Published online by Cambridge University Press: 21 March 2016
Methodist historians have naturally tended to emphasise the reasonableness and sobriety of their founder and his followers, the social as well as the spiritual benefits they produced. The elements of irrationality and what some will see as religious hysteria in the movement have been played down. Non-methodists have been less reticent. Methodist ‘enthusiasm’ was a popular target in the eighteenth century and the charges made, however one-sided and exaggerated, had a solid basis in fact. They were to be repeated with varying degrees of distaste and disapproval by writers such as Southey; or in more balanced accounts like that of Lecky. Even the sympathetic Alexander Knox who had known Wesley personally, perceptively remarked that ‘he would have been an enthusiast if he could’. Ronald Knox suspected that the rational controls in Wesley’s mind were only superficial: he was easily swayed on supernatural phenomena ‘when the evidence supported views which he wanted to be true’. A taste for religious excitement and credulity about the supernatural were often even more marked among his followers, especially the ordinary membership.
1 Lavington, George, The Enthusiasm of Methodists and Papists Compared 3 vols (London 1749–51)Google Scholar; Lyles, A. M., Methodism Mocked (London 1960) cap 2.Google Scholar
2 Southey, [R.], [The Life of Wesley] ed Fitzgerald, M. H. 2 vols (London 1925) 2 pp 227–32.Google Scholar
3 Lecky, W. E. H., A History of England in the Eighteenth Century 7 vols (new ed London I H92) 3 pp 77–97 Google Scholar.
4 ‘Remarks on the Life and Character of John Wesley’ in Southey 2 p 357.
5 Knox, R., Enthusiasm (London 1949) p 517.Google Scholar
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7 He also ran a dispensary: Wesley, John, Journal, ed Curnock, N., 8 vols (London 1909-16) 3 pp 273, 301, 329Google Scholar; Wesley, John, Letters, ed Telford, J., 8 vols (London 1931) 2 p 307.Google Scholar
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9 Clark 2 pp 540-3.
10 Thomas, [K.], [Religion and the Decline of Magic] (paper back edn, Harmondsworth 1973) pp 328–9.Google Scholar
11 Whiteley, J. H., Wesley’s Anglican Contemporaries (London 1939) pp 37–8 Google Scholar; McClatchey, D., Oxfordshire Clergy 1777-1869 (Oxford 1960) cap 11. She notes (p 177)Google Scholar that some clergy were qualified physicians in the 1870s.
12 Wesley, John, Letters 2 p 307.Google Scholar
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14 Wesley, John, Primitive Physick (2 ed enlarged. Bristol n.d.) (First published 1747) Preface; King p 39 Google Scholar classifies Wesley as ‘the best kind of empiric’.
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17 ‘Saliva in the mouth before one’s fast is broken’ (OED). Wesley thought this ancient (and biblical) remedy cured many diseases: see Primitive Physick (23 ed London 1791)Google ScholarPubMed repred A.W. Hill (London 1960) p 126.
18 Monthly Magazine 26 (1808) pp 30, 31.
19 Ibid; Wesley, John Journal 8 p 157.Google Scholar
20 Manchester, John Rylands University Library, M[ethodist] C[hurch] A[rchives], [John] Bennet, [MS Journal], 20 September 1748, 29 March 1749.
21 Monthly Magazine 25 (1807) 401 ; Bennet 20 September 1748.
22 For Bennet’s work see Rose, E.A. ‘Methodism in Cheshire to 1800’ in Transactions of the Lancashire and Cheshire Antiquarian Society 78 (Manchester 1975) pp 22-7.Google Scholar
23 Bennet 20 September 1748. For healing by rubbing compare Valentine Greatrakes the ‘stroker’ in the 1660s (Thomas pp 240-2).
24 Quoted in Southey 2 p 375.
25 Bennet 29 March 1749; Wesley, John, Journal 8 pp 156–7.Google Scholar
26 McLachlan, H., English Education under the Test Acts (Manchester 1931) pp 132–4 Google Scholar; Ashley Smith, J.W., The Birth of Modern Education (London 1954) pp 82–3 Google Scholar on Ebenezer Lathom, tutor at Findern Academy where Bennet was educated.
