Published online by Cambridge University Press: 21 March 2016
No One would accuse Martin Luther of being philo-Semitic. Even his first, so-called pro-Jewish pamphlet to the Jews is tentative in the extreme and conditional on their accepting Christianity in its purer Protestant form. But even he could not disguise his admiration for the Jews in two areas. The first was sheer survival.
The Jews are the poorest people among all nations on earth [he said], they are plagued every where, scattered to and fro in all Countries, they have no certain place, they sit like as on a wheel-barrow, have no Countrie, people nor Government, yet they attend with great desire, they cheer up themselves and saie, It will bee soon better with us.
1 Luther, Martin, Colloquia Mensalia: or, Dr Martin Luther’s Divine Discourses At his Table, tr. Capt. Bell, Henrie (London, 1652), pp. 502,512,515–16.Google Scholar
2 Southey, R.,Life of Wesley and Rise and Progress of Methodism (London, 1890), p. 203 Google Scholar: quoted in Thompson, E. P.,The Making of the English Working Class (New York, 1963), p. 375.Google Scholar
3 Gibbon, Edward, The Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire, ed.Saunders, D. A. (New York, 1952), p. 279.Google Scholar
4 On Pico generally, with reference to the Kabbalah, see, e.g., Cassirer, Ernst, ‘Giovanni Pico della Mirandola: a study in the history of Renaissance ideas’, JHI, 3 (1942), pp. 123–44, 319–46.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
5 On Kabbalah generally, see Scholem, Gershom, Major Trends in Jewish Mysticism (Jerusalem, 1941)Google Scholar, and Kabbalah (Jerusalem, 1974). On Christian Kabbalah, see Blau, J. L. The Christian Interpretation of the Cabala in the Renaissance (New York, 1944)Google Scholar; Secret, F., Les Kabbalistes Chrétiens de la Renaissance (Paris, 1964)Google Scholar; Bousma, W.J., ‘Postel and the significance of Renais sance Cahalism ’, JWCI, 17 (1954), pp. 318–32 Google Scholar; Yates, Frances A., The Occult Philosophy in the Elizabethan Age (London, 1979).Google Scholar
6 Reuchlin, Johannes, De rudimentis Hebraicis (Pforzheim, 1506)Google Scholar; De verbo mirifico (Basle, 1494); De arte Cabalistica (Haguenau, 1517). For an interesting discussion of the Egyptian tradition, see Bernal, Martin, Black Athena (London, 1987).Google Scholar
7 Quoted from a manuscript source in Moshe Idel, ‘The Magical and Neoplatonic Interpretations of the Kabbalah in the Renaissance’, in edCooperman, B.., Jewish Thought in the Sixteenth Century (Cambridge, 1987), pp. 186–242 Google Scholar, esp. pp. 186–7. See also ldel.’Hermeticism and Judaism’, in Merkel, I. and Debus, A., eds, Hermeticism and the Renaissance (Washington, 1988), pp. 59–76.Google Scholar
