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Published online by Cambridge University Press: 21 March 2016
In 1245 the General Chapter of the Cistercian Order gave reluctant approval to the establishment of a house of studies at Paris, and in so doing sanctioned a major breach with the traditions and practice of the Order. The new house grew rapidly. Accorded papal protection in 1246, it was already necessary to move to a more extensive site a year later. By 1250 student monks had been admitted to the new buildings of the Chardonnet, and, though its constitution continued to be the subject of capitular legislation, the new house was fully established, under the jurisdiction of the abbot of Clairvaux, but as a centre of studies for the whole Order. In January 1256, ten years after the decision of the General Chapter, Guy, abbot of l’Aumône, became the first cistercian to incept in theology and to receive the licence to teach.
page no 93 note 1 Canivez, [J. M.], [Statuta Capitulorum Getieralium Ordinis Cisterciensis, ab anno 1116 ad annum 1786,] 8 vols (Louvain 1933-41) 11, p 290 Google Scholar. The same Chapter had approved the establishment of local and provincial studia – ‘Ut in singulis abbatiis Ordinis nostri, in quibus abbates habere potuerint vel voluerint, habeatur studium, ita quod ad minus in singulis provinciis provideatur abbatia una in qua habeatur studium theologiae...Ad dictas abbatias mittere poterunt de monachis suis quos ad hoc magis idoneos vidcrint, ita tamen quod ad id compelli non poterunt quibus facultas deerit vel voluntas...’ Ibid pp 289-90.
page no 93 note 2 For the development of cistercian studies, and the part played in it by Stephen of Lexington, see Lawrence, [C. H.], [‘Stephen of Lexington and Cistercian University Studies in the thirteenth Century’], JEH, XI, 2 (1960) pp 164-78Google Scholar; Griesser, [B.], [‘Registrum Epistolarum Stephani de Lexinton’], ASOC, II (1946) pp 1–118 Google Scholar, VIII (1952) pp 181-378; Watt, [J. A.], [The Church and the two Nations in medieval Ireland] (Cambridge 1970) pp 85–107 CrossRefGoogle Scholar; [Derek], Baker, ‘Sancta rusticitas [and docta iustitia’], Ampleforth Journal, LXXVII, 2 (1972)Google Scholar; Mahn, J.-B., Le Pape Benoit XII et les Cisterciens (Paris 1944)Google Scholar; Talbot, [C. H.], [Letters from the English Abbots to the Chapter at Citeaux, 1442-1321,] Cam. S, 4th series, IV (1967)Google Scholar. On Guy of l’Aumône see Michaud-Quantin, P., ‘Guy de l’Aumône, premier maître cistercien de l’université de Paris’, ASOC, XV (1959) pp 194–219 Google Scholar.
page no 94 note 1 For discussion of the institution and development of these Chapters see [ David, Knowles, The] R[eligious] O[rders in England], 1 (Cambridge 1948) pp 9–27 Google Scholar; Pantin, [W. A.], [Chapters of the English Black Monks 1211-1540, Cam. S, 3rd Series, XLV, XLVIII, LIV (1931-7)Google Scholar
page no 94 note 2 See the constitutions of 1277, Pantin 1, particularly pp 64-5, 75.
page no 94 note 3 For Huby see the references in Talbot; RO, 111 (1959) pp 28-38; Memorials [of the Abbey of St Mary of Fountains], 1, ed Walbran, J. R., SS, XLII (1863) pp 151 Google Scholar, 155, 221, 230, 231, 235, 239, 240, 242, 277, 281, 325, 349, 422.
page no 94 note 4 Talbot, no 34 (1482), see also Baker, ‘Sancta rusticitas’.
page no 95 note 5 See above, p 93, n 2.
page no 95 note 6 Mansi XXII, col 1017.
page no 95 note 7 See Lawrence p 167.
page no 95 note 1 Ibid p 167, n 3.
