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Fasting and Prophecy in Pagan and Christian Antiquity

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  04 August 2017

Rudolph Arbesmann
Rudolph Arbesmann*
Affiliation:
Fordham University
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Extract

Fasting as a religious practice is a world-wide phenomenon, and can be found in the religions of almost all the peoples on earth. It cannot be traced back to one common motive. Nor did it come into existence within one single people or religion, and spread from there to the rest of mankind, but it sprang up independently among completely different peoples and religions. Of course, as has happened in every field of cultural life, transmissions of individual practices of fasting from one people to another, from one religion to another, took place.

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Articles
Information
Traditio , Volume 7 , 1951 , pp. 1 - 71
Copyright
Copyright © 1951 by Fordham University Press 

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References

1 In addition to the conventional sigla, abridged references will be used for the following publications: AAA=Acta Apostolorum Apocrypha , ed. Lipsius, R. A. and Bonnet, M., 2 vols. Leipzig 1891–1903. — BKV=Bibliothek der Kirchenväter , ed. Bardenhewer, O., Th. Schermann (since 1918 Zellinger, J.), and Weyman, K. (since 1933 J. Martin), Kempten and Munich; first series (1911–1928): 61 vols and 2 vols of indices; second series (since 1932): 20 vols; since 1935 (death of Bardenhewer) ed. Martin, and Zellinger, . — Kock=Comicorum Atticorum Fragmenta , ed. Kock, Th., 3 vols, Leipzig 1880–88. — RVV =Religionsgeschichtliche Versuche und Vorarbeiten, founded by Dieterich, A. and Wünsch, R., ed. Malten, L. and Weinreich, O., Giessen 1903-.Google Scholar

2 Cf. Arbesmann, R., Das Fasten bei den Griechen und Römern, RVV 21.1 (Giessen 1929) 3ff.; Ziehen, L., PWK 17.1 (1936) 88f.Google Scholar

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9 In Montanism, the word ‘xerophagy’ became a technical religious term, denoting a particular kind of partial fasting which consisted in eating only dry food. According to Tertullian, , De ieiunio 1 (ed. Reifferscheid, A. and Wissowa, G., CSEL 20.275), the xerophagiae, or ‘dry meals,’ of the Montanists excluded all kinds of meat and succulent fruit, everything juicy and with the flavor of wine. Cf. Schümmer, J., Die altchristliche Fastenpraxis mit besonderer Berücksichtigung der Schriften Tertullians (Liturgiegeschichtliche Quellen und Forschungen 27 [Münster 1933] 35ff.).Google Scholar

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22 Lobgedicht auf Simeon den Styliten (Ausgewählte Schriften der syrischen Dichter aus dem Syrischen übersetzt von S. Landersdorfer, BKV 6 [1912] 400.).Google Scholar

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28 Euripides ap. Porph. De abst. 4.19 (262 Nauck).Google Scholar

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39 Cf. Pfister, F., Die Religion der Griechen und Römer (Leipzig 1930) 121. It is noteworthy, however, that in spite of this positive element, the original negative idea, according to which pernicious demoniac forces are supposed to be kept off, appears again and again, even in later writers. Similarly, the use of with or genitive of separation (for instances, see Arbesmann, , Das Fasten 10) seems to emphasize not so much the positive element, the strengthening of power, as the negative element, the abstention from, and consequently, the freedom from disturbing influences. Cf. F. Schwenn, Rev. of Arbesmann, , Das Fasten, in Gnomon 6 (1930) 662: ‘Neben dem positiven Bewusstsein, durch Fasten der Gottheit unmittelbar ähnlich zu werden, findet sich noch in den späten Nachrichten immer wieder eine Erinnerung daran, dass Fasten zunächst nur Hemmungen ausschaltet und erst dadurch, also auf einem Umwege, zur Gottheit führt.’ Google Scholar

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42 Cf. ibid. 361f.; Schepelern, , Der Montanismus 141; Hopfner, , Griechisch-ägyptischer Offenbarungszauber 1 §§849ff. Hopfner (ibid. §849) calls attention to the influence which Pythagorean-Orphic doctrines, Oriental, and especially Egyptian ideas exercised on the dietary rules found in Greek magic papyri.Google Scholar

