg.): Aftoreferat” (Yerevan, 1965), 3-4. Letters to Moscow authorities also referred to Hitler's quote, “Who remembers the massacres of the Armenians in Turkey?” See HAA HQP', f. 1, d. 45, d. 68,1.12.

70. Kirakosian, “Pervaia mirovaia voina,” 4.

71. Decolonization had been repeatedly endorsed by Nikita Khrushchev since the late 1950s. Odd Arne Westad, The Global Cold War: Third World Interventions and the Making of Our Times, (Cambridge, Eng., 2005), 66-72.

72. HAA HQP', f. 1, op. 45, d. 68,1.19.

73. It seems as if Armenians echoed the official statements in the Soviet press on the independence of Asian nations in order to make the issue relevant to the Armenian claim for national territory. See, for example, a statement by the Soviet government addressed to the United States about Vietnam, published in Pravda, which declared the “right of the peoples to independence and sovereignty.” “Zaiavlenie Sovetskogo pravitel'stvo pravitel'stvu SShA,” Pravda, March 5,1965.

74. HAA HQP', f. 1, op. 45, d. 68,1.18.

75. Ibid. Emphasis added. On Turkish influence on the territorial division of the Soviet Caucasus in the 1920s, see Baberowski, DerFeind ist überall, 244-45.

76. HAA HQP', f. 1, op. 45, d. 68,1.13.

77. Ibid., 1.20.

78. For similar sentiments, see petitions and leaflets from Nagorno-Karabakh in HAA HQP', f. 207, op. 26s, d. 140,11.1-6; and RGANI, f. 5, op. 58, d. 19,1. 25.

79. HAA HQP', f. 1, op. 46 (Materialy TsK KP Armenii 1966 goda), d. 66 (Perepiska s TsK KPSS), 1.112.

80. HAA HQP', f. 1, op. 46, d. 65b (Obrashchenie obshchestvennykh deiatelei), 11.1-4. See also HAA HQP', f. 1, op. 45, d. 68,11.12-13.

81. Quoted in Timothy Brennan, “The National Longing for Form,” in Homi K. Bhabha, ed., Nation and Narration, (London, 1990), 48.

82. Kotkin, Magnetic Mountain, 223-25. For other, even more unlikely groups’ adaptations of the socialist idiom, see Alexopoulos, Stalin's Outcasts;, Dobson, Miriam, Khrushchev's Cold Summer: Gulag Returnees, Crime, and the Fate of Reform after Stalin (Ithaca, 2009), 12,116 Google Scholar; and Lehmann, Maike, “A Different Kind of Brothers: Exclusion and Partial Integration after Repatriation to a Soviet ‘Homeland,'Ab Imperio, 3 (2012): 171211.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

83. HAA HQP', f. 1, op. 45, d. 2,1. 38.

84. HAA HQP', f. 1, op. 44, d. 54,1. 64-65. These measures were the result of an initiative by Dzhon Kirakosian and the directors of the Armenian institutes for Marxism- Leninism and for oriental studies, who had, in July 1964, started to lobby the Armenian CC to officially commemorate the Armenian genocide. The Armenian CC supported this and tried to gain support in Moscow. See ibid., 11.66-73.

85. HAA HQP', f. 1, op. 45, d. 2,1. 44.

86. Ibid., 11.38, 43, 44, 51, 52.

87. Ibid., 1.42.

88. Ibid., 11. 42, 43.

89. Ibid., 1.32.

90. Ibid., 1.48, 53.

91. Ibid., 1.39.

92. Ibid., 1.48.

93. Ibid., 1.37; see also ibid., 11. 43, 44.

94. Ibid., 1. 38; see also ibid., 1. 49.

95. On the role of Chingis Khan in Soviet propaganda, see Brandenberger, David, NationalBolshevism: Stalinist Mass Culture and the Formation of Russian National Identity, 1931-1956, (Cambridge, Mass., 2002), 147,163–64.Google Scholar For the Caucasian historiography on the issue, see Shnirel, ‘man V. A., The Value of the Past: Myths, Identity and Politics in Transcaucasia (Osaka, 2001), 6061.Google Scholar

96. HAA HQP', f. 1, op. 45, d. 2,1.32.

97. Ibid., 11.32-36.

98. Ibid., 1. 49-50.

99. Ibid., 11. 39, 48.

100. Ibid., 1. 38f.

101. Ibid., 11.55-62.

102. Ibid., 1. 45.

103. Ibid., 11. 51-52.

104. Ibid., 1.39.

105. Ibid., 1.38; see also 11.46,49, 54.

106. HAA HQP', f. 1, op. 46, d. 65a (Pis'mo Kochiniana A. i Muradiana B. v TsK KPSS po voprosu prisoedinenii NK k ArmSSR), 1. 3. Iakov Zarobian was “promoted” in 1966 from his post as First Secretary of the Armenian Central Committee to Deputy Minister for Electrification in Moscow.

107. Ibid., 11.1, 3, 5, 7.

108. Tumarkin, Nina, The Living and the Dead: The Rise and Fall of the Cult of World War II in Russia, (New York, 1994).Google Scholar

109. Arutiunian, Asratian, and Melikian, Erevan, 236.

110. Tumarkin, The Living and the Dead, 127.

111. See Marutyan, Harutyun, “Iconography of Historical Memory and Armenian National Identity at the End of the 1980s,” in Darieva, Tsypylma and Kaschuba, Wolfgang, eds., Representations on the Margins of Europe: Politics and Identities in the Baltic and South Caucasian States, (Frankfurt am Main, 2007), 94,105,123.Google Scholar Dudwick, Nora, “Memory, Identity and Politics in Armenia” (PhD diss., University of Pennsylvania, 1994), 262-78, 379;Google Scholar Vardanian, Mayis, Nachalo: Erevan 1988-125 fotografii, (Yerevan, 1998), 8,10, 20, 28, 32 Google Scholar; and Lehmann, Maike, Eine sowjetische Nation: Nationale Sozialismusinterpretationen in Armenien seit 1945, (Frankfurt am Main, 2012).Google Scholar