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The Shaping of a Virtuous Citizenry: Educational Reform in Massachusetts, 1830–1860

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  16 December 2008

Mustafa Emirbayer
Mustafa Emirbayer
Affiliation:
New School for Social Research
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Extract

In his “Ninth Annual Report to the Massachusetts Board of Education” (1846), the Secretary of the Board, Horace Mann, discussed the teaching of moral and civic virtues inside the classrooms of American public schools. “The question now arises,” he declared, “and it is a question on which the worth or worthlessness of our free institutions is suspended—whether [our schools] be put in requisition to impart a higher moral tone to the public mind; to enthrone the great ideas of justice, truth, benevolence, and reverence in the breasts of the people.” For Mann, of course, the answer was self-evident: it was the special task of public schooling to carry out “a revolution…down among the primordial elements of human character” itself. “[E]very fibre in the nation,” he declared, “should be strained to the endeavor…. It is the mission of our age to carry this cause one step further… in its progress of development.”

Type
Forum: on Education
Information
Studies in American Political Development , Volume 6 , Issue 2 , Fall 1992 , pp. 391 - 419
Copyright
Copyright © Cambridge University Press 1992

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References

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21. Dunn, Religious Education, p. 122.

22. For an excellent analysis of Whig political ideology, see Howe, Daniel Walker, The Political Culture of the American Whigs, (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1979)Google Scholar.

23. Ralph Waldo Emerson succinctly captured these sentiments: “This country is filling up with thousands and millions of voters, and you must educate them to keep them from our throats” (quoted in Wiebe, Opening of American Society, p. 349).

24. Quoted in Kaestle, Pillars, p. 158.

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28. For classic discussions of the biblical tradition, see Miller, Perry, The Life of the Mind in America (New York: Harcourt, Brace and World, 1965)Google Scholar; Heimert, Alan, Religion and the American Mind (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1966)Google Scholar; and Bercovitch, Sacvan, The Puritan Origins of the American Self (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1975)Google Scholar.

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32. Katznelson and Weir, Schooling for All, p. 50.

33. For an important discussion of the role of “cultural idioms” in sociological explanation, see Skocpol, Theda, “Cultural Idioms and Political Ideologies in the Revolutionary Reconstruction of State Power: A Rejoinder to Sewell,” Journal of Modern History 57 (03 1985): 86–96CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

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35. Boston School Committee, Reports of the Annual Visiting Committees of the Public Schools of the City of Boston, 1847 (Boston, 1847), p. 31Google Scholar, quoted in Schultz, Culture Factory, p. 47.

36. Rev. Brooks, Charles, “The Duties of Legislatures in Relation to the Public Schools in the United States,” lectures Before the American Institute of Instruction: Aug. 1849 (Boston, 1850), p. 182Google Scholar, quoted in Schultz, Culture Factory, p. 64.

37. See Tyack, David, “Becoming an American: The Education of the Immigrant,” in Turning Points in American Educational History, ed. Tyack, (Waltham, Mass.: Blaisdell, 1967), pp. 228–63Google Scholar.

38. Horace Mann, “Fifth Report to the Massachusetts Board of Education,” in Republic and the School, p. 53. This report was specifically written for an audience of businessmen, and distributed among them in large quantities as a pamphlet. See also Vinovskis, Maris, “Horace Mann on the Economic Productivity of Education,” New England Quarterly 43 (1970)CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

39. Diggins, Lost Soul, p. 163.

40. See Johnson, Paul, A Shopkeeper's Millennium: Society and Revivals in Rochester, New York, 1815–1837 (New York: Hill and Wang, 1978)Google Scholar; McLoughhn, William G., Revivals, Awakenings, and Reform (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1978), pp. 98–140Google Scholar; and Miller, Life of the Mind, pp. 3–95.

41. Kaestle, Pillars, pp. 87–88. See also Branch, E. Douglas, The Sentimental Yean, 1836–60 (New YorkD. Appleton-Cenlury, 1934)Google Scholar; Kuhn, Anne, The Mother's Role in Childhood Education: New England Concepts, 1830–1860 (New Haven: Vale University Press, 1947)Google Scholar; and Wishy, Bernard, The Child and the Republic (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1968)Google Scholar.