43 To the primitive mind the ideas of sowing and the shooting forth of the seed on the one hand, and begetting and giving birth on the other hand, were closely related, and women seemed to be especially fitted for the performance of fertility magic. Cf. Dieterich, A., Mutter Erde (3rd ed. Leipzig and Berlin 1925) 46f.; Nilsson, M. P., Greek Popular Religion (New York 1940) 26.Google Scholar

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2 Phaedrus 244A-D.Google Scholar

3 Pseudo-Plutarch, , De vita et poesi Homeri 2.212 (7.456 Bernardakis) : Concerning the division of divination into two classes, the ‘artful’ and ‘artless’ divination, cf. Rohde, , Psyche 2.56f.Google Scholar

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5 Lactantius, , De mortibus persecutorum 11.7 (ed. Brandt, S. and Laubmann, G., CSEL 27.186). An edict of Constantine, in Eusebius, , Vita Constantini 2.54 (ed. I. A. Heikel, GCS, Eusebias Werke 1.63) mentions not the Didymaean but the Pythian (Delphic) oracle as having exercised a delusive power over the persecutors. However, the testimony of Lactantius seems to carry more weight. Cf. Schultze, V, Altchristliche Städte und Land-Schaften 2.2 (Gütersloh 1926) 78 n.1.Google Scholar

6 Sozomenus, , Historia ecclesiastica 1.7 (PG 67. 873ff.). In the Vita Constantini 2.4 (42 Heikel), the behavior of Constantine who prepared himself for the war by prayer, is contrasted with that of Licinius who applied to ‘oracles everywhere.’ In elegant verses they held out to him the prospect of victory while defeat and ruin were in store for him. It is interesting to note that it was during the last and decisive contest between paganism and Christianity that divination, and with it the oracle, once more came to the front in political life. Of the last pagan emperors not only Diocletian and Licinius trusted in the power of mantic art and sought the favor of the gods from the oracles of pagan religion, but also Maximinus Daia did not venture to undertake any important political move ‘without soothsayers and oracles’ (Eusebius, , Historia ecclesiastica 8.14.9 ed. Schwartz, E., GCS, Eusebius Werke 2.782; cf. Schultze, , Altchristliche Städte 2.2.77f.).Google Scholar

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15 'H (127 Parthey).Google Scholar

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18 Cotelerius, J. B., Ecclesiae graecae monumenta 1 (Paris 1677) 582. The first to call attention to this instructive passage was Reitzenstein, R., Poimandres: Studien zur griechisch-ägyptischen und frühchristlichen Literatur (Berlin 1904) 34: Hellenistische Wundererzählungen (Leipzig 1906) 61; cf. also Strathmann, , Geschichte der frühchristlichen Askese 211 n.3; Schepelern, , Der Montanismus 141f.; Arbesmann, , Das Fasten 98f.Google Scholar

19 Tὸ (127 Parthey).Google Scholar

20 Concerning the water from a sacred spring as a source of inspiration for the Clarian prophet and the Branchidae prophetess, see also Tacitus, , Annales 2.54; Lucian, , Bis accusatus 1. Pliny. Naturalis historia 2.232, tells us that the water of the Clarian Apollo inspired wonderful oracles though it shortened the life of the prophets who drank it.Google Scholar

21 Pausanias, , Descriptio Graeciae 10.24.7; Lucian, , Hermotimus 60; Bis acc. 1.Google Scholar

22 Ibid.; cf. also the general remark of Apollonius of Tyana in Philostr. Vita Apollonii 2.37 (ed. Kayser, C. L. 1 [Leipzig 1870] 79), to the effect that he could mention many oracles where the priest utters his responses after imbibing water.Google Scholar

23 Descriptio Graeciae 9.2.1.Google Scholar

24 Ibid. 2.24.1. The chewing of sacred laurel as a means of divine inspiration fits into this picture also. Lucian (Bis acc. 1) says that it was employed at Delphi, Claros, Patara, Delos, Didyma, and all the other oracles of Apollo. Concerning the entire question, cf. Arbesmann, , Das Fasten 102; Ziehen, PWK s.v. .Google Scholar

