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“The Motherly Office of the State”: Cultural Struggle and Comprehensive Administration Before the Civil War

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  19 May 2008

Joseph S. Bonica
Joseph S. Bonica
Affiliation:
St. Cloud University
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Abstract

This essay examines the cultural dimensions of state administrative formation. Revisiting the organization of early U.S. state school administrations in the decades before the Civil War, I emphasize the culturally peculiar vocabularies of universal salvation and motherly care in which early administrators outlined an apparatus of state “designed, like the common blessings of heaven, to encompass all.” Self-consciously distinguishing themselves from a republican governing tradition that depended upon localities to administrate state policy, the Unitarian Horace Mann and his liberal Protestant allies imagined a unified state “like a mother … taking care of all its children.” Drawing from a cultural preoccupation with a motherly and infinitely forgiving God, these Massachusetts state administrators articulated a vision of a department of state government that would directly recognize all persons, and all schools, “within every part of the Commonwealth.” Such words were more than metaphor, though metaphor was crucial to the project. Rather, the organizational logic of the “motherly state” unfolded in the matrices of responsibility and communication, of surveillance and discipline and labor policy that constituted the foundational systems of early comprehensive state administration. By bringing together the insights of institutional development with the methods of cultural history, this essay ultimately suggests that government itself can be understood as a cultural artifact.

Type
Research Article
Information
Studies in American Political Development , Volume 22 , Issue 1 , Spring 2008 , pp. 97 - 110
Copyright
Copyright © Cambridge University Press 2008

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References

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8. Smith, Adam, The Theory of Moral Sentiments (1763; reprint, Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press, 2002), 11Google Scholar. It would be wrong to say that no other groups outside of the Liberal Protestants saw sympathy as mutual or equal. Scottish Enlightenment thinkers, such as David Hume saw sympathy in likeness (“resemblance and contiguity”), a perspective that resonated in Hamilton's “Federalist 13,” dealing partly with feelings of sectional sympathy. See Hume, David, Treatise on Human Nature (1740, reprint Oxford University Press, 2000), book II, part I, sec. XIGoogle Scholar. But, as other scholars have pointed out, it was the sympathy of pity that energized nineteenth-century political and reform movements. See, for example, Clark, Elisabeth B., “‘The Sacred Rights of the Weak:’ Pain, Sympathy, and the Culture of Individual Rights in America,” Journal of American History 82 (1995)CrossRefGoogle Scholar; and Halttunen, Karen, “Humanitarianism and the Pornography of Pain in Anglo-American Culture,” American Historical Review 100 (1995): 303–34CrossRefGoogle ScholarPubMed: each shows the organizational uses of pity among “benevolent” types. Writing about the ‘conscience to be aroused’ is Child, Lydia Maria, Letters From New-York, Mills, Bruce, ed. (1843; reprint Athens: University of Georgia Press, 1998), 143Google Scholar. For Channing quote, Channing, William Ellery, The Works of William E. Channing, D.D. (New York: C.S. Francis, 1853), vol. 2, 9–10Google Scholar. I do not mean to suggest that these Unitarians were on the leading-edge of a general change in the political meanings of sympathy. Indeed, sympathy as pity still enjoys full currency. For example, Dauber, Michelle Landis, “The Sympathetic State,” Law and History Review 23 (2005): 387–442CrossRefGoogle Scholar, equates disaster relief—called “sympathy” here—with pity for victims of natural disasters.