42. Cremin, American Common School, p. 17. It should be clear at this juncture that I wish to distance myself from those arguments that claim that “Americans in the mass responded pathologically to the changes they were experiencing. We might all take pause,” in Robert Wiebe's words, “from the accumulation of studies, now awaiting their synthesizer, that employ some variant of an equation between social change and acute anxiety to explain human behavior in almost every decade from the middle of the 17th to the late 20th century. The history of a paranoid society? [T]hat adjective and its near relations have lost their analytical value” (quote in Wiebe, Opening of American Society, p. xiii).

43. Cremin, American Common School, p. 17.

44. See Brooks, Van Wyck, The Flowering of New England: Emerson, Thoreau, Hawthorne and the Beginnings of American Literature (Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1936)Google Scholar; and Matthiessen, F. O., American Renaissance: Art and Expression in the Age of Emerson and Whitman (New York: Oxford University Press, 1941)Google Scholar.

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46. See Smith, Timothy, “Protestant Schooling and American Nationality, 1800–1850,” Journal of American History 53 (03 1967): 679–95Google Scholar; Tyack, David, “The Kingdom of God and the Common School,” Harvard Educational Review 36 (05 1966): 29–41Google Scholar; and Gordon, Mary, “Patriots and Christians: A Reassessment of Nineteenth Century School Reformers,” Journal of Social History 11 (Summer 1978): 554–73Google Scholar.

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48. For a detailed discussion of classroom discipline, see Horace Mann, “Seventh Report to the Massachusetts Board of Education,” in Republic and the School.

49. The classic statement of this position is to be found in Mann's “Twelfth Report to the Massachusetts Board of Education,” in Republic and the School.

50. Mann, “Twelfth Report,” p. 97.

51. In his “Third Report,” Mann asserts: ”The man is the trunk; occupations and professions are only different qualities of the fruit it should yield…. The development of the common nature; the cultivation of the germs of intelligence, uprightness, benevolence, truth, that belong to all;—these are the principal, the aim, the end,—while special preparations for the field or the shop, for the forum or the desk…are but incidents” (“Third Report to the Massachusetts Board of Education,” in Republic and the School, pp. 87–88).

52. Durkheim, Educational Thought, p. 227.

53. For studies that stress active working-class support for public education in the United States, for example, see Carlton, Frank Tracy, Economic Influences upon Educational Progress in the United States, 1820–1850 (New York: Columbia University Press, 1965)Google Scholar; Curoe, Philip, Educational Attitudes and Policies of Organized Labor in the Untied States (New York: Teachers College Press, 1926)Google Scholar; Jackson, Sidney, America's Struggle for Free Schools: Social Tension and Education in New England and New York, 1827–42 (Washington, D.C.: American Council on Public Affairs, 1941)Google Scholar; and Welter, Rush, Popular Education and Democratic Thought in America (New York: Columbia University Press, 1962)Google Scholar.

54. Rubinson, “Class Formation,” p. 534.

55. Meyer, John, Tyack, David, Nagel, Joanne, and Gordon, Audri, “Public Education as Nation-Building in America: Enrollments and Bureaucratization in the American States, 1870–1930,” American Journal of Sociology 85 (11 1979): 601CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

56. Tyack and Hansot, Managers of Virtue, p. 21.

57. Dunn, Religious Education, p. 119.

58. From a comparative historical perspective, Charles Leslie Glenn observes: “It is no accident that in…Massachusetts [as in other societies such as France and the Netherlands] the common school agenda was formulated and began to be implemented within three or four years of the disestablishment of the dominant church” (quote in Glenn, , The Myth of the Common School (Amherst: University of Massachusetts Press, 1981)Google Scholar.

59. Cremin, American Education, p. 207. The study referred to is Brown, Richard D., “The Emergence of Voluntary Associations in Massachusetts, 1760–1830,” Journal of Voluntary Action Research 2 (1973): 64–73CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

60. Tyack and Hansot, Managers of Virtue, p. 50.

61. Cremin, American Common School, p. 17. See also Smith, Timothy, Revivalism and Social Reform in Mid-Nineteenth Century America (New York: Abington, 1957)Google Scholar; Griffin, Clifford, Their Brothers' Keepers: Moral Stewardship in the United States, 1800–1865 (New Brunswick, N.J.: Rutgers University Press, 1960)Google Scholar; Rothman, David, The Discovery of the Asylum: Social Order and Disorder in the New Republic (Boston: Little, Brown, 1971)Google Scholar; Banner, Louis, “Religious Benevolence as Social Control: A Critique of an Interpretation,” Journal of American History 60 (1973–1974): 23–41Google Scholar; and Boyer, Urban Masses.

