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The Integration of Expellees in Germany and Poland after World War II: A Historical Reassessment

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  27 January 2017

Philipp Ther
Philipp Ther*
Affiliation:
Department of History, Freie Universität, Berlin
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When World War II came to an end, vast portions of Germany and Poland lay in rubble. And, as if this were not enough, both countries were immediately inundated by large waves of migrants. In the years from 1944 to 1949, displaced persons, refugees, and expellees made up more than one-fifth of the populations of Poland and Germany. For the purpose of this article, expellees (or forced migrants) are Germans or Poles who had been living in the eastern territories of both countries as defined by their borders in 1937 and who were forcibly and permanently removed from their homelands between 1944 and 1949.

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Articles
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Slavic Review , Volume 55 , Issue 4 , Winter 1996 , pp. 779 - 805
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Copyright © Association for Slavic, East European, and Eurasian Studies. 1996

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References

1. Gerhard, Reichling, Die Heimatvertriebenen im Spiegel der Statistik (Berlin, 1958), 14–15Google Scholar; see also Bundesarchiv, AuBenstelle Potsdam (BAP), Mdl, DO 1–10, Zentralverwaltung fur Umsiedler (ZVU), no. 19.

2. Gerhard, Reichling, Die deutschen Vertriebenen in Zahlen: 40 Jahre Eingliederung in der Bundesrepublik Deutschland (Bonn, 1989), 30–34.Google Scholar

3. Coming up with exact numbers for Polish and German expellees is quite difficult, especially since the statistics were prepared differently in Poland and Germany. The data currently used in Germany also appear questionable because children of expellees who were born in postwar Germany are also counted as expellees. Banasiak assumes that there were 2.4 million repatriates. See Stefan, Banasiak, “Settlement of the Polish Western Territories in 1945–1947,” Polish Western Affairs 6, no. 1 (1965): 121–49Google Scholar; according to the official “repatriation” statistics, 117, 211 Poles were “repatriated” in 1944; 742, 631 in 1945; 640, 014 in 1946; 10, 801 in 1947; and 7, 325 in 1948—which amounts to a total of 1, 517, 982 repatriates. These Vatistics are contained in Jan, Czerniakiewicz, Repatriacja ludności polskiej z ZSSR 1944–1948 (Warsaw, 1987), 54 Google Scholar; To this official statistic must be added at least 600, 000 repatriates who had fled from eastern Poland during the war or who returned from Germany where they had been1 forced laborers. Many repatriates who had been members of the underground changed their identity in order to escape persecution.

4. Waclaw, Dlugoborski, Zweiter Weltkrieg und sozialer Wandel (Göttingen, 1981), 312–15.Google Scholar

5. Krystyna, Kersten, The Establishment of Communist Rule in Poland, 1943–1948 (Berkeley, 1991), 164 Google Scholar.

6. The policy adopted toward the expellees in the two Germanies, East and West, could be quoted as an example of the growing gap between them.

7. For Germany, see Wolfram Wette, “Eine Gesellschaft im Umbruch: ‘Entwurzelungserfahrungen’ in Deutschland 1943–1948 und sozialer Wandel,” in Robert Streibel, ed., Flucht und Vertreibung: Zwischen Aufrechnung und Verdrangung (Vienna, 1994), 257–84. In Poland, the recent wave of publications about former eastern Poland and the eagerness to study the “Kresy” (eastern territories) proves that the country is still attempting to come to terms with the loss of its eastern territories, Vilnius (Wilna), and L'viv (Lwów) more than fifty years ago.

8. In Yugoslavia nowadays, ethnic cleansing and population exchanges are widely regarded as cruel, but necessary, elements of a lasting peace. Population exchanges and expulsions in central and eastern Europe are quite often cited as factors responsible for contemporary peace in these regions. This conclusion is at best superficial.

9. The most comprehensive English-language publication dealing with these topics is by Gatz, Karen L., East Prussian and Sudetengerman Expellees in West Germany, 1945–1960: A Comparison of Their Social and Cultural Integration (Ann Arbor, 1989).Google Scholar

10. An estimated 40 to 50 million people were uprooted in Europe during and after World War II. These migratory waves were the largest since the great migrations (Völkerwanderung) of the fourth and fifth centuries. See Walter, Laqueur, Europa aufdem Wegzur Weltmacht 1945–1992, trans. Silber, Karl Heinz (Munich, 1992), 41.Google Scholar

11. The roots of the word are biblical and derive from the “expulsion from paradise.” Church-affiliated expellees indeed viewed their expulsion as biblical punishment for Nazi Germany's wrongdoings. The term Vertreibung (expulsion) describes something permanent and irreversible. The term expellee (Vertriebene) was used by the American and British occupying authorities as early as 1945. In German, the word Vertriebene also carries the implication that the indigenous society has an obligation to integrate the expellees. Obviously, the term Fliichtling (refugee) does not contain this implication. The strictly scholarly use of the term Vertreibung was damaged by the political misuse of the term as a mere accusation against Germany's eastern neighbors. Most Polish historians used the terms wysiedleríci (unsettled people) and wysiedlenie (unsettling). Wysiedlenie also contained a connotation of unlawfulness and was for example used to describe the expulsion of Poles by the German occupants from the Warthegau during World War II. Although distinguishing among these terms might appear to be hairsplitting, it must be recalled that the quarrel over terms made the German-Polish dialogue virtually impossible for many years. The use of the terms expulsion and expellees in this article was indirectly encouraged by the increasing popularity of the term wypdzenie (expulsion) in Poland. For much good advice on translating these linguistic distinctions into English I want to thank Caroline King from Georgetown University.

12. Bundesvertriebenengesetz, sec. 1, par. 1. Since 1953, this law has been amended several times, but this definition is still valid today.