25 Aristotle ap. Macrob. Saturnalia 1.18.1.Google Scholar

26 De abst. 2.48 (176 Nauck).Google Scholar

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28 Cf. Rohde, , Psyche 1.6ff.; Weinreich, O., Antike Heilungswunder, RVV 8.1 (Giessen 1909) 76; Newhall, S. H., ‘Quid de somniis censuerint quoque modo eis usi sint antiqui quaeritur’ (summary of dissertation), Harvard Studies in Classical Philology 24 (1913) 163f.; Binswanger, L., Wandlungen in der Auffassung und Deutung des Traumes von den Griechen bis zur Gegenwart (Berlin 1928) 1ff.; 20f.; Hundt, J., Der Traumglaube bei Homer (Greifswalder Beiträge zur Literatur- und Stilforschung 9, Greifswald 1935) 13f.; Wickenhauser, A., ‘Die Traumgesichte des Neuen Testaments in religionsgeschichtlicher Sicht,’ Pisciculi: Studien zur Religion und Kultur des Altertums (Festschrift für F. J. Dölger, Münster 1939) 325ff. Wickenhauser (pp. 326ff.) has collected the accounts of dreams given by Greek and Roman historians.Google Scholar

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32 De anima 48.3 (66 Waszink). Indicere is the usual technical term for the proclamation of religious rites; cf., for instance, Livy 3.5.14; 34.55.1 and 4; Hor. Sat. 2.3.290f.: ‘illo mane die quo tu indicis ieiunia’; Macrobius, , Saturnalia 1.16.6; Servius, , Comm. in Verg. Aen. 3.264 (ed. Thilo, G. and Hagen, H. 1.387); Tert. De ieiun. 10 (286 Reifferscheid and Wissowa); Eugippius, , Vita S. Severini 6.3 (ed. Knöll, P., CSEL 9.2.22) : ‘indicto igitur paucorum dierum de more ieiunio’; ibid 18.2 (37 Knöll): ‘tunc, ut solebat, hortatus est indici ieiunium.; Greg Turon. Historia Francorum 2.34 (MGH Script. rer. Meroving. 1.1.98). Besides indicere, there occurs the term imperare (for instance, Cic. De divin, 1.45.102; Livy 36.2.2; Gellius, , Noctes Atticae 2.28.2). Cf. Wissowa, G., Religion und Kultus der Römer (2nd ed. Munich 1912) 440 n.6; Waszink 511.Google Scholar

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37 Arbesmann, , Das Fasten 13.Google Scholar

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39 Evidently on the basis of Reifferscheid's text, the editors of the ThLL (s.v. castimonia) did the same. Another instance listed there for the use of castimonia in the restricted sense (Ps. - Nolanus, Paulinus, Ep. app. 1.8, ed. Hartel, G., CSEL 29.436: ‘sicut et Anna venerabilis in ieiuniorum castimonia et orationum instantia nocte ac die permanens’) should be transferred to the section of instances in which castimonia has the general meaning of ‘ritual purity.’ Google Scholar

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41 (1.398 Kock).Google Scholar

42

43 PWK S.V. Google Scholar

44 Cf. Hepding, H., Attis: Seine Mythen und sein Kult, RVV 1 (Giessen 1903) 183; Arbesmann, , Das Fasten 84f.Google Scholar

45 Cf. ibid. 82f.; this interpretation was accepted by Haussleiter, J., Deutsche Literaturzeitung 50 (1929) 1906, and Deubner, L., Attische Feste (Berlin 1932) 80. Cf., however, Ziehen, s.v. who doubts that we are in a position to fix precisely the day of the because of the fragmentary condition of our tradition.Google Scholar

46 Cf. Arbesmann, , Das Fasten 92; PWK s.v ‘Thesmophoria.’ Google Scholar

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48 De incubatione 14 n.4.Google Scholar

49 Cf. Rohde, , Psyche 1.120 n.2.Google Scholar

50 Cf. Paus. Descriptio Graeciae 9.39.5ff. To him we owe the fullest of the extant accounts of the way of consulting the oracle at Lebadea.Google Scholar