62. According to prevailing notions of domesticity and the “women's sphere,” “The appropriate field of development for women was caretaking and nurturing inside and outside the home” (quotation in Rothman, Sheila M., Woman's Proper Place [New York: Basic, 1978], p. 22Google Scholar [emphasis added]). See Welter, Barbara, “The Cult of True Womanhood: 1820–1860,” American Quarterly 18 (1966): 151–74Google Scholar; Cott, Nancy F., The Bonds of Womanhood: “Woman's Sphere” in New England, 1780–1835 (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1977)Google Scholar; Ryan, Mary P., Cradle of the Middle Class: The Family in Oneida County, New York, 1790–1865 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1981)Google Scholar; Epstein, Barbara Leslie, The Politics of Domesticity (Middletown, CT: Wesleyan University Press, 1981)Google Scholar; Hewitt, Nancy A., Women's Activism and Social Change: Rochester, New York, 1822–1872 (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1984)Google Scholar; Baker, Paula, “The Domestication of Politics: Women and American Political Society, 1780–1920,” American Historical Review 85 (06 1984)Google Scholar; and Smith-Rosenberg, Carroll, Disorderly Conduct: Visions of Gender in Victorian America (New York: Alfred Knopf, 1985)Google Scholar.

63. Tyack and Hansot, Managers of Virtue, p. 48.

64. Mattingly, Classless Profession, p. 67.

65. Brown, Samuel Windsor, The Secularization of American Education (New York: Teachers College Press, 1912), p. 72Google Scholar.

66. Quoted in Brown, Secularization, p. 77. See also Dunn, Religious Education, pp. 96–116; and Butler, Vera M., Education as Revealed by New England Newspapers Prior to 1850 (New York: Arno 1935)Google Scholar.

67. This phrase is from Lee Benson's important study, The Concept of jacksoman Democracy. The quotation in the text is from Howe, American Whigs, p. 20. For another useful study of Democratic ideology, see Meyers, Marvin, The Jacksonian Persuasion (Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 1957)Google Scholar.

68. See Howe, American Whigs, p. 15.

69. Howe, American Whigs, p. 36.

70. See Martin, George, The Evolution of the Massachusetts Public School System: A Historical Sketch (New York: Appleton, 1901)Google Scholar; and Smith, Religious Education in Massachusetts.

71. See Bidwell, Charles E., “The Moral Significance of the Common School: A Sociological Study of Local Patterns of School Control and Moral Education in Massachusetts and New York, 1837–1840,” History of Education Quarterly 6 (Fall 1966): 50–91Google Scholar; Culver, Raymond, Horace Mann and Religion in the Massachusetts Public Schools (New York: Arno, 1969). pp. 127–48Google Scholar; and Kaestle, Carl and Vinovskis, Maris, Education and Social Change in Nineteenth Century Massachusetts (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1980), pp. 208–32Google Scholar.

72. Kaestlc, Pillars, p. 141.

73. For broad surveys of these struggles between school reformers and localist opponents, see Dunn, Religious Education, pp. 150–188; Culver, Horace Mann and Religion (entire); and Glenn, The Myth of the Common School, pp. 180–95.

74. As we shall see, however, these “friends of education,” as supporters of public schooling liked to call themselves, included fewer and fewer Roman Catholics as time went by. Eventually, the latter became the only significant group that still resisted the common school agenda.

75. Richard L. McCormick, “Ethnocultural Interpretations of Nineteenth Century American Voting Behavior,” in Party Period, p. 55.

76. See Smith, Religious Education in Massachusetts, pp. 204ff.

77. Tyack and Hansot, Managers of Virtue, pp. 30–31.

78. Smith, Religious Education in Massachusetts, p. 157.

79. Quoted in Schultz, Culture Factory, p. 291.

80. Quoted in Glenn, Myth of the Common School, p. 197.

81. Quoted in Glenn, Myth of the Common School, p. 201. Fora useful survey of the Catholic position, see Dunn, Religious Education, 204–20. See also Handlin, Oscar, “Education and the European Immigrant, 1820–1920,” in American Education and the European Immigrant, 1840–1940, ed. Weiss, Bernard (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1982), pp. 3–17Google Scholar.

82. See Billington, Ray, The Protestant Crusade, 1800–1860: A Study of the Origins of American Salivism (New York: Macmillan, 1938)Google Scholar; and Baum, Dale, “Know-Nothingism and the Republican Majority in Massachusetts: The Political Realignment of the 1850s,” Journal of American History 64 (03 1978): 959–86Google Scholar.