page no 95 note 2 See Watt pp 85-107; Lawrence pp 167-8, 173.
page no 95 note 3 See Lawrence pp 170-7.
page no 95 note 4 Ibid p 177, n 2.
page no 95 note 5 Griesser, , ASOC, II, p 47 Google Scholar. ‘Quapropter Hiberniensibus iniunximus, quod si quem de suis in ordine de cetero recipi desiderent, Parisius vel Oxonium vel ad alias civitates famosas mittere studeant, ubi litteras et loquele peritiam addiscant morumque compositionem, manifestiusque ipsis ostendimus, quod nullam intendit ordo excludere nationem, sed solummodo ineptos et inutiles et moribus humanis dissidentes...”
page no 95 note 6 Ibid. ‘Quomodo autem diliget claustrum aut librum, qui nichil novit nisi Hibernicum?’
page no 95 note 7 Ibid pp 116-18.
page no 95 note 8 ‘a retroactis iam annis XIIIcim nullus famose litteratus precipue in sacra pagina ad nos se transtulerit et qui iam sunt in ordine senescunt et tendunt ad viam universe carnis’.
page no 96 note 1 See Lawrence p 169. It would appear from the letters of John of Limoges that a number of monks from Clairvaux were already attending the theological schools at Paris in the 1230S, see Lawrence p 173.
page no 96 note 2 Abbot 1240-8.
page no 96 note 3 Quoted Lawrence p 176.
page no 96 note 4 Ibid.
page no 96 note 5 Canivez 111, p 238.
page no 96 note 6 Fulgens sicut terra (12/7/1335) is printed in Canivez 111, pp 410-36. Eleven out of the forty clauses are concerned with the organisation of cistercian studies.
page no 96 note 7 Memorials 1, pp 149-50.
page no 97 note 1 Talbot, no 1, p 18.
page no 97 note 2 For the most recent discussion of the problems arising from the duality see Watt.
page no 97 note 3 Canivez 1, pp 123, 149, 193, 202. See Knowles, MO pp 654-61.
page no 97 note 4 Ibid 1, pp 123, 138, 191, 193, 262, 281, 324, 343-5.
page no 97 note 5 Ibid 1, pp 375-6, 387, 396, 406, 422.
page no 97 note 6 Nulli liceat abbati, nee monacho, nee novitio, libros facere, nisi forte cuiquam in generali capitulo concessum fuerit, Canivez 1, p 26.
page no 97 note 7 The burdens placed upon the cistercian abbots by the phenomenal growth both of individual houses and of the Order, can be clearly seen in Walter Daniel’s account of Ailred, and in the Foundation History of Fountains Abbey (Memorials 1, pp 1-129). Where abbots became involved in wider issues as well the pressures could become almost intolerable - sec St Bernard’s letters during the papal schism of 1130-9.
page no 98 note 1 See Derek, Baker, ‘The Desert in the North’, NH, V (1970) pp 1–11 Google Scholar.
page no 98 note 2 Ibid, and the references there given.
page no 98 note 3 Ibid; Memorials 1, pp 73-8.
page no 98 note 4 See [Walter], Daniel, [Life of Ailred,] ed Powicke, F. M. (London 1950) p 32 Google Scholar; [Ailred, ], De Anima, ed Talbot, C. H., Medieval and Renaissance Studies, Supplement 1 (London 1952) p 5, n 4 Google Scholar.
page no 98 note 5 See Memorials 1, pp 6-72.
page no 98 note 6 See Daniel.
page no 98 note 7 See Memorials 1, pp 84-108; The Letters of St Bernard, trans James, B. S. (London 1953) no 107, pp 155-6Google Scholar.
page no 98 note 8 Griesser, 11, p 116.
page no 98 note 9 ‘Cum igitur iam papa speciales fere ubique predicatores litteratos et in hac parte industrios deputaverit ad indagandos hereticos...’, Griesser, 11, p 116.