8 Idel, ‘Magical’, p. 212.
9 Wirszubski, H.,A Christian Kabbalist Reads the Torah [Hebrew] (Jerusalem, 1977).Google Scholar
10 Idel, ‘Magical’, p. 187.
11 Moshe Idel, ‘Kabbalah and Ancient Theology in R. Isaac and Judah Abrabanel [Hebrew], in Dorman, M. and Levy, Z., eds, The Philosophy of Love of Leone Ebreo (Haifa, 1985), pp. 73–112.Google Scholar Cf. Idel, ‘Kabbalah, Platonism and Prisca Theologia: the Case of R. Menasseh ben Israel’, in Kaplan, Y., Mechoulan, M., and Popkin, R. H., eds, Menasseh hen Israel and His World (Leiden, 1989), pp. 207–19.Google Scholar
12 Ruderman, David B., Kabbalah, Magic, and Science: the Cultural Universe of a Sixteenth-Century Jewish Physician (Cambridge, USA, 1988).Google Scholar
13 See also Ben-Sasson, H. H., ‘The Reformation in contemporary Jewish opinion’, Proc. Israel Academy of Sciences and Humanities, 4 (1970), pp. 239–326.Google Scholar
14 Katz, D. S., ‘The Language of Adam in Seventeenth-Century England’, in Lloyd-Jones, Hugh, Pearl, Valerie, and Worden, Blair, eds, History and Imagination: Essays in Honour of H. R. Trevor Roper (London, 1981), pp. 132–45.Google Scholar
15 Gundersheimer, W. L., ‘Erasmus, Humanism, and the Christian Cabala’, JWCI, 26 (1963), pp. 38–52.Google Scholar
16 Stow, K. R., Catholic Thought and Papal Jewish Policy, 1555-1593 (New York, 1977)Google Scholar; Israel, J. I., European Jewry in the Age of Mercantilism, 1550-1750 (Oxford, 1985), pp. 18–19.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
17 Katz, D. S., ‘Menasseh ben Israel’s Mission to Queen Christina of Sweden ’, Jewish Social Studies, 45 (1983-4). PP. 57–72 Google Scholar; Akerman, S., Queen Christina of Sweden and her Circle (Leiden, 1991), pp. 178–95.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
18 Generally, see Katz, D. S., Philo-Semitism and the Readmission of the Jews to England, 1603-1655 (Oxford, 1982).Google Scholar
19 For an overview, see Baron, S. W., A Social and Religious History of the Jews, 2nd edn, vol. 14 (New York, 1969), pp. 147–223, esp. pp. 149–66.Google Scholar
20 See generally Kaplan, Mechoulan, and Popkin, eds, Menasseh ben Israel. See also Roth, Cecil, A Life of Menasseh ben Israel: Rabbi, Printer, and Diplomat (Philadelphia, 1934).Google Scholar
21 Katz, ‘Christina’.
22 The Journal of Christopher Columbus, ed. Jane, C. and Vigneras, L. A. (London, 1960), pp. 51,206.Google Scholar Cf.Quincy, A. B. Gould y, ‘Nueva Lista Documentada de los Tripulantes de Colon en 1492’, Bol. de la Real Acad, de la Hist., 75 (1924), pp. 34–49.Google Scholar
23 II Kgs 17.6, 23.
24 II Esdr. 13.41–2, 46-7.
25 See now Popkin, Richard H., Isaac La Peyrère (1596-1676): His Life, Work and Influence (Leiden, 1987).Google Scholar
26 See generally, Katz, Philo-Semitism, ch. 4.
27 ‘The Relation of Master Antonie Montennos’, in Ievves in America, ed. Thorowgood, T. (London, 1650).Google Scholar Cf.Israel, Menasseh ben, The Hope of Israel, ed. Mechoulan, Henry and Nahon, Gerard (Oxford, 1987), pp. 105–11.Google Scholar
28 Winslow, Edward, The Glorious Progress (London, 1649)Google Scholar, repr. Coll. Mass. Hist. Soc, ser. 3, 4 (1834), p. 73.
29 John Dury, ‘An Epistolicall Discourse’, in Thorowgood, Ievves, sigs D-E2, dated 27 Jan. 1649–50. Dury promises to send Thorowgood a copy of Menasseh’s book as soon as it is published.