13. The term resettler was supposed to confirm that the regulations contained in article XIII in the Treaty of Potsdam governing the orderly and humane “transfer” of the German populace from Hungary, Czechoslovakia, and Poland had indeed been followed. The term resettler (Umsiedler, przesiedlenci) implies, falsely, that the resettiers left their homelands voluntarily. Hence, Naimark's assumption that Umsiedler was a “politically neutral word” is wrong. The term Umsiedler should be translated into English as “resettler.” Naimark's translation, “settler,” is the equivalent of Siedler in German. See Naimark, Norman M., The Russians in Germany: A History of the Soviet Zone of Occupation (Cambridge, Mass., 1995), 144, 149.Google Scholar

14. The main centers of research were the Humboldt University in Berlin under the guidance of Wolfgang Meinicke and the Pedagogical College in Magdeburg under the guidance of Manfred Wille. Manfred, Wille, “Die Zusammenarbeit der deutschen Antifaschisten mit der SMAD in der Umsiedlerfrage, speziell in Sachsen-Anhalt (1945–1949),” Jahrbuch der Ceschichte sozialistischer Lander Europas, vol. 23, no. 1 (Berlin, 1979)Google Scholar; Wolfgang, Meinicke, “Zur Integration der Umsiedler in der Gesellschaft 1945–1952,” Zeitschrift fur Geschichtswissenschaft 26, no. 10 (1988): 867–78.Google Scholar

15. Among the 1.5 million registered “repatriates” were more than 200, 000 Jews. See Krystyna Kersten, “Szacunek strat osobowych w Polsce Wschodniej,” Dzieje Najnowsze, no. 2 (1994): 46; according to Litvak, 157, 420 Jewish “repatriates” were registered by the Central Committee of Polish Jewry in Warsaw. See Yozef, Litvak, “Polishjewish Refugees Repatriated from the Soviet Union to Poland at the End of the Second World War and Afterwards,” in Davies, Norman and Polonsky, Antony, eds., Jews in Eastern Poland and the USSR, 1939–46 (London, 1991), 235 Google Scholar; see also Hanna Shlomi, “The ‘Jewish Organising Committee’ in Moscow and ‘The Jewish Central Committee’ in Warsaw, June 1945-February 1946: Tackling Repatriation,” in Davies and Polonsky, eds., Jews in Eastern Poland, 240–54. The Jewish “repatriates” are a special object of study that cannot be discussed within the limited space of this article.

16. Helmut, Carl, Kleine Geschichte Polens (Frankfurt, 1960), 153 Google Scholar; Enno, Meyer, Grundzüge der Geschichte Polens, 3d ed. (Darmstadt, 1990), 111 Google Scholar. A notable exception is Jörg Hoensch, who wrote about “vertriebene Ostpolen” (expelled eastern Poles). Jörg Hoensch, Geschichte Polens (Stuttgart, 1983).

17. Norman, Davies, God's Playground: A History of Poland (New York, 1981), 2: 509.Google Scholar

18. Leslie, R. F., The History of Poland since 1863 (Cambridge, Eng., 1980), 288.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

19. Lüttinger, Paul, Integration der Vertriebenen (Frankfurt am Main, 1989)Google Scholar; see also Erker's excellent regional study: Paul, Erker, Vom Heimatvertriebenen zum Neubürger: Sozialgeschichte der Flüchtlinge in einer agrarischen Region Mittelfrankens 1945–1955 (Wiesbaden, 1988)Google Scholar; Wette, “Eine Gesellschaft im Umbruch,” 269.

20. Nationalrat der Nationalen Front des demokratischen Deutschland, ed., Sie fanden eine neue Heimat (Berlin, 1951).

21. Rozwόj gospodarczy ziem zachodnich i pόlocnych Polski (Warsaw, 1960), 33; Zygmunt Dulczewski and Andrzej Kwilecki, Z Zycia osadnikόw na ziemiach zachodnich (Warsaw, 1961), 54 ff.; Wladyslaw Markiewicz and Pawet Rybicki, Przemiany spoleczne na ziemiach zachodnich (Poznan, 1967).

22. Integration needs to be distinguished from assimilation.

23. In this article, these territories will be called western territories. This term, ziemie zachodnie, has been in common use in Poland since the 1960s.

24. Andrzej Albert regards the contracts with the Ukrainian, Belorussian, and Lithuanian governments as unlawful. Indeed, these contracts were signed by the Polski Komitet Wyzwolenia Narodowego, a nonlegitimate precursor of a postwar Polish government. Andrzej Albert, Najnowsza hisloria Polski 1918–1980, 4th ed. (London, 1991), 449.

25. See Antoni Czubiríski's short but informative article “Przesunięcie granic państwa polskiego pod wplywem II wojny światowej (1939–1945),” in Czubiríski, Antoni, ed., Problem granic i obszaru odrodzonego panstwa polskiego (1918–1990) (Poznan, 1992), 196–203Google Scholar; see also Davies, God's Playground, 2: 509.

26. The repatriation treaties were never printed, in part because many regulations in favor of repatriates were never met by the Polish government. In the AAN (Archiwum Akt Nowych) the repatriation treaties are kept in the rather minor collection: Generalny Pelnomocnik Rzadu RP do Spraw Repatriacji w Warszawie (GP Rz d/s Repatr.). The treaty with the Lithuanian SSR from 22 September 1944 is kept at AAN, GP Rz d/s Repatr., sygn. 1, pp. 19–21; the treaty with the Ukrainian SSR from 6 September 1944 can be seen in AAN, GP Rz d/s Repatr., sygn. 1, pp. 28–37. The simple fact that in these treaties Poland was relegated to the same level as individual Soviet Republics gives a clear indication of its weak position versus the Soviet Union. Only on 6 July 1945 was Poland able to conclude a repatriation treaty with the Soviet Union that confirmed the regulations of the former treaties. The repatriation treaty of 1945 can be seen in AAN, GP Rz d/s Repatr., sygn. 1, pp. 16–18.

27. Czubiríski, Problem granic, 201; Piotr, Eberhardt, Polska granica wschodnia 1939–1945 (Warsaw, 1993), 154 Google Scholar.

28. See Artur Hajnicz, “Dialog—Zatozenia, obawy, oczekiwania,” in Polska w Europie, special volume (Warsaw, 1995), 4.

29. See Theodor, Schieder, Dohumentation der Vertreibung der Deutschen aus Ostmitteleuropa (Bonn, 1953–1961)Google Scholar; see also Naimark, Russians in Germany, 71–76 and 145–50.

30. According to West German statistics, 1, 618, 400 Germans died during the expulsion from Poland (the overall number of victims was supposedly 2, 239, 500 people). Statistisches, Bundesamt, ed., Die deutschen Vertreibungsverluste (Stuttgart, 1958), 38, 45, and 46Google Scholar. As Riidiger Overmans has shown, these numbers are not entirely credible. Only about 400, 000 casualties have in fact been documented. Overmans estimates that the entire number of “victims of expulsion” was approximately 600, 000. Riidiger, Overmans, “Personelle Verluste der deutschen Bevolkerung durch Flucht und Vertreibung,” Dzieje Najnowsze, 1994, no. 2: 51–66.Google Scholar