page no 99 note 1 Canivez 11, p 138.
page no 99 note 2 Ibid pp 175-6.
page no 99 note 3 See Haskins, C. H., ‘Robert le Bougre and the beginnings of the Inquisition in Northern France’, American Historical Review, VII (New York 1902) pp 437-57, 631-52Google Scholar; Lawrence p 173; Griesser, 11, p 116, n 2.
page no 99 note 4 Canivez 11, p 159.
page no 99 note 5 Ibid pp 451, 452.
page no 100 note 1 Ibid 1, p 510.
page no 100 note 2 Ibid 11, p 143.
page no 100 note 3 Ibid IV, p 150.
page no 101 note 1 ‘Unde, si placet, bonum nobis videretur, ut efficaciter scriberetis amicis vestris in curia, quatinus suggererent domino pape, non de prescribenda certa forma studendi, sed ut dominus papa efficaciter det in mandatis abbati Cisterciensi et IIIIor primis, ut convocato de maioribus et sanioris ordinis nostri abbatibus [lacuna] conveniant in aliquo loco competenti prope Parisius et deliberent apud se, dum vigent in ordine ipsius ordinis zelatores et viri litterati, qualiter huic periculo de defectu litterature, in quo timetur ipsi ordini futuris temporibus, possint provideri; nam procul dubio, si in hoc solo articulo bene cautum esset ordini nostro, non credimus, quod unquam ordo in aliquibus preteritis temporibus ita floruisset, ut non refloreret nee esset sibi unquam de cetero de lapsu formidandum. Ceterum ipse ordo, qui iam vilescit, resurgeret indubitanter in gloriam et honorem apud Deum et homines in confusionem detrahencium et obloquencium sibi.’ Gricsser, 11, pp 117-18.
page no 101 note 2 ‘Pater in Christe karissime, ipsa tempora periculosa, que iam instant, nos ammonent de vigilancia et sollicitudine pro statu ordinis maxime in spiritualibus.’ Ibid p 117.
page no 101 note 3 Ibid p 116.
page no 101 note 4 ‘Ipsa namque nulli monachorum suorum annuatim vestimenta ministrat, sed generaliter unusquisque suas vacas aut boves aut aliquid huiusmodi proprietatis genus habere dicitur sub pretextu huiuscemodi. Quot vero exinde sequantur inconvenientia et animarum pericula ac ordinis scandala, leve est perpendere.’ Ibid.
page no 101 note 5 Sec Griesser, 11, p 116, n 2 for the appearance of Cadouin and Gondon in the statutes of the General Chapter under a number of disciplinary headings.
page no 102 note 1 ‘ex quo liquido patere potest, quanta et quam enormia pariat peccata atque pericula defectus discipline’, Ibid.
page no 102 note 2 See above, p 98, n 4.
page no 102 note 3 ‘Virtus animi in vultu radiabat, et ipse homo exterior interioris ymaginem praeferebat...Deum testor, nunquam apud hominem tantam inveni gratiam, ad moestum consolandum, ad lapsum relevandum et ad lesae conscientiae latentes causas dinoscendum.’ Memorials 1, p 74.
page no 103 note 1 See Talbot’s comments on the course and tradition of cistercian studies in the twelfth century, De Anima, pp 9-23.
page no 103 note 2 Memorials 1, p 73.
page no 103 note 3 Speculum Caritatis, PL, 195 (1855) col 503.
page no 103 note 4 Quoted De Anima, p 10.
page no 103 note 5 See De Anima, pp 9-13, 22, in particular the extract from Ailred’s De spirituali amicitia given at p 12, n 4: ‘In turba fratrum me residente, cum omnes undique circumstreperent, et alius quaereret, alius disputaret, et iste de Scripturis, ille de moribus, alter de vitiis, de virtutibus alter quaestiones ingererent, tu solus tacebas.’
page no 103 note 6 Ibid pp 10-11.