30 For the publishing history of The Hope of Israel, see the edition of Mechoulan and Nahon, pp. ix—xi.
31 Wall, Ernestine van der, ‘Three Letters by Menasseh ben Israel to John Durie: Philo-Judaism and the “Spes Israelis’”, Nederlands Archief voor Kerkgeschiedenis, 65 (1985), pp. 46–63.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
32 Isa. 11. 12; Deut. 28. 64; Roth, Cecil, ‘New Light on the Resettlement’, TJHSE, 11 (1928), pp. 113–14.Google Scholar
33 Katz, David S., ‘The Chinese Jews and the problem of biblical authority in eighteenth- and nineteenth-century England’, EHR, 105 (1990), pp. 893–919.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
34 The Samaritan community was mentioned in earlier non-Christian sources, especially in the twelfth-century travels of Benjamin of Tudela, in his Itinerary, ed. M. N. Adler (London, 1907), pp. 33, 37, 38, 44, 46. For a list of such accounts, see Shor, N., ‘Reports of Samaritans in the writings of Western Christian travellers from the fourteenth until the end of the eighteenth centuries’ [Hebrew], Cathedra, 13 (1979), pp. 177–93.Google Scholar
35 Valle, Pietro della, Viaggi (Bologna, 1672), 1, pp. 406–8,424 Google Scholar: selections in Rohricht, R., Bibliotheca Geographica palaestinae (Jerusalem, 1963), p. 947.Google Scholar
36 Simon, Richard, A Critical History of the Old Testament (London, 1682), 1, p. 77 Google Scholar (second numbering); 3, p. 178; Morinus, J., Exercitationes Biblicae de Hebraei Graecique-textus (Paris, 1633)Google Scholar; Jay, G. M. le, Morinus, J., et al., eds, Biblia (Paris, 1645).Google Scholar For more on Simon and the Samaritan Pentateuch, see McKane, William, Selected Christian Hebraists (Cambridge, 1989)CrossRefGoogle Scholar, ch. 4.
37 Generally, see Purvis, J. D., The Samaritan Pentateuch and the Origins of the Samaritan Sect (Cambridge, Mass., 1968)CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Eissfeldt, O., The Old Testament: an Introduction (London, 1965), pp. 694–5,782.Google Scholar
38 Generally, see Purvis, Samaritan Pentateuch, pp. 74-5; Robinson, H. Wheeler, ed., The Bible in its Ancient and English Versions (Oxford, 1940)Google Scholar, chs 2 and 4.
39 Shor, ‘Reports’, p. 185n.; Adams, H., The History of the Jews (London, 1818), pp. 499–500.Google ScholarPubMed Scaliger received an answer in 1590 in Hebrew, tr. into Latin in Sacy, Silvestre de, Memoires ur I’état actuel des Samaritains (Paris, 1812), pp. 16–23.Google Scholar
40 Shor, ‘Reports’, p. 186; Adams, History, pp. 500–3, from material in Grégoire, l’abbé, Histoire des sectes religieuses (Paris, 1810).Google Scholar Ludolph’s answers from the Samaritans are repr. in Morinus, J., Antiquitates Ecclesiae Orientalis (London, 1682).Google Scholar Their last letter was dated 1689, and reached him two years later.
41 Kennicott, Benjamin, The State of the Printed Hebrew Text of the Old Testament Considered (Oxford, 1753-9), 1, pp. 337–9 Google Scholar; 2, passim; Proposals for Collating the Hebrew Manuscripts (Oxford, 1761), [p. 21]; [Proposals] (Oxford, 1762), [p. 2].
42 Jews of Malabar to the Portuguese Jews of New York: repr. Hebrew and English in Benjamin, I.J. II, Three Years in America, 1859-1862 (Philadelphia, 1956), 1, pp. 57–62.Google Scholar Benjamin, a Rumanian Jew, travelled through Asia, Africa, and America between 1845 and 1862 in search of the Lost Ten Tribes, and published accounts of his journeys in the above book and in Eight Years in Asia and Africa (Hanover, 1863), a later version of the French (1856), German (1858), and Hebrew (1859) edns. He saw himself as a latter-day Benjamin of Tudela, and was known as Benjamin 11.
43 Esther 1. 1, 8.9; Kid. 22b; Bab. Bat. 74b.
44 Fischel, W. J., The Jews in India: their Contribution to the Economic and Political Life [Hebrew] (Jerusalem, 1960), pp. 10–11 Google Scholar: this book is the best general account of the subject.