31. Recently, several articles and books on the expulsion of Germans have been published in Poland; these are based on new sources and draw a less favorable picture than past publications. See Witold Stankowski, “Zur Aussiedlung der Deutschen aus Pommerellen in den Jahren 1945–1950: Ein Forschungsbericht,” Deutsche Studien 126–127 (June-September 1995): 216–25; Bernadetta Nitschke, “Wysiedlenie Niemcow z Ziemie Lubuskiej V latach 1945–1950,” Zeszyty Historyczne 104 (1993): 103–13; Edmund Nowak, Cierí Łambinowic: Prόba rekonstrucji dziejόw Obozu pracy w Łambinowicach 1945–1946 (Opole, 1991). See also Jan, Misztal, “Wysiedlenie i repatriacja obywateli polskich z ZSSR a wysiedlenia i przesiedlenia niemcow z Polski-proba bilansu,” in Orlowski, Hubert and Sakson, Andrzej, eds., Utracona ojczyzna: Przymusowe wysiedlenia, deportacje i przesiedlenia jako wspόlne doświadczenia (Poznan, 1996), 45–75Google Scholar. Misztal's article appears to be biased, because it supports the traditional viewpoint about the proper transfer of Germans. There are also recent publications concerning the expulsion of Germans from Czechoslovakia that are based on newly accessible Czech (or Czechoslovakian) sources. See Staněk, Tomáš, Odsun Nhncii z Československa 1945–1947 (Prague, 1991).Google Scholar

32. To understand the eastern Poles, their expulsion, and their postwar history, it is necessary to understand Polish-Ukrainian relations during World War II. See Piotr, Eberhardt, Przemiany narodowosciowe na Ukraine XX wieku (Warsaw, 1994), 157 ff.Google Scholar; Ryszard, Torzecki, Polacy i Ukraińcy: Sprawa ukraińska w czasie II wojny światowej na terenie II Rezczpospolitej (Warsaw, 1993)Google Scholar; Łukaszόw, Jan, “Walki polsko-ukrairískie 1943–1947,” Zeszyty Historyczne 90 (1989): 159–99Google Scholar. For information on Polish-Belorussian and Polish-Lithuanian relations, see Piotr, Eberhardt, “Przemiany Narodowościowe na Bialorusi,” Przeglad Wschodin 2, no. 3 (7) (1992–93)Google Scholar; Franciszek, Sielicki, Losy mieszkancow Wileriszczyzny w latach 1939–1946: Okupacja sowjecka i niemiecka, wywόzki, partyzanka, repatriacja (Wroclaw, 1994)Google Scholar; and Krzysztof, Tarka, “Spόr o Wilno, Ze stosunkόw polskolitewskich w latach drugiej wojny światowej,” Zeszyty Historyczny 114 (1995): 60–83Google Scholar. Also valuable is information about the Soviet occupation of eastern Poland. Especially recommended is Stanislaw Ciesielski, Grzegorz Hryciuk, and Aleksander, Srebrakowski, Masowe deportacje radzieckie w okresie II wojny światowej (Wrocław, 1994).Google Scholar

33. The expulsion of the Germans can be divided into three phases. In late 1944 and early 1945, Germans either fled from the approaching Red Army or were evacuated by the Nazi authorities before the Soviet troops arrived. From spring 1945 until July 1945, Germans were expelled (the so-called wilde Vertreibungen). After July 1945, the Potsdam Treaty provided a legal basis for the expulsions. In the Polish case, the expulsion also occurred in three phases. From 1943 until 1944, eastern Poles fled mainly from the Polish-Ukrainian war. In 1944, the Red Army, which had again occupied eastern Poland, provided an additional motive for flight. After September 1944, the “repatriation” treaties provided a legal basis for the expulsions.

34. Some impressions about the real face of repatriation can be gained in AAN, GP Rz d/s Repatr., sygn. 12, pp. 3–13; AAN, GP Rz d/s Repatr., sygn. 1, p. 5, AAN, GP Rz d/s Repatr., sygn. 2, p. 96; AAN, GP Rz d/s Repatr., sygn. 9, p. 59. See also the reports sent to the Central Committee of the Polska Partia Robotnicza in AAN, KC PPR (Komitet Centralny PPR), 295/VII/51, vol. 76, pp. 1–15. Particularly interesting are also many individual reports about the expulsion that appear in the memoirs of Polish “settlers” (osadnicy). See Instytut Zachodni, Poznan, competition “Pamietnik Osadnikόw,” 1957, memoirs 26 and 54; see also Instytut Ślaski, Opole, competition “Pamietniki trzech pokolerí mieszkarícόw Ziem Odzyskanych,” 1986, memoirs 68, 82, 88, 95, and 127. Hundreds of memoirs were collected by scientific institutes in western Poland, some were published after the completion of competitions. Those memoirs that were either not published at all or published only in part are especially valuable for the uncensored picture they present; see also two recently published memoirs: Alma Heczko, “Pożegnanie Lwowa,” Karta, no. 13 (1994): 3–6 and Ryszard Gansiniec, “Na Straży miasta,” Karta, no. 13 (1994): 7–27.

35. BAP, Mdl, DO 1–10, ZVU, no. 11, p. 162 (my translation).

36. Janusz W. Gołębiowski, Pierwsze lata wtadzy ludowej w wojewόdztwie Śłąsko-Dqbrowskim (Katowice, 1965), 177; AAN, MZO, sygn. 692, p. 86.

37. For West Germany see Erker, Vom Heimatvertriebenen, 26 ff.; Reichling, Die Heimatvertriebenen, 30–36. For East Germany see BAP, Mdl, DO 1–10, ZVU, no. 4, p. 80; Arnd Bauerkämper, “Von der Bodenreform zur Kollektivierung: Zum Wandel der ländlichen Gesellschaft in der Sowjetischen Besatzungszone Deutschlands und DDR 1945–1952,” in Hartmut Kaelble, Jürgen Kocka, and Hartmut Zwahr, eds., Sozialgeschichte der DDR (Berlin, 1994), 119 and 125–27. For Poland see Kazimierz Zygulski, Repatrianci na Ziemiach Zachodnich: Studium Socjologiczne (Poznan, 1962), 58; see also Gołębiowski, Pierwsze lata, 180; Franciszek, Serafin, Osadnictwo wiejskie i miejskie w wόjewodztwie Ślasko-Dqbrowskim w latach 1945–1948 (Katowice, 1973), 180–81.Google Scholar

38. Serafin, Osadnictwo wiejskie, 94; Jόzef Liszka, “Wklad kościola tworzenia się nowego spoleczerístwa w diecezji opolskiej w latach 1945–1951” (unpub. diss., Lublin, 1971), 46–47; Stefan Banasiak, “Osadnictwo rolne w wojewodztwie Ślqsko-Dqbrowskim w latach 1945–1947,” Studia i Materiaty z Dziejόw Ślaska 6 (1964): 153. For a report about the situation in Opole, see AP (Archiwum Paristwowy) w Katowicach, Archiwum Komitetu Wojewόdzki PZPR (byly AKW), l/VI/15. For similar reports from Pomerania and Lower Silesia, see AAN, MZO, sygn. 84, pp. 51–53 and AAN, MZO, sygn. 69, p. 114.