83. See Handlin, Boston's Immigrants, pp. 178–206.

84. Schultz, Culture Factory, pp. 302fif.

85. Glenn, Myth of the Common School, p. 203.

86. See Dunn, Religious Education, pp. 276–79; and Schultz, Culture Facton, pp. 307–9.

87. Quoted in Dunn, Religious Education, p. 217.

88. Quoted in Glenn, Myth of the Common School, p. 217. See also Cross, Robert D., “The Origins of Catholic Parochial Schools in America,” American Benedictine Review 16 (Summer 1976): 131–45Google Scholar; and Lazerson, Marvin, “Understanding American Catholic Educational History,” History of Education Quarterly (Fall 1967): 297–317Google Scholar. For a useful work on Protestant-Catholic controversies in New York, see Ravitch, Diane, The Great School Wars: New York City, 1805–1973 (New York: Basic, 1974), pp. 3–79Google Scholar. For an overview of similar controversies in Cincinnati, see McCloskey, Robert, ed., The Bible in the Public Schools: Arguments Before the Superior Court of Cincinnati in the Case of Minor v. Board of Education (New York: Da Capo, 1967)Google Scholar.

89. Quoted in Glenn, Myth of the Common School, p. 218.

90. Hence the remark by Horace Bushnell that, at first, the schools of New England had been distinctly Puritan, that later they had become more generally Protestant, and that in the future they would become more generally Christian. See Bushnell, , A Discourse oti the Modifications Demanded by the Roman Catholics (Hartford, 1853), p. 7Google Scholar.

91. Quoted in Katz, Irony of Early School Reform, p. 146.

92. Quoted in Dunn, Religious Education, p. 213.

93. Quoted in Kaestle, Pillars, p. 168.

94. The phrase “ideal type” is used here in a normative sense only.

95. New England Puritan (October 1846). Quotation in Common School Journal (1847): 21. See also Holtz, Adrian Augustus, A Study of the Moral and Religious Elements in American Secondary Education up to 1800 (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1917)Google Scholar.

96. Hale, Joseph, Rejoinder to the “Reply” of the Hon. Horace Mann, Secretary of the Massachusetts Board of Education, to the “Remarks” of the Association of Boston Masters, upon his Seventh Annual Report: Part Four (Boston: Little, Brown, 1845), p. 57Google Scholar. See also Schoolmasters, Boston, Remarks on the Seventh Annual Report of the Hon. Horace Mann, Secretary of the Massachusetts Board of Education. Prepared by a Committee of the “Association of Masters of Boston Public Schools” and Published by that Body (Boston: Little, Brown, 1844)Google Scholar. For a useful discussion of this worldview, see Katz, Irony of Early School Reform, pp. 139–45. See also Kiefer, Monica, American Children Through Their Books, 1700–1835 (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1948), pp. 28–68Google Scholar.

97. Smith, Matthew Hale, The Bible, the Rod, and Religion in the Common Schools: Reply to Horace Mann (Boston: Redding, 1847); p. 40Google Scholar.

98. Lawrence School Committee, Annual Report, 1861–62, pp. 19–20.

99. The remaining nine school systems did not respond to the survey. Horace Mann, “Eighth Report to the Massachusetts Board of Education,” in Republic and the School, pp. 75–76. See also Aydelot, B. P., Report on the Study of the Bible in Common Schools (Cincinnati: N. S. Johnson, 1837)Google Scholar; and Twistleton, Edward, Evidence as to the Religious Working of the Common Schools of the State of Massachusetts (London: Ridgway, 1854)Google Scholar. Later reports and observational records indicate that this pattern continued throughout the latter half of the 19th century. One foreign visitor, for example, wrote that “perhaps in all the schools of the New England States the Bible is read; I know of no exception.” See Adams, Francis, The Free School System of the United States (London: Chapman and Hall, 1875), pp. 144–59Google Scholar; quotation on p. 151.

100. For studies of the content of American schoolbooks during this period, see Littlefield, George Emery, Early Schools and School-Books of New England (Boston: Club of Odd Volumes, 1904)Google Scholar; Johnson, Clifton, Old-Time Schools and School-Books (New York: Macmillan, 1904)Google Scholar; Pierce, Bessie Louise, Civic Altitudes in American School Textbooks (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1930)Google Scholar; Fell, Sister Marie Leonore, The Foundations of Nativism in American Textbooks, 1783–1860 (Washington, D.C.: Catholic University of America, 1941)Google Scholar;Nietz, John A., Old Textbooks (Pittsburgh: University of Pittsburgh Press, 1961)Google Scholar; Carpenter, Charles, History of American Schoolbooks (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1963)Google Scholar; and Elson, Ruth M., Guardians of Tradition: American Schoolbooks of the Nineteenth Century (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1964)Google Scholar.

