This book deals with a subject that should be of wide interest. In the second half of the 20th century and especially the 1970s and 1980s, the Scandinavian countries (Denmark, Sweden and Norway) were seen as a beacon for social progressives – a group of countries where the cruel and inefficient edges if not the heart of capitalism had been tempered. A strong organised and strategically minded union movement and long period of Social Democrat/Labour government had been able to establish an accord with capital interests that moderated industrial relations and established a comprehensive welfare state supported by a progressive taxation regime. The Scandinavian approach (and all three countries have heavily influenced each other) was marked by a strong push for democracy at work and development of a philosophical and policy agenda on the work environment and work quality. To the union movement in a number of other countries (including Australia) as well as to political reformers, this seemed an attractive option especially from the early 1970s onward as neoliberalism began to emerge and the oil shock marked a shift in the ‘balance’ between capital and labour including increasingly combative employer tactics against unions. The labour movement in Australia with its long history of greater state intervention (compared to the United States and the United Kingdom) was particularly attracted to the notion of a centralised accord between capital and labour associated with redistributive social policies. Labour movement delegations visited Scandinavia, and the Swedish model in particular was promoted.
For a time, it seemed Scandinavia would itself escape the worst ravages of neoliberalism that swept across the Anglo countries (the United Kingdom, the United States, Canada, Australia and New Zealand). However, from the 1990s, precarious work arrangements were becoming more apparent in these countries, although to its credit the central union movement (the Landsorganisation (LO)) in Sweden did not make the catastrophic blunder of embracing/accepting decentralised bargaining as did the Australian Council of Trade Unions (ACTU) under Bill Kelty’s leadership (with predictably adverse consequences for many workers, especially women and other vulnerable groups). In Sweden, the election of a neoliberal government saw the abolition of the country’s widely respected National Work Life Institution – a government-funded research organisation on working and living conditions that, among other things, had begun to document the adverse effects of the shift to ‘flexible’ work regimes. One thing neoliberalism doesn’t need or want is evidence-driven policy. Significant parts of the social protection network (such as the labour inspectorate) also experienced significant budget cuts. These cuts have continued as time has gone on – the progressive emasculation strategy is a much cleverer way of dismantling the welfare state. Union membership – which was exceptionally high by international standards and continued to grow when union density in the Anglo countries and elsewhere had begun to decline sharply – has begun to fall. These changes are mirrored to a greater or lesser degree in Denmark (which relied less on state regulation) and Norway, prompting the establishment of a body to defend the welfare state in the latter.
Overall, these changes follow a similar path to that experienced by countries like Canada, the United Kingdom and the United States. While not of the same order of magnitude, as yet, they have nonetheless proved damaging. For example, evidence shows precarious work is as hazardous to health in these countries as elsewhere in Europe, North America and Australasia and even relatively comprehensive labour standards regimes are being increasingly bypassed or evaded.
Ake Sandberg (originally employed by the now defunct National Institute for Working Life or NIWL) in Sweden has brought together a group of experts to write papers that examine what the changes just described have meant for work, management and welfare in the Scandinavian countries. Like all good edited books, the project has been some time in gestation, and the chapters address thematic issues as well covering the three countries. The book is divided into six sections dealing with the Scandinavian model of work life (including how distinctive is it and what changes are occurring); changes to management and work organisation in auto-manufacturing (focusing on the well-known Volvo model); work and management practices in Denmark and Norway; gender in management; a series of chapters on changes to work organisation both generally and with regard to specific industries including the service and public sector; and a final section (a single chapter actually) reviewing Swedish research on organisation and management. As the outline of the structure indicates, the primary focus is on management and its connections to work and welfare, although not all chapters take this approach (e.g. one deals with the challenge of changes to work to Swedish unions).
It is impossible to provide even a short summary of the 19 chapters that make up the book. Instead, I will make a few general observations. First, given what I have already said about the context, this book has particular value. The chapters are generally well researched and well written with a clear focus. This book has a clear theme, and there is little or no fact-grubbing of the type that bedevils many comparative books. At the same time, a number of chapters contain concise historical and contextual observations that a reader unfamiliar with Scandinavia will find both interesting and valuable. Kampf and Nielsen’s chapter on management of the working environment is especially good in this regard as is Koch’s chapter on the introduction of US management concepts into Sweden. There is also a nice balance between general/thematic pieces and chapters examining a theme or issue in a particular industry or specific sector (not just manufacturing but also the service sector like the media). Taken as a whole, the book provides invaluable explanation and critique of the Scandinavian model, and its current circumstances.
Second, for the reader who has no interest in Scandinavia, there are chapters that focus on topics arguably central to studies of management and changing patterns of work. These include Bjorkman’s chapter on management as a fashion industry – would that we had more of this sort of work to prick much of the silliness that passes for serious discourse on management (including leadership theories). The chapters on challenges to unions/resistance to the new world of work (Bruhn et al. and Skorstad) and gender and management (Blomquist and Wahl) should also appeal to a wider audience. The same applies to Allvin and Aronsson’s chapter on flexibility, boundarylessness, strategies and work and Hall’s chapter on the new public management (NPM).
The final chapter of the book, where Jonsson examines Swedish research on organisations and management, is also worthy of a wide readership because it raises questions that management and work researchers should address in other countries. This includes the problem of not asking what research might be of most value in a particular country or context; the need to look beyond the glib application of overseas (generally United States and to a lesser extent United Kingdom) concepts to the local setting; and not choosing topics/methods simply because they are easier/accepted. Management and organisation researchers should be asking themselves does their research actually address key issues affecting how organisations are structured and work is undertaken and its consequences. Or is it merely a reflection of currently fashionable discourses within business schools that reflect and reinforce dominant ideological views or orthodoxies in the business community rather than subjecting them to critical examination? Are business schools simply training and research factories for manufacturing consent? We also need to ask critical questions about why some areas of research and disciplines (management and human resource management (HRM)) became ascendant while others (notably industrial relations and economic history) have gone into decline. Does this reflect new knowledge or rather a shift that both reflects and reinforces changes in the world of work (and regulation/policy) away from Keynesianism and collective worker representation? I am not suggesting Jonsson raises all these issues, but chapters like this are valuable in sparking reflections within the broad field of management, organisation and work.
Third, in my view, too many edited books are lazy collations marked by substantial variations in the quality of contributions, significant unaddressed inconsistencies in approach and a lack of conceptual coherence. This book does not fall into that category. The overall standard of the chapters is high, and there is consistency in the way all address the central themes of the book. One would have liked more material on Norway and Denmark (which do differ from Sweden) though the chapters that deal with these countries, including thematic chapters, are excellent. The title Nordic Lights might also elicit a quibble as the Nordic countries are not identical to Scandinavia (most notably the former includes Finland). On balance, however, the editor has worked hard to bring this book together with few of the flaws that afflict other edited books.
Sandberg and the contributors have produced an excellent book that deserves to be widely read.