39. BAP, Mdl, DO 1–10, ZVU, no. 1, p. 7 (my translation).

40. For a critical account of the situation in the western territories in 1945, see AAN, MZO, sygn. 82, pp. 43–59.

41. AAN, GP Rz d/s Repair., sygn. 1, pp. 28–37.

42. Stefan, Banasiak, “Parístwowy Urząd Repatriacyjny w latach 1944–1946,” Przeglqd Zachodni 2 (1961): 338–39Google Scholar. In fact, the largest number of eastern Poles arrived in two waves during the summer and early autumn of 1945 and the spring of 1946. The entire repatriation was concluded only in 1948.

43. AAN, MZO, sygn. 1658, pp. 11–24 (my translation).

44. For the SZO/GDR see the statistics in BAP, Mdl, DO 1–10, ZVU, no. 13, p. 167; BAP, Mdl, DO 1–10, ZVU, no. 31, pp. 231 ff. For West Germany, see Paul Erker, “Revolution des Dorfes? Ländliche Bevolkerung zwischen Fluchtlingszustrom und landwirtschaftlichem Strukturwandel,” in Martin Broszat, Klaus-Dietmar Henke, and Hans Woller, eds., Von Stalingrad zur Währungsreform: Zur Sozialgeschichte des Umbruchs in Deutschland, 3d ed. (Munich, 1990), 380; Marion, Frantzioch, Die Vertriebenen: Hemmnisse, Antriebskräfte und Wege ihrer Integration in der Bundesrepublik Deutschland (Berlin, 1987), 207 ffGoogle Scholar. Similar misgivings were typical of many areas in Poland's western territories. In 1945, the Polish authorities responsible for resettling the western territories noted that the “migration of Polish farmers and their settlement in the country are more important than rebuilding the cities and urban workplaces.” Maria Kielczewska and Leopold Gluck, “Zagadnienie akjci migracyjnej na ziemiach zachodnich,” Przeglad Zachodni 1 (June 1945), reprinted in Przeglad Zachodni 2 (1995): 5 (my translation).

45. These migrants were true resettlers, for they migrated voluntarily to the western territories. They were also victims of propaganda, however. When the regime began to lure inhabitants of central Poland to the western territories, it promised farms or apartments for everybody. These promises were never kept. Some regions, such as Opole Silesia and Mazuria, already had a large number of indigenous people whose roots were partially Slavic. Hence, integration in these territories more closely parallels German conditions than does integration in the territories that were completely ethnically cleansed.

46. “Pierwsze lata wladzy ludowej we wspomnieniach Opolan,” Materialy konkursowe, Wspomnienia, Instytut Ślaski, Opole, pp. 911 ff. and p. 928; AP (Archiwum Panstwowe) w Katowicach, AKW, PZPR, l/VI/380.

47. AAN, MZO, sygn. 84. pp. 54–56.

48. When reference is made to “the authorities,” the role of the occupying powers in Germany must be mentioned. Until 1949, general policy directives were issued by the occupying powers. They also intervened in many individual cases in favor of those in need, and often on behalf of the expellees. This is true for the American, British, and Soviet administrations. Due to the limited length of this article, the role of the occupying powers and of the Soviets in Poland cannot be dealt with broadly.

49. Frantzioch, Die Vertriebenen, 144.

50. BAP, Mdl, DO 1–10, ZVU, no. 13, p. 88 (my translation).

51. Serafin, Osadnictwo wiejskie, 115.

52. There were minor differences between the administration of the British and the American zones. The French zone did not generally accept expellees in the first two years after World War II.

53. Concerning the currency reform in the SZO/GDR, see the complaints of expellees in BAP, Mdl, DO 1–10, ZVU, no. 1, pp. 200 ff.; Brandenburgisches Landeshauptarchiv Potsdam (BLHA), Ld. Br. Rep. 203, no. 1105, p. 48; in West Germany, the currency reform worked to the advantage of anyone who held real estate and owned goods, whereas poor people such as expellees or small savers were disadvantaged. See Kleβmann, Christoph, Die doppelte Staatsgründung: Deutsche Geschichte 1945–1955 (Bonn, 1991), 189–91Google Scholar; see also Bernd, Sprenger, Das Geld der Deutschen: Geldgeschichte Deutschlands von den Anfängen bis zur Gegenwart (Paderborn, 1995), 246.Google Scholar

54. Frantzioch, Die Vertriebenen, 127 ff.

55. In the Lastenausgleich, indigenous West Germans had to pay a tax on their taxable property of between 2 and 3 percent. They also had to pay a tax on profits generated by the devaluation of mortgages in the currency reform. For a critique of the Lastenausgleich, see Werner Abelshauser, “Der Lastenausgleich und die Eingliederung der Vertriebenen und Flüchtlinge—Eine Skizze,” in Rainer Schulze, Doris von der Brelie-Lewien, and Grebing, Helga, eds., Fliichtlinge und Vertriebene in der westdeutschen Nachkriegsgeschichte: Bilanzierung der Forschung und Perspektiven für die kunftige Forschungsarbeit (Hildesheim, 1987), 229–39.Google Scholar

56. See Eugen, Lemberg and Friedrich, Edding, eds., Die Vertriebenen in Westdeutschland: Ihre Eingliederung und ihr Einfluβ auf Gesellschaft, Wirtschaft und Politik und Geistesleben, 3 vols. (Kiel, 1959)Google Scholar. Lemberg and Edding's book was the most serious and comprehensive West German publication of the 1950s to deal with the issue of the expellees. It is also a special source for another reason: most essays were written by expellees and thus reflect the major patterns of thinking among the expellees.

57. Frantzioch claims that the demands made by the expellee organizations were primarily aimed at rallying their followers and strengthening their ties. See Frantzioch, Die Vertriebenen, 155–58. This viewpoint clearly underestimates the revisionist character of these demands. For a critical account of this policy, see Miihlen, Patrick von zur, Miiller, Bernhard, and Schmitz, Kurt Thomas, “Vertriebenenverbande und deutsch-polnische Beziehungen nach 1945,” in Christoph Scheitzer, Carl and Feger, Hubert, eds., Das deutsch-polnische Konfliktverhältnis seit dem Zweiten Weltkrieg: Multidisziplinäre Studien über konfliktfördernde und konfliktmindern.de Faktoren in den internationalen Beziehungen (Boppard am Rhein, 1975), 96–161.Google Scholar

58. AAN, MZO, sygn. 82, p. 48; CA MSW (Centralny Archiwum Ministerstwa Spraw Wewnetrzych), MAP, sygn. 118, pp. 156, 191–92; AP w Katowicach, UWŚ1, Sp-Pol., sygn. 42, pp. 13–14; Instytut Zachodni, memoirs 6 and 48; Pierwsze lata, pp. 315–18.