101. Finkelstein, Barbara, “Governing the Young: Teacher Behavior in American Primary Schools, 1820–1880: A Documentary History” (Unpublished Ed.D. diss., Teachers College, Columbia University, 1970), p. 159Google Scholar.

102. Hall, S. R., Lectures on School Keeping (Boston, 1829), pp. 58–62Google Scholar.

103. See Michaelson, Robert, Piety in the Public School (New York: Macmillan. 1970)Google Scholar.

104. Quoted in Finkelstein, “Governing the Young,” p. 107.

105. Mann, Horace, Sequel to the So-called Correspondence between Rev. M.H. Smith and Horace Mann. Surreptitiously Published by Mr. Smith; Containing a Letter From Mr. Mann, Suppressed by Mr. Smith, with the Reply Therein Promised (Boston: W. B. Fowle, 1847), p. 24Google Scholar. See also Mann, Horace, Reply to the Remarks of Thirty-One Boston Schoolmasters on the Seventh Annual Report of the Hon. Horace Mann, Secretary of the Massachusetts Board of Education (Boston: W. B. Fowle, 1844)Google Scholar; Mann, , Answer to the “Rejoinder” of Twenty-Sine Boston Schoolmasters, Part of the “Thirty-One” Who Published “Remarks” on the Seventh Annual Report of the Secretary of the Massachusetts Board of Education (Boston: W. B. Fowle and N. Capen, 1845)Google Scholar; and Withington, Leonard, Penitential Tears; or, A Cry from the Dust by the “Thirty-one” Prostrated by the Hand of Horace Mann (Boston, 1845)Google Scholar.

106. Finkelstein, “Governing the Young,” p. 109.

107. See Harris, Pickens E., Changing Conceptions of School Discipline (New York1: Macmillan, 1928), pp. 84–85Google Scholar. For a useful survey of new school regulations regarding corporal punishment in thirty-three American cities, see Barnard's American Journal of Education 19 (1869): 435. See also Finkelstein, “Governing the Young,” pp. 102–35.

108. Mann. Reply to the Remarks of Thirty-One Boston School Masters, p. 132.

109. For an illuminating discussion of the moral education of girls, see Epstein, Politics of Domesticity, pp. 67–88. For an analysis of the assumptions underlying female education, see Jane Roland Martin's excellent study of the writings of Beecher, Catherine in Reclaiming a Conversation: The Ideal of the Educated Woman (New Haven: Vale University Press, 1985), pp. 103–38Google Scholar.

110. Commager, Henry Steele, “Foreword” to McGuffey's Fifth Eclectic Reader: 1879 Edition (New York: Signet, 1962), pp. xii–xiiiGoogle Scholar.

111. Durkheim, Emile, The Division of Labor in Society, trans. Halls, W. D. (1893Google Scholar; rept. New York: Free Press, 1984), pp. 338–39.

112. Mann, “Twelfth Report,” p. 104.

113. Gutmann, Amy, Democratic Education (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1987), p. 44Google Scholar. Another philosopher of education who argues for a similar position is R. S. Peters. See Peters, R. S., “Reason and Habit: The Paradox of Moral Education,” in Moral Education in a Changing Society, ed. Niblett, W. R. (London: Faber, 1963)Google Scholar; Peters, , Ethics and Education (London: Scott, Foresman, 1966)Google Scholar; Peters, , “Concrete Principles and the Rational Passions,” in Five Lectures on Moral Education, ed. F., N. and Sizer, T. R. (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1970), pp. 29–56Google Scholar; and Peters, , “Form and Content in Moral Education,” in The Domain of Moral Education, ed. Cochrane, D. B. et al. (New York: Paulist, 1979), pp. 187–204Google Scholar.

114. Curti, Merle, The Social Ideas of American Educators (New York: Charles Scribner's Sons, 1935), p. 345Google Scholar.

115. Swidler, Ann, “Culture in Action: Symbols and Strategies,” American Sociological Review 51 (04 1986): 280CrossRefGoogle Scholar.