45 Itinerary of Benjamin of Tudela, ed. Adler; Polo, Marco, Travels (Everyman edn, London, 1908), P. 377.Google Scholar
46 Fischel, Jews in India, pp. 15–30, where he notes that the parents of Gaspar da Gama had fled from Poland in the second half of the fifteenth century.
47 Another important Indian Jewish community, die Bene Israel of the Konkan region, were unknown to Europeans until the eighteenth century, when some of them moved to Bombay and began to enlist in British regiments. The Bene Israel (‘Children of Israel’) claim to be the descendants of the Lost Ten Tribes: see Kehimkar, H. S., The History of the Bene Israel of India (Tel-Aviv, 1937)Google Scholar; Strizower, S., The Children of Israel: the Bene Israel of Bombay (Oxford, 1971).Google Scholar
48 Menasseh ben Israel, Hope, ed. Mechoulan and Nahon, pp. 141, 154.
49 Israel, Menasseh ben, The Conciliator, ed. Lindo, E. H. (London, 1842).Google Scholar
50 Jews of Malabar to the Portuguese Jews of New York: see n. 42, above.
51 James Bate to Kennicott, 22 Jan. 1761:Oxford, Bodleian Library, MS Kennicott c 12, fols 9r 10r
52 See Fischel, Jews in India, pp. 125-98; Yogev, G., Diamonds and Coral: Anglo-Dutch Jews and Eighteenth-Century Trade (Leicester, 1978).Google Scholar
53 Edtehi, Moses, An Historical Account of the Ten Tribes. Settled Beyond the River Sambatyon in the East (London, 1836), pp. 156–81.Google Scholar This is a greatly expanded version of his Sefer Ma’aseh Nissim [Hebrew and Yiddish (!)] (Amsterdam, 1818). See also Paiva, Moses Pereira de, Notisias dos Judeos de Cochim, ed. Amzalak, M. B. (Lisbon, 1923).Google Scholar
54 Buchanan, Claudius, Christian Researches in Asia, 2nd edn (London, 1811), pp. 200–10.Google Scholar
55 Burckhardt, Jacob, The Civilization of the Renaissance in Italy, tr. Middlemore, S. G. C. (New York, 1958), 1, pp. 208,210.Google Scholar
56 See generally, Mukherjee, S. N., Sir William Jones: a Study in Eighteenth-Century British Attitudes to India (Cambridge, 1968)Google Scholar; Gombrich, R., On Being Sanskritic (Oxford, 1978)Google Scholar; Olender, Maurice, Les Langues du Paradis (Paris, 1990).Google Scholar Cf.Manuel, Frank E., ‘Israel in the Christian Enlightenment’, in his The Changing of the Cods (Hanover and London, 1983), pp. 105–34.Google Scholar
57 Rogerson, , Old Testament Criticism in the Nineteenth Century: England and Germany (London, 1984)Google Scholar; Greenslade, S. L., ed., The Cambridge History of the Bible, 3 (Cambridge, 1963)CrossRefGoogle Scholar, ch. 7.
58 Most of this narrative comes from the First Book of Nephi, in The Book of Mormon (Palmyra, 1830), and the introductory material therein, which is part of the canon. See also Cross, Whitney R., The Burned-Over District (Ithaca, NY, 1950)Google Scholar; Brodie, Fawn M., No Man Knows My History: the Life of Joseph Smith, the Mormon Prophet (New York, 1946)Google Scholar; Arlington, Leonard J. and Bitton, Davis, The Mormon Experience: a History of the Latter-day Saints (London, 1979).Google Scholar For analogous evidence, see Philipson, David, ‘Are there traces of the Ten Lost Tribes in Obio?’, Pubs Amer. Jew. Hist. Soc., 13 (1905), pp. 37–46 Google Scholar; Friedman, Lee M., ‘The Phylacteries Found at Pittsfield, Mass.’, Publications of the American Jewish Historical Society, 25 (1917), pp. 81–5.Google Scholar