59. Winkler, Heinrich August, “Nationalismus, Nationalstaat und nationale Frage in Deutschland seit 1945,” in Winkler, Heinrich August and Kaelble, Hartmut, eds., Nationalismus—Nationalitaten—Supranationalitdten (Stuttgart, 1993), 12–33.Google Scholar

60. Sigrid, Meuschel, Legitimation und Parteiherrschaft: Zum Paradox von Stabilität und Revolution in der DDR 1945–1989 (Frankfurt, 1992), 18–20.Google Scholar

61. The Polish government noted with suspicion the attempts by the East German government to revise the border line at the Oder and Neiβe rivers. Information is contained in AAN, K.C PPR, sygn. 295/XX/70, pp. 48–49, 54–59, and 82–84.

62. See BAP, Mdl, DO 1–10, ZVU, no. 1, p. 13. In 1946, the resettler administration in the state of Brandenburg noted that it was a “blessing to be able to tell these people [the expellees] that we need them.” BLHA, Ld. Br. Rep. 203, no. 1074, p. 4.

63. In the second half of 1948 alone, the Ann für Neubürger of Thuringia vacated 8, 864 apartments on behalf of expellees. BAP, Mdl, DO 1–10, ZVU, no. 27, pp. 114, 131, 134, and 151; in Brandenburg, the government seized 24, 932 apartments in 1948 in order to confiscate additional space for expellees. BLHA, Ld. Br. Rep. 203, no. 1104, Bl. 6.

64. BAP, Mdl, DO 1–10, ZVU, no. 23, p. 4; BAP, Mdl, DO 1–10, ZVU, no. 13, p. 90; BLHA, Ld. Br. Rep. 332, L IV/2/61/574, no. 1; Sachsisches Hauptstaatsarchiv Dresden (SHSA), MinAS, no. 27, p. 5. See also Petra Pape, “Flüchtlinge und Vertriebene in der Provinz Brandenburg,” in Manfred Wille, Johannes Hoffmann, and Wolfgang Meinicke, eds., Sie hatten alles verloren: Flüchtlinge und Vertriebene in der sowjetischen Besatzungszone (Wiesbaden, 1993), 117 ff. In West Germany the situation was particularly critical in Schleswig-Holstein, Bavaria, and Niedersachsen, which had all taken in large numbers of expellees.

65. SHSA, MinAS, no. 27, p. 29; Wille, Hoffmann, and Meinicke, eds., Sie hatten alles verloren, 20; Regine Just, “Die Losung der Umsiedlerfrage auf dem Gebiet der DDR, dargestellt am Beispiel des Landes Sachsen 1945–1952” (Phil. diss. A, Magdeburg, 1985), 105. Like many East German administrative sources, the Saxonian statistics are not completely credible. In many cases statistics in the SZO and the GDR were fabricated while being collected and adjusted afterwards to present the picture that the government desired. Nevertheless, these claims reflect the government's intention of redistributing living space to achieve equality.

66. See the speech from 19 September 1945 made by the Communist party's agrarian expert, Edwin Hoernle, “Bodenreform: Eine Wende in der deutschen Geschichte” (excerpt), in Peter Bucher, ed., Nachkriegsdeutschland 1945–1949, Quellen zum politischen Denken der Deutschen im 19. und 20. Jahrhundert, vol. 10 (Darmstadt, 1990), 60–70; concerning the expellees, see 65. Piskol, Joachim, Nehrig, Christel and Trixa, Paul, Antifaschistisch-demokratische Umwälzung auf dem Lande 1945 bis 1949 (Berlin, 1984), 19 Google Scholar; see also Naimark, Russians in Germany, 144; Wolfgang Meinicke, “Die Bodenreform und die Vertriebenen in der SBZ und den Anfangsjahren der DDR,” in Wille, Hoffmann, and Meinicke, eds., Sie hatten alles verloren, 55–86.

67. According to Fisch, Jörg, (Reparationen nach dem Zweiten Weltkrieg [Munich, 1992])Google Scholar, the reparations paid by the SZO and later the GDR were by far the highest known in the twentieth century.

68. See Naimark, Russians in Germany, 161.

69. Meinicke, Wolfgang and Plato, Alexander von, Alte Heimat—Neue Zeit: Fliichtlinge, Umgesiedelte, Vertriebene in der Sowjetischen Besatzungszone und in der DDR (Berlin, 1991), 61.Google Scholar

70. The Umsiedleramt of Mecklenburg complained that the land reform could not work if the land recipients had to walk four kilometers (two and a half miles) or more to their fields. BAP, Mdl, DO 1–10, ZVU, no. 2, p. 218; see also Meinicke, “Die Bodenreform,” 73; Naimark, Russians in Germany, 155.

71. Meinicke, “Die Bodenreform,” 60; Bauerkämper, “Von der Bodenreform,” 125–26; see also Arnd, Bauerkamper, “Das Neubauernprogramm im Land Brandenburg,” Jahrbuch für Brandenburgische Landesgeschichte, no. 45 (1994): 182–202.Google Scholar

72. As in West Germany, attempts were made to form expellee organizations. At the same time, the Zentralverwaltung fur deutsche Umsiedler attempted to extend its power and to establish a “resettler committee,” which would have been something like a separate expellee parliament with far-reaching legislative and executive powers. See also Manfred, Wille, “Die Zentralverwaltung fur deutsche Umsiedler—Moglichkeiten und Grenzen ihres Wirkens (1945–1948),” in Wille, Hoffman, and Meinicke, eds., Sie hatten alles verloren, 27–55.Google Scholar

73. BAP, Mdl, DO 1–10, ZVU, no. 1, pp. 89–90.

74. See Philipp Ther, “Vertriebenenpolitik in der SBZ/DDR 1945–1953 am Beispiel des Kreises Calau-Senftenberg, “y Jahrbuch für brandenburgische Landesgeschichte, no. 46 (1995): 159–68; see also David, Pike, The Politics of Culture in Soviet-Occupied Germany, 1945–1949 (Stanford, 1992), 443 ff.Google Scholar and 645 ff.