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10. On the rural transformation, see Clark, Christopher, The Roots of Rural Capitalism: Western Massachusetts, 1780–1860 (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1990), 21–117Google Scholar. Samuel Gridley Howe would become particularly well known in these circles for his highly publicized work with the deaf-mute Laura Bridgeman. See Gitter, Elisabeth, The Imprisoned Quest: Samuel Howe and Laura Bridgeman, The Original Deaf-Blind Girl (New York: Farrar, Strauss, and Giroux, 2001)Google Scholar. Jonathan Messerli, Mann's most important biographer, focuses on reformers' benevolent impulses as the main theme of this story of state formation. Messerli, Jonathan, “Localism and State Control in Horace Mann's Reform of the Common Schools,” American Quarterly 17 (1965): 104–18CrossRefGoogle Scholar. ‘State establishment’ quote is from Barnard, Henry, Report of the Condition and Improvement of the Public Schools of Rhode Island (Providence, RI: B. Cranston, 1846), 46, 161–62Google Scholar. Kaestle and Vinovskis, Education and Social Change, 209–32 presents a legislative history of the bill creating the Board of Education. Commonwealth of Massachusetts, The General Statutes of the Commonwealth of Massachusetts Relating to the Public Schools (Boston: State Printers, 1868), 4–9, 30–33.

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14. Abbott to Mann, 25 June 1847, Horace Mann Papers, Massachusetts Historical Society; ‘quiet and sympathetic’ is from Theodore Parker, The School and the Schoolmaster, vol. 2, 279; ‘remaking the selves of others’ is from Howe, Making the American Self, 157–88.

15. Gustavus Gilbert to Mann, 19 Aug. 1841, Horace Mann Papers, Massachusetts Historical Society, reel 6. The General Statutes of the Commonwealth of Massachusetts Relating to the Public Schools (Boston: State Printers, 1868), 4–9, 30–33; on reform and party politics in Massachusetts, see: Kaestle and Vinovskis, Education and Social Change, 213–20; Earle, Jonathan H., Jacksonian Antislavery and the Politics of Free Soil, 1824–1854 (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2004)Google Scholar; Earle, Jonathan H., “Marcus Morton and the Dilemma of Jacksonian Antislavery,” Massachusetts Historical Review 4 (2002): 61–88Google Scholar; Letter from Barnas Sears to unknown, 22 January 1849, Massachusetts State Archive, Board of Education Papers, box 1507X.

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17. Greven, Philip J., The Protestant Temperament: Patterns of Child-Rearing, Religious Experience, and the Self in Early America (New York: Knopf, 1977)Google Scholar writes about the culture of the rod as an instrument of family discipline. Smith, Matthew Hale, The Bible, the Rod, and Religion, in Common Schools (Boston: Redding & Co, 1847), 42Google Scholar; Proverbs 22:15, King James Version; Travis, William, “Children Must Have Masters,” [Michigan] Journal of Education 6 (April 1859): 133Google Scholar.

18. “Confessions of a Schoolmaster,” Ohio Common School Advocate, March 1838, 96; To the committee appointed to collect statistics in regard to the amelioration of the criminal code of Massachusetts, 28 Jan. 1843, William B. Fowle Papers, Massachusetts Historical Society.

19. Association of Masters of Boston Public Schools, Remarks on the Seventh Annual Report of the Hon. Horace Mann, Secretary of the Board of Education (Boston: Charles C. Little and James Brown, 1844), 114; Boston School Committee, Report on Corporal Punishment in the Public Schools of the City of Boston (Boston: A. Mudge, 1867) 16.

20. Norfolk Association of Teachers to Horace Mann, February 1832, Horace Mann Papers, Massachusetts Historical Society, reel 3; Anonymous, A Plea in Favor of Maintaining Flogging in the Navy (Washington(?), n.d.).

21. On women teachers in Massachusetts, in general, see: Carl Kaestle, Pillars of the Republic, 124–25; Massachusetts Board of Education, Abstracts of Massachusetts School Returns (Boston, 1837), 301; Massachusetts Board of Education, Fifteenth Annual Report (Boston, 1852), xxxvi; Massachusetts Board of Education, Twenty-Third Annual Report (Boston, 1860), xl; ‘good order’ quote in: George Lemmon to Horace Mann, 10 Aug. 1841, Horace Mann Papers, Massachusetts Historical Society, reel 6. Women, for example, constituted 18 percent of Tennessee teachers on the eve of the Civil War. See Tennessee Department of Public Instruction, Annual Report (Nashville: Tennessee Department of Public Instruction, 1865), 40.

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24. [Michigan] Journal of Education (March 1838): 29; “Female Teachers,” Common School Journal (15 Feb. 1839).

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