59 The articles of faith are signed by Joseph Smith, and are often printed in the Book of Mormon.
60 The Book of Mormon, III Nephi 21.23-6.
61 Ibid., 20.29-33.
62 Quoted in Arrington and Bitton, Mormon Experience, p. 30.
63 Joseph Smith’s new translation is published by the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter Day Saints. See Matthews, R. J., ‘A Plainer Translation’: Joseph Smith’s Translation of the Bible (Provo, Utah, 1975).Google Scholar
64 See Shupe, A. and Heinerman, J., ‘Mormonism and the New Christian Right: an emerging coalition?’ Review of Religious Research, 27 (1985), pp. 146–57.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
65 The distinction between fundamentalism and evangelicalism has been the matter of some dispute. George M. Marsden, ‘Defining American Fundamentalism’, in Cohen, Norman J., ed., The Fundamentalist Phenomenon (Grand Rapids, 1990), pp. 22–3 Google Scholar, postulates that’a fundamentalist is an evangelical Protestant who is militantly opposed to modern liberal theologies and to some aspects of secularism in modern culture.’ Evangelicals are those Christians who accept at least three points, ‘derived largely from the Reformation’: (1) the authority of the Bible; (2) eternal salvation only through the atoning work of Jesus Christ; (3) the importance of spreading the Gospel. The question of the extent of permitted political involvement in this doomed world has been the cause of further fragmentation. Upset, Seymour Martin and Raab, Earl, ‘Evangelicals and the Elections’, Commentary, 71 (1981), pp. 25–31 Google Scholar, cite (p. 25) the distinction sometimes made between ‘orthodox evangelicals’ and ‘conversionist evangelicals’. The ‘orthodox evangelicals’ are the fundamentalists and believe in (1) the literal word of the Bible and (2) that Jesus is divine and the only hope for salvation. Lipset and Raab cite a Gallup poll made in 1978 which showed that 40 per cent of the adult American population falls into this group. The ‘conservative evangelicals’ differ from the others in having had an explicit religious experience in which they asked Jesus to be their personal saviour. These are ‘born-again’ Christians and need not be fundamentalists. Lipset and Raab include over a third of American adults in this group. Both types of evangelicals are committed to converting others and spreading the Gospel. Perhaps Marsden’s shorthand definitions are the clearest: a fundamentalist is ‘an evangelical who is angry about something’, while ‘the simplest definition of an evangelical is someone who agrees with Billy Graham’ (pp. 22, 34).
66 A good summary of the dispensationalist scheme can be found in Marsden, George M., Fundamentalism and American Culture (Oxford, 1980), pp. 51–4, 64–5.Google Scholar Other useful studies of fundamentalism are Sandeen, E. R., The Roots of Fundamentalism: British and American Millenarianism, 1800-1930 (Chicago, 1970)Google Scholar; Cole, S. G., The History of Fundamentalism (New York, 1931)Google Scholar; Gasper, L., The Fundamentalist Movement (The Hague, 1963)Google Scholar; Barr, James, Fundamentalism (London, 1977).Google Scholar For earlier connections, see Katz, David S., Sabbath and Sectarianism in Seventeenth-Century England (Leiden, 1988)Google Scholar, ‘Epilogue’. The term ‘fundamentalist’ comes from a series of pamphlets published by a group of American Protestant laymen at the beginning of this century: The Fundamentals: a Testimony of the Truth (Chicago, 1910-15): 12 parts, produced by the Testimony Publishing Company.
67 The New Scofield Reference Bible (New York, 1967). See esp. the commentary on Dan. 9, p. 923. Cf. C. I. Scofield’s introductions to the 1909 and 1917 edns (pp. viii-xi).