page no 103 note 7 See his discussion, in some detail, of the heretics who appeared in England in 1166, De Anima, bk 1, pp 90-1.
page no 103 note 8 For Haget see Memorials 1, pp 117-25, 133.
page no 103 note 9 ‘Intermiserat litterarum studia, tempore quo in armis agebat, sed lectionis assiduitate intermissi temporis dampna redimebat; legens magis in libro experientiae, quod alii in codice actitabant.’ Ibid p 118.
page no 104 note 1 Ibid p 117.
page no 104 note 2 ‘Haec de se sanctus domnus, non sine lachrimis, nobis aliquociens referebat.’ Ibid p 122.
page no 104 note 3 ‘Nihil’, ait ‘in omni vita mea expertus sum quod huiusmodi dulcedini valeam adaptare’. Ibid p 120.
page no 104 note 4 Ibid pp 120-1.
page no 104 note 5 Ibid pp 121-2.
page no 104 note 6 Ibid pp 118-20.
page no 104 note 7 Vita Prima, bk I, ch 3.
page no 104 note 8 ‘inter quos conversus quidam singularis gratie et puritatis enituit, Sunnulphus nomine; homo simplex et illiteratos, sed Dominus erudierat eum. Habebat, pro codice, conscientiam; spiritum sanctum pro eruditore; et legens in libro cxperientiae, crescebat cotidie in scientia sanctorum; habens etiam spiritum revelationis. Huic servo Dei famuliaris admodum fuit sanctus abbas Radulphus, etiam dum adhuc in armis agebat; et multociens Fontes accessit, gratia eum visitandi ut se orationibus eius commendaret. Multa nobis narrare consuevit digna relato, de sanctitate et sobrietate viri, de gravitate silentii, de maturitate in gesto et morum disciplina; quam alacer in exhortando, quam efficax in consolando, quam dulcis in collatione, quantoque semper cavebat studio, ne unquam otiosum verbum illi ex ore proflueret.’ Memorials 1, p 118.
page no 105 note 1 See the continental examples of men like Sunnulphus given by Lawrence, p 165, referring to Roisin, S., L’hagiographie cistercienne dans le diocèse de Liège au xiiie siècle (Louvain 1947)Google Scholar.
page no 105 note 2 Stevenson, R. L., Travels with a Donkey in the Cevennes, Folio Society (London 1967) pp 119-20Google Scholar.
page no 105 note 3 The field, of course, was not entirely barren, but men like Stephen of Sawley were very much the exception in the thirteenth century, see Wilmart, A., ‘Les méditations d’Etienne de Salley sur les Joies de la Vierge Marie’, in Auteurs Spirituels et Textes Dévots du Moyen Age Latin (repr Paris 1971) pp 317-60Google Scholar.
page no 106 note 1 It is worth noticing, in connection with Haget’s spiritual experiences, that when Hugh of Kirkstall interrogates him about their precise form he never allows himself to speculate or embroider: ‘Quaesivi ab eo de dulcedine quae ei videbatur; cuius speciem saporis praeferret. Si quid mellis haberet simile, vel cibi alicuius corporalis? At ille; “Nihil”, ait, “in omni vita mea expertas sum quod huiusmodi dulcedini valeam adaptare”’ (Memorials 1, p 120).
‘Sed quis timor, aut qualis timor ille? “Nihil”, ait, “terribihus, nihil hoc timore horribilius excogitan, audirive potest” (ibid p 121).
‘Sciscitatus sum ab eo sub quo scemate vel forma, haec facta fuit revelatio. At ille, “Nihil”, ait, “ibi formatum, nihil figuratum apparuit, et tarnen vidi in visione beata tres Personas in Unitate. Vidi, inquam, et cognovi, Patrem ingenitum, Filium unigenitum, et Sanctum Spiritum ab utroque processum” (ibid p 121).
page no 106 note 2 See above, p 97, n 6.
page no 106 note 3 Quoted Lawrence p 176.