27 Bolam, C.G. and others, The English Presbyterians (London 1968) pp 137–8.Google Scholar
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30 See notes 14 and 17; Hill, A.W., John Wesley among the Physicians (London 1958).Google Scholar
31 Hawes, William, An Examination of the Revd. Mr. John Wesley’s Primitive Physick (London 1776).Google Scholar
32 Church, Leslie, More About the Early Methodist People (London 1949) pp 34–43.Google Scholar
33 Wesley, John, Letters 2 p 307 Google Scholar. The remedies cited here are in Primitive Physick (2 ed) pp 32, 82, 103, 47, 81. For the doctrine of ‘signatures’ see Thomas pp 224, 265.
34 King 34-9; Dock, G. ‘The “Primitive Physic” of Rev. John Wesley’ in Journal of American Medical Association 64 (Chicago 1915) pp 629–38.Google Scholar
35 Wesley, John, Primitive Physick (2 ed) xvii–xviii, xxiii-iv.Google Scholar
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38 Wesley, John, Letters 2 pp 256–64.Google Scholar
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43 Minutes of Several Conversations in Wesley, John, Works, 14 vols (11 ed London 1856) p 302 Google Scholar; Wesley, John, Letters 5 p 288 Google Scholar on Matthew Lowes’s ‘balsam’.
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45 Lives 6 pp 40, 88-9.
46 MCA, [John] Valton [MS Diary], 30 June 1788; 2 May, 17 and 18 June 1788.
47 Lives 3 p 188.
48 This was in 1781. There are three accounts of this healing: Wesley, John, Journal, 6 p 495 (12 August 1784)Google Scholar; ‘Some Account of the Life of John Pawson’ (MS in MCA) section 27 (under 1785); AM 16 (1793) pp 144-7.
49 Wesley, Charles, Journal, ed Jackson, T., 2 vols (London n.d.) 1 p 316 Google Scholar; Wesley, John. Journal 4 pp 359–60.Google Scholar
50 Wesley, Charles, Journal 1 p 314.Google Scholar
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52 Valton 30 June 1788.
53 Lives 6 pp 127-8; Valton 12 June, 1 July 1788; [Joseph] Easterbrook,[An Appeal to the Public respecting George Lukyns] (Bristol n.d. but 1788) and extract in AM 12 (1789) p 155. Easterbrook had strong methodist connections: Wesley, John Journal 8 p 47 n.Google Scholar
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55 Wesley, John, Journal 7 p 362 n.Google Scholar
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57 Easterbrook pp 6, 9.
58 Lives 5p 271; 6pp l68-9.
59 Jollie, [T. and Carrington], J., The Surey Demoniac (London 1697)Google Scholar; Taylor, Z. The Surey Impostor (London 1697)Google Scholar; J[ollie], T., A Vindication of the Surey Demoniac as no Impostor (London 1698).Google Scholar The remarks on this case in Thomas p 585 are not entirely accurate.
60 Valton 30 June 1788.
61 As in reply to Warburton and Church (note 40).
62 Bennet 28 June 1749.
63 Wesley, John, Journal 4 pp 481–2.Google Scholar
64 For Bell see Wesley, John, Journal 4 pp 535–6, 541-2; 5 p 9Google Scholar; Southey 2 pp 179-84. Coleridge was prepared to acknowledge such causes were possible by ‘imagination’ and ‘regulated friction’ (quoted in Southey 2 p 179n.)
65 Wesley, John Journal 2 pp 136–7.Google Scholar
66 Bennet 29 June 1749 (at Stockport).
67 Even a single case of witchcraft would show supernatural intervention and thereby destroy the deists’ ‘castle in the air’: Wesley, John, Journal 5 p 265.Google Scholar
68 See notes 38 to 40 above.
69 The Surey Demoniac p 21.
70 Welsh harping and singing were said to have declined under methodist influence; The Torrington Diaries ed Andrews, C. B. (London 1934) 1 p 132 Google Scholar, but the recent study by Jenkins, G.H., Literature, Religion and Society in Wales 1660-1730) (Cardiff 1978) pp 306–8 Google Scholar suggests that popular culture and superstition were already being eroded by religious and moral pressures before the revival.