68 The politicization of fundamentalism is a comparatively recent phenomenon, as can be seen from the famous remark made by the evangelist pillar Dwight L. Moody (1837-99), ‘1 look upon this world as a wrecked vessel. God has given me a lifeboat and said to me, “Moody, save all you can”’ (Marsden, Fundamentalism, p. 38). For earlier fundamentalist views about Jews and Zionism, see David Rausch, A., Zionism Within Early American Fundamentalism, 1878-1918 (New York, 1978)Google Scholar; ‘Protofundamentalism’s Attitudes Towards Zionism, 1878-1918’, Jewish, Social Studies, 43 (1981), pp. 137–52 Google Scholar; Ariel, Y., ‘An American Initiative for a Jewish State: William Blackstone and the Petition of 1891’, Studies in Zionism, 10 (1989), pp. 125–37 CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Malachy, Yona, American Fundamentalism and Israel (Jerusalem, 1978).Google Scholar An important proto- fundamentalist group which was violently anti-Semitic was the eighteenth- and nineteenth- century Hutchinsonians, who were enormously influential within the Anglican Church in Oxford and in Scotland. They argued that the inerrancy of the Old Testament text applied to the consonants alone, the vowels being Jewish forgeries designed to mislead Christians: see Katz, D. S., ‘The Hutchinsonians and Hebraic Fundamentalism in Eighteenth-Century England’, in Katz, D. S. and Israel, J. I., eds, Sceptics, Millenarians and Jews (Leiden, 1990), pp. 237–55.Google Scholar
69 Quoted in Lipset and Raab, ‘Evangelicals’, p. 28.
70 Quoted in Richard John Neuhaus, ‘What the Fundamentalists want’, Commentary, 79 (1985), pp. 41-6, esp. p. 45. Cf. Irving Kristol, The political dilemma of American Jews’, Commentary, 78 (1984), pp. 23-9. For other Jewish views regarding political support from funda mentalists, see David Danzig, The Radical Right and the rise of the Fundamentalist minority’, Commentary, 33 (1962), pp. 291-8; and Lipset and Raab, ‘Evangelicals’.
71 Hal Lindsey, The Late Great Planet Earth (Grand Rapids, 1970), passim, but esp. pp. 42–3, 55-6, 184. These themes are expanded in Lindsey’s other books, Satan is Alive and Well on Planet Earth (Grand Rapids, 1972); and The Liberation of Planet Earth (Grand Rapids, 1974).
72 Lindsey, Late Great, p. 153. The story of the presentation to Sharon was told to me by one of Lindsey’s co-workers in Jerusalem, June 1991.
73 Falwell, however, has argued that a nuclear holocaust cannot occur for at least 1, 007 years, since the final destruction of the world must be preceded by the seven-year Tribulation and the thousand-year reign of Christ on earth: Marsden, ‘Fundamentalism’, pp. 22–37, esp. p. 36, quoting from a Falwell promotional tape, c.1983. For more on Falwell, see also E. H. Buell and L. Sigelman, ‘An Army that meets every Sunday? Popular support for the moral majority in 1980’, Social Science Quarterly, 66 (1985), pp. 426–34.
74 Epstein, Lawrence J., Zion’s Call: Christian Contributions to the Origins and Development of Israel (Lanham, MD, 1984), pp. 132–4.Google Scholar Cf. Pat Robertson, Answers to 200 of Life’s Most Pressing Questions (New York, 1987). Pat Robertson, who has claimed to perform healing miracles and control the weather, may be the answer to Gibbon’s question, in the long series of ecclesiastical history, does there exist a single instance of a saint asserting that he himself possessed the gift of miracles?’: Gibbon, Decline and Fall, p. 282n. For more on Robertson, see also: McGuigan, P. B., ‘The Religious and Political Values of Dr Pat Robertson’, Conservative Digest, Dec. 1986, pp. 31–8 Google Scholar; H. Phillips, ‘Pat Robertson’, Conservative Digest, Jan. 1986, pp. 84-6.
75 Carter, Jimmy, Keeping Faith: Memoirs of a President (New York, 1982), p. 274 Google Scholar; Stockton, Ronald R., ‘Christian Zionism: prophecy and public opinion’, Middle East Journal, 41 (1987), pp. 234–53 Google Scholar, esp. pp. 240-1.