75. BAP, Mdl, DO 1–11, HVDVP, no. 886, p. 13; BAP, Mdl, DO 1–10, ZVU, no. 13, p. 88; SHSA, Mdl, nos. 336 and 337; SHSA, KT/KR Hoyerswerda, no. 14 (no pagination); BLHA, Ld. Br. Rep. 202 G, no. 54, p. 74; BLHA, Ld. Br. Rep. 202 G, no. 136, p. 33; see also Ingeborg, Suckut, Blockpolitik in der SBZ/DDR 1945–1949: Die Sitzungsprotokolle des zentralen Einheitsfront-Ansschusses (Cologne, 1986), 82, 256–57, 277, 302, 451, and 486–88Google Scholar. Partly in response to the demands of the expellees, the Socialist Unity Party demanded a revision of the Oder-NeiBe line in 1946. See BLHA, Ld. Br. Rep. 250, LRA Calau/Senftenberg, no. 254, p. 73. The antipathy of the first president of the GDR, Wilhelm Pieck, toward the border was widely known. Pieck came from the town of Guben, which had been divided by the new border. After 1947, politicians accepted the party's official support for the new border.

76. BLHA, Ld. Br. Rep. 202G, no. 71, p. 7; see also SHSA, Bezirk Dresden, no. 6072, no pagination; SHSA, no. 6971, pp. 85–89.

77. See Meinicke and von Plato, Alle Heimat—Neue Zeit, 68–77, 136–60.

78. Steffi, Kaltenborn, “Der Versuch zur Wiederbelebung des Gablonzer Kunsthandwerkes im Land Thüringen—Utopie oder reale Möglichkeit?” in Buchheim, Christoph, ed., Wirtschaftliche Folgelasten des Krieges in der SBZ/DDR (Baden-Baden, 1995), 383–402.Google Scholar

79. AAN, MZO, sygn. 82, pp. 221 and 224; most Polish authors blame Stalinism, i.e., a radicalized socialism, for Poland's problems in its western territories. As an example, see Tomasz, Szarota, Osadnictwo Miejskie na Dolnym Ślasku w latach 1945–1948 (Wroclaw, 1969), 309 Google Scholar. The problems created by nationalism and the myth of a monolithic Polish nation were mostly overlooked before 1989.

80. Jakub, Tyszkiewicz, “Propaganda Ziem Odzyskanych w prasie Polskiej Partii Robotniczej w latach 1945–1948,” Przeglad Zachodni 4 (1995): 117–32.Google Scholar

81. AAN, MZO, sygn. 83a, p. 197.

82. In an explanatory appendix to a Council of Ministers’ decision about the resettlement of the western territories in May 1945, repatriates are called “a valuable element as Poles, … who are not qualified to play the role of pioneers, conquerors, and organizers as demanded by the tasks challenging Poland.” AAN, MZO, sygn. 1658, pp. 11–24 (my translation).

83. Several statistics prove the underrepresentation of expellees in the 1940s. For the police (MO, milicja obywatelska) and the office for security (UB, urzqd bezpieczeristwa), see Wojciech Blasiak, “Ślqska Zbiorowość regionalna i jej kultura w latach 1945–1956,” in Miroslawa Bfaszczak-Waclawik, Blasiak, Wojciech and Nawrocki, Tomasz, Gόrny Ślask: Szczegόlny przypadek kulturowy (Warsaw, 1990), 88 ffGoogle Scholar. For the Upper Silesian administration in 1946, see the statistics in Ślqsko-Dqbrowski Przeglad Administracyjny, no. 1 (1947): 30. Many reports and memoirs from the entire western territories also prove that the expellees were not equally represented in the MO, UB, and the general administration. After the 1940s, no statistics are available, but because of frequent purges of the administration and a positive reevaluation of the “repatriates” role as “pioneers,” the underrepresentation of expellees was probably slowly reversed.

84. AAN, MZO, sygn. 690, p. 81; AP w Katowicach, UWS1, Sp-Pol., sygn. 37, p. 19; Zdzislaw Żaba, “Wroclaw nasz,” Karta, no. 14 (1994): 71.

85. See also Każmierska's article, which tries to summarize the contents of narratives given by eastern Poles. Kaza Każmierska, “Konstruowanie narracji o doświadczeniu wojennej biografii: Na przykladzie analizy narracji kresowych,” Kultura i Spoleczeństwo, Biografia i Tozsamość narodowa, vol. 39, no. 4 (1995): 43–60; see also Szarota, Osadnictwo Miejskie, 284.

86. For more information on this repatriation office, see Stefan, Banasiak, DzuAahwść osadnicza Państwowego Urzedu Repatriacyjnego na Ziemiach Odzyskanych w latach 1945–1947 (Poznan, 1963). 87 Google Scholar. Krystyna, Kersten, “U podstaw ksztahowania sie nowej struktury agrarnej Ziem Zachodnich (1945–1947),” in Polska Ludowa: Materiaty i studia, vol. 1 (Warsaw, 1962), 37–85Google Scholar; see also AAN, MZO, sygn. 755, pp. 66, 69, and 73. According to Banasiak, the entire region (wojewόdztwo) of Upper Silesia, eight districts (powiaty) in the Wroclaw region, five districts in the Olsztyn region, and two districts in the Poznan region were overflowing with peasants. Banasiak, “Settlement,” 145.

88. Franciszek Kusiak, Osadnictwo wiejskie w środkowych i pόłnocnych powiatach Dolnego Śląska w latach 1945–1949 (Wroclaw, 1982), 234 ff. To verify this, Kusiak tabulated the land-conferment documents for all settlers in several counties.

89. Żygulski, Repatrianci, 20.

90. Osękowski, Czeslaw, Spolenczeństwo Polski zachodniej i polnocnej w latach 1945–1956 (Zielona Gόra, 1994), 75–77Google Scholar; Zygulski, Repatrianci, 70 ff.; Stefan, Nowakowski, Adaptacja ludności na Ślasku Opolskim (Poznan, 1957), 39 ff.Google Scholar

91. Parístwowy Urzad Repatriacyjny, Wydawnictwo Ministerstwa Informacji i Propagandy, Wracamy na Polskie Ziemię (Warsaw, 1945).

92. AAN, MZO, sygn. 497, p. 140; see also Instytut Zachodni, memoir 61; Kościk, Elzbieta, Osadnictwo wiejskie w poludniowych powiatach dolnego Ślaska w latach 1945–1949 (Wroclaw, 1982), 225 Google Scholar; Stanisław Łach, Przekszalcenia ustrojowo-gospodarcze w rolnictwie ziem zachodnich i pόłnocnych w latach 1945–1949 (Slupsk, 1993), 60.

93. AAN, MZO, sygn. 46, pp. 15–23; for information about the delays, see AAN, MZO, sygn. 70, Bl. 85, and sygn. 67, p. 116.