76 Ronnie Dugger, ‘Reagan’s Apocalypse Now’, Guardian Weekly, 6 May 1984, p. 17; Stockton, #x2018;Christian Zionism’, p. 241. See also C. Goldstein, ‘What Ronald Reagan needs to know about Armageddon’, Liberty, 80 (1985), pp. 2-6.
77 According to E. J. Brecher and B. L. Hines, ‘Some See Armageddon Looming in Mideast Crisis’, Lexington [Kentucky] Herald-Leader, 25 Aug. 1990, p. B3. I am grateful to Professor James E. Force for a copy of this article.
78 Stephen Kierulff, ‘Belief in “Armageddon Theology” and willingness to risk nuclear war’, Journal for the Scientific Study of Religion, 30 (1991), pp. 81-93. Cf. Andrew J. Weigert, ‘Christian eschatological identities and the nuclear context’, 27 (1988), pp. 175–91.
79 The Revd Gordon Matheny, district superintendent, Peninsular Florida District Assemblies of God: quoted in Brecher and Hines, ‘Armageddon’.
80 Press release quoted in ibid.
81 New York Times, 25 May 1970, p. 7.
82 Quoted in Brecher and Hines, ‘Armageddon’. Cf. Weber, Timothy P., Living in the Shadow of the Second Coming: American Premillenialism, 1875-1925 (New York, 1979).Google Scholar
83 See, e.g., R. Kampeas, ‘All in the Cards’, Jerusalem Post Magazine, 22 Feb. 1991, pp. 10-12.
84 Gallup Organization, Religion in America (Princeton, 1982), pp. 31–2; Gallup Organization, Religion in America, 50 Years: 1935-1985 (Princeton, 1985); Hunter, James Davidson, American Evangelicalism: Conservative Religion and the Quandary of Modernity (Princeton, 1983), pp. 139–41 Google Scholar; A. James Reichley, ‘Pietist Politics’, in Cohen, ed., Fundamentalist Phenomenon, p. 79. Lipset and Raab, ‘Evangelicals’, give even larger figures.
85 New York Times, 8 and 10 Nov. 1988; Reichley, ‘Politics’, p. 74.
86 Generally, see Steve Bruce, The Rise and Fall of the New Christian Right: Conservative Protestant Politics in America, 1978-1988 (Oxford, 1988); S. D. Johnson and J. B. Tamney, The Christian Right and the 1980 Presidential Election’, Journal for the Scientific Study of Religion, 21 (1982), pp. 123-31; ‘The Christian Right and the 1984 Presidential Election’, Review of Religious Research, 27 (1985), pp. 124-33; R- V. Pierard, ‘Religion and the 1984 Election Campaign’, ibid., pp. 98-113; M. Lienesch, ‘Right-Wing Religion: Christian Conservatism as a Political Movement’, Political Science Quarterly, 97 (1982), 403-25; K. Patel, D. Pilant, and G. Rose, ‘Born-again Christians in the Bible Belt; a study in religion, politics, and ideology’, American Political Quarterly, 10(1982), pp. 255-72; A. J. Reichley, ‘Religion and the future of American politics’, Political Science Quarterly, 101 (1986), pp. 23-47.
87 Eliot, George, Middiemarch (Penguin edn, Harmondsworth, 1985), p. 88 Google Scholar: first pub. 1871–2.
88 Spectator, 495 (27 Sept. 1712): quoted in Werner Sombart, The Jews and Modem Capitalism (New York, 1962), p. 171: first pub. 1911.
89 Professor Robert Wistrich, replying to a review by Paul Johnson of his book, Anti-Semitism: the Longest Hatred (London, 1990), in the TLS, 4598 (17 May 1991), p. 13.
90 Menasseh ben Israel, Hope, ed. Mechoulan, p. 155.
91 ‘Ethics of the Fathers’, i. 1.