94. Adolf, Dobieszewski, Kolektywizacja wsi polshiej 1948–1956 (Warsaw, 1993).Google Scholar

95. Kersten, “U podstaw,” 72–73. The authorities also noted that the expellees’ resistance to collectivization was especially fierce. See CA MSW, MAP, sygn. 118, p. 167; AP w Katowicach, UWŚ1, Sp-Pol., sygn. 43, pp. 1 ff.

96. Kusiak, Osadnictwo wiejskie, 292; Żygulski, Repatrianci, 120; Banasiak, “Osadnictwo rolne,” 167.

97. BAP, Mdl, DO 1–10, ZVU, no. 27, p. 224; SHSA, Mdl, no. 337; SHSA, KT/KR Bautzen, no. 887 (no pagination).

98. BAP, Mdl, DO 1–10, ZVU, no. 31, p. 202.

99. Abelshauser, “Der Lastenausgleich,” 234; West German literature has argued that the presence of expellees as a potential labor force was essential for the economic miracle. See Frantzioch, Die Vertriebenen, 214. Expellee integration progressed quickly only after state and private revenues had risen sharply in the mid-1950s.

100. The expellees contributed disproportionally to the emigration from the GDR. About a third of the people emigrating from East to West Germany were expellees, whereas they made up 24.2 percent of the population of the GDR in 1949. For a general description of this emigration from the GDR (of both expellees and the indigenous population), see Helge, Heidemeyer, Flucht und Zuwanderung aus der SBZ/DDR: Flüchtlingspolitik der Bundesrepublik Deutschland bis zum Bau der Mauer (Düsseldorf, 1993).Google Scholar

101. According to the census of 1950, the number of autochtones in the western territories was 935, 830. Quoted from Osękowski, Społeczeństwo Polski, 63.

102. For a critical and—unfortunately for Poland—almost visionary view of the situation in Upper Silesia in the first two years after the war, see Stanislaw Ossowski, “Zagadnienia więzi regionalnej i więzi narodowej na Ślasku Opolskim,” Przeglqd Socjologicznej 9 (1947): 73–124. The Upper Silesians (Ślqzacy) had a mixed national consciousness. In response to different influences and constraints, they changed their affiliation several times. Reacting to the “otherness” of Poles and the oppressive nationalistic policy, the Silesians (and Mazurians) frequently turned their sympathy and identity toward Germany.

103. A notable exception to this nationalist Zeitgeist was the role of the Catholic Church. Liszka rightly assumes that the church played a decisive role in the integration of the entire society. Liszka, “Wklad kosciola,” 101, 159, 274 fT.; see also Ks. Alojzy Sitek, Organizacja i kierunki dzialalnosci Kuril Administracji Apostolskiej Ślqska Opolskiego w latach 1945–1956 (Opole, 1986). For Osekowski the church was, aside from the school, the main factor contributing to integration. Osekowski, Spoleczenstwo Polski, 195 ff. and 210 ff.; see also Bp. Wincenty, Urban, Duszpasterski wkladksiezy repatriantdwwArchidiecezji w latach 1945–1970 (Wroclaw, 1970)Google Scholar. The churches also aided integration in Germany. As in Poland, the churches in Germany helped many needy expellees. Moreover, the expellees could express their cultural heritage within the church. This contributed to the psychological well-being of many. In all three countries, the churches also set an example for the expellees’ integration into existing hierarchies and administrative structures. If a priest from the eastern territories could not get his own parish, he was assigned to an existing parish where he could work as a chaplain or in a related position. See H. Rudolph's twovolume publication: Hartmut, Rudolph, Evangelische Kirche und Vertriebene 1945–1972 (Göttingen, 1984–85)Google Scholar; for the Catholic Church, there is a compilation of sources in Franz, Lorenz, ed., Schicksal Vertreibung. Aufbruch aus dem Glauben: Dokumente und Selbstzeugnisse vom religiösen, geistigen und kulturellen Ringen (Cologne, 1980)Google Scholar.

104. Lis, Michał, Ludność Rodzima na Ślqsku Opolskim po 11 wojnie swiatowej 1945–1993 (Opole, 1993)Google Scholar; Gόrlich, Joachim Georg, “Autochtoni,” in Kultura (Paris, 1965), 1: 133–38Google Scholar; Maria, Szmeja, “Ludność autochtoniczna Ślqska Opolskiego,” Przeglad Zachodni 2 (1989): 57–69Google Scholar; Kazimierz Żygulski, “Przyczyny wyjazdu ludnosci rodzimej z woj. opolskiego na Zachόd,” Referat, Instytut Ślqski, Opole, 1958.

105. For West Germany, see Frantzioch, Die Vertriebenen, 207. For East Germany, see Meinicke and von Plato, Alte Heimat—Neue Zeit, 70 and 136–60; Lutz, Niethammer, Die volkseigene Erfahrung: Eine Archäologiedes Lebens in der Industrieprovinz der DDR (Berlin, 1991), 113, 400 ff., and 488Google Scholar; see also BAP, Mdl, DO 1–10, ZVU, no. 13, p. 87. For Poland, see Stefan, Nowakowski, Narodziny miasta (Warsaw, 1967).Google Scholar

106. See the interviews conducted by von Plato contained in Meinicke and von Plato, Alte Heimat—Neue Zeit, 70 ff.; for Poland, a good example is the industrial town of Kędzierzyn-Kozle; see Dorota Simonides, “Problem unifikacji narodowej na Shisku na przykladzie Kedzierzyna,” Znak, vol. 55 (1959): 3–22; Nowakowski's Narodziny miasta also deals with Kedzierzyn; for East Germany, see also Peter, Hiibner, “Arbeiter und sozialer Wandel im Niederlausitzer Braunkohlenrevier von den dreiBiger Jahren bis Mitte der sechziger Jahre,” in Hiibner, Peter, ed., Niederlausitzer Industriearbeiter 1935 bis 1970: Studien zur Sozialgeschichte (Berlin, 1995), 41–51.Google Scholar

106. See the interviews conducted by von Plato contained in Meinicke and von Plato, Alte Heimat—Neue Zeit, 70 ff.; for Poland, a good example is the industrial town of Kędzierzyn-Kozle; see Dorota Simonides, “Problem unifikacji narodowej na Shisku na przykladzie Kedzierzyna,” Znak, vol. 55 (1959): 3–22; Nowakowski's Narodziny miasta also deals with Kedzierzyn; for East Germany, see also Hiibner, Peter, “Arbeiter und sozialer Wandel im Niederlausitzer Braunkohlenrevier von den dreiBiger Jahren bis Mitte der sechziger Jahre,” in Hiibner, Peter, ed., Niederlausitzer Industriearbeiter 1935 bis 1970: Studien zur Sozialgeschichte (Berlin, 1995), 41–51.Google Scholar

107. Erker showed that the expellees were an especially mobile group within West German society. By the mid-1950s, only about one-third remained in the villages where they had originally been settled. Erker, Vom Heimatvertriebenen, 26 ff. There are no exact statistics for the GDR, but in comparison to their percentage of the entire population, expellees disproportionally participated in the exodus from the land. For Poland, see Żygulski, Repatrianci, 15; Krystian, Heffner, Ślask Opolski: Proces przekszaken ludniościowych i przestrzennych systemu osadnictwa wiejskiego (Opole, 1991) 43–44Google Scholar; see also Bozenna, Chmielewska, Spoleczne przeobrażenia środowisk wiejskich na ziemiach zachodnich: Na przykladzie pieciu wsi w wojewόdztwie Zielonogόrskim (Poznan, 1965).Google Scholar

108. For West Germany, see Karasek-Langer, Alfred, “Volkstum im Umbruch,” in Lemberg, and Edding, , eds., Die Vertriebenen in Westdeutschland, 1: 606–94Google Scholar; Friedrich, Prinz, Integration und Neubeginn: Dokumentation iiber die Leistungen des Freistaats Bayern und des Bundes zur Eingliederung der Wirtschaftsbetriebe der Vertriebenen und Fliichtlinge und deren Beitrag zur wirtschaftlichen Entwicklung des Landes (Munich, 1984)Google Scholar; Brelie-Lewien, Doris, “Zur Rolle der Fliichtlinge und Vertriebenen in der westdeutschen Nachkriegsgeschichte,” in Schulze, Brelie-Lewien, and Grebing, eds., Flüchtlinge und Vertriebene, 24–46Google Scholar. For East Germany, see Lutz Niethammer, Die volkseigene Erfahrung, 113, 400 ff., and 488. For Poland, see Markiewicz and Rybicki, Przemiany spoleczne; see also Dorota, Simonides, ed., Etnologia i folklorystyka wobec problemu tworzenia sie nowego spoleczenstwa na ziemiach zachodnich i pόłnocnych. Materialy z sesji 10–11.10.1986. (Opole, 1987).Google Scholar

109. AP w Opolu, PUR, pow. Kluczbork, no. 6, pp. 46, 224–26; AAN, MZO, sygn. 67, p. 88; see also Zygulski, Repatrianci, 101; Ossowski, “Zagadnienia wiezi regionalnej,” 115–23; Nowakowski, Adaptacja ludności, 194; Simonides, “Problem unifikacji,” 18 ff.

110. Anna Olszewska-Ładykowa and Kazimierz Żygulski, “Malzerístwa mieszane na Śląsku Opolskim,” Przeglad Socjologiczny 1, no. 13 (1959): 89–106; Zygmunt, Chrzanowski, Problemy Adaptacji i integracji spoiecznej w Lewinie Brzeskitn (Opole, 1966), 70–72Google Scholar; Bogustaw Chruszcz, “Osadnictwo i przeobrazenie spoleczne w Walbrzychu ze szczegόlnym uwzglednieniem zagadnieńia malzerístw mieszanych w latach 1945–1955,” Studia Slaskie, new series t. 16 (1969): 194–219.

111. Lampe's thinking is dealt with in Eberhardt, Polskagranica wschodnia, 143; see also Krystyna, Kersten, “Polska—paristwo narodowe: Dylematy i rzeczywistość,” in Narody. Jakpowstawaly ijak tvybijaty sie na niepodlegiość? (Warsaw, 1989), 442 and 473Google Scholar. Gomulka and other leading communists considered Polish Jews to be a hindrance to the establishment of a monolithic nation-state. See Litvak, “Polish-Jewish Refugees Repatriated,” 228–29; see also Edmund Dmitrόw, “Die Zwangsaussiedlung der Deutschen in der polnischen öffendichen Meinung der Jahre 1945–1948,” Deutsche Stttdien, no. 126–127 (June-September 1995): 230.

112. This phenomenon can be well observed in the medium and lower levels of administration. The records of the provincial committee for setding in Upper Silesia may serve as an example of this. AAN, MAP, sygn. 2467, pp. 9–66; see also CA MSW, MAP, sygn. 122, p. 18.

113. Frantzioch, Die Verlriebenen, 153.

114. Peter Hiibner, “Soziale und mentale Trends in der Industriearbeiter schaft,” in Kaelble, Kocka, and Zwahr, eds., Sozialgeschichte der DDR, 180 ff.; Gerhard Lippold, “Arbeiter in Hoyerswerda 1955–1965: Ergebnisse der Zeitbudgetuntersuchung 1965,” in Hiibner, ed., Niederlausitzer Industriearbeiter 1935 bis 1970, 134 ff.; Monika Rank, “Sozialistischer Feierabend? Aspekte des Freizeitverhaltens von Industriearbeitern des Senftenberger Braunkohlenreviers in den 1950er Jahren,” in Hiibner, ed., Niederlausitzer Industriearbeiter, 266. For Poland, see Chruszcz, “Osadnictwo i przeobrazenie,” 193; Chrzanowski, Problemy Adaptacji, 51; Nowakowski, Narodziny miasta, 12. This is especially true for the GDR, where the leveling was more pronounced than in Poland. See Sigrid, Meuschel, Legitimation und Parteiherrschaft: Zum Paradox von Stabilitdt und Revolution in der DDR 1945–1989 (Frankfurt, 1992), 9–14 and 43 ff.Google Scholar

115. Olszewska-Ladynkowa and Żygulski, “Malzeństwa mieszane,” 97 ff.; Chrzanowski, Problemy Adaptacji, 70–72; Chruszcz, “Osadnictwo i przeobrazenie,” 194 ff.; Nowakowski, Narodziny miasta, 119. There exists only one small paper concerning intermarriages in East Germany. See Karin Wiechhusen, “Die Integration der Vertriebenen in der Stadt Schwerin, dargestellt anhand der EheschlieBungen,” in Die Integration der Vertriebenen in Deutschland—Moglichkeiten und Grenzen, Symposium vom 25.-29.4.1991 in Magdeburg (Magdeburg, 1991), 138–51. Several articles and papers concerning intermarriage in West Germany are contained in Lemberg and Edding, eds., Die Vertriehenen in Westdeutschland. Throughout the 1950s, the number of intermarriages was much higher in both Germanies than it was in Poland. At the end of the 1950s, the rate of intermarriage was around 50 percent in both Germanies.