51 Frg. 221 : (1.80 Kock).Google Scholar

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56 Fasti 4.641ff.Google Scholar

57 This was another rite deemed necessary to prepare the inquirer for the divine revelation. At Lebadea two boys, called Hermae, led the person who was about to consult Trophonius, to the river Hercyna, and there washed and anointed him (Paus. Descriptio Graeciae 9.39.7).Google Scholar

58 Fasti 4.657f.Google Scholar

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61 The Geography of Strabo, transl. by Jones, H. L., 6 (London and Cambridge, Mass. 1929) 259. We find the same interpretation of the passage in Bürchner, , ‘Charonion’ no. 2, PWK 3 (1899) 2184; von Diest, W, Nysa ad Maeandrum (Jahrbuch des Kaiserlich Deutschen Instituts, Ergänzungsheft 10, Berlin 1913) 16, whose translation is quoted by Schultze, , Altchristliche Städte 2.2.131: ‘Oft führen sie [die Priester] auch die Kranken selbst in die Höhle und lassen sie dort wie in einer Tiergrube mehrere Tage lang ohne Speise ruhig liegen.’ Google Scholar

62 Lehmann-Hartleben's second objection, namely, that is a somewhat awkward expression for denoting the accommodation of the sick, seems to be less convincing. 'Iδρύαν can have the meaning ‘to make sit down’; cf. for instance Iliad 2.191: ‘Aλλ’ Google Scholar

63 (3.907 Meineke).Google Scholar

64 Geographi graeci minores 2 (ed. Müller, C., Paris 1882) 405.Google Scholar

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66 Cf. Abt, , Die Apologie des Apuleius 36f.; Dölger, 2.50; Hopfner, , Griechisch-ägyptischer Offenbarungszauber 1 §§838f.Google Scholar

67 Cf. ibid. 2 §168. This, of course, does not exclude the fact that in many cases the two attitudes coexisted side by side or blended into each other.Google Scholar

68 Cf. Deubner, , De incubatione 30ff.; Abt, , Die Apologie des Apuleius 169f. A great part of the magic papyri deal with divination. As a matter of fact, little is left after the instructions for divination and love charms have been eliminated; cf. ibid. 166, and Apuleius, , Apologia 42 (ed. R. Helm, 2nd ed. Leipzig 1912, p. 49) : ‘quippe hoc emolumentum canticis accipimus, praesagium et divinationem.’ Google Scholar

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70 Preisendanz, K., Papyri graecae magicae 1 (Leipzig 1928) 44ff. Google Scholar

71 Line 304 (1.44 Preisendanz).Google Scholar

72 (1.46 Preisendanz).Google Scholar

73 (1.50 Preisendanz).Google Scholar

74 Lines 724-731 (1.96ff. Preisendanz).Google Scholar

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86 Delatte, A., Anecdota Atheniensia I: Textes grecs inédits relatifs à l'histoire des religions (Bibliothèque de la Faculté de Philosophie et Lettres de l'Université de Liége 26, Liége and Paris 1927) 507.Google Scholar

87 Ibid. 507f.; this and the preceding had been published before by Preisendanz, , ‘Zwei griechische Schatzzauber aus Kodex Parisinus 2419,’ Byzantinisch-neugriechische Jahrbücher 3 (1922) 276.Google Scholar

88 Concerning arithmomantic practices, cf. Dornseiff, F., Das Alphabet in Mystik und Magie (2nd ed. Studien zur Geschichte des antiken Weltbildes und der griechischen Wissenschaft 7, Leipzig and Berlin 1925) 113ff.Google Scholar

89 Beans especially were credited with having such undesirable effects. Apollonius, Histor. mirab. 46 (ed. Keller, O., Rerum naturalium scriptores graeci minores 1 [Leipzig 1877] 54) : (cf. the same tradition in Clem. Alex. Stromata 3.3.24.2 [2.206 Stählin]). Geoponica 2.35.3f.: Dioscurides, De materia medica 2.127: ibid. 2.130: Diog. Laert. De clar. phil. vit. 8.1.24 (210 Cobet) : Also Aristotle, , De somniis 3 (= 461a 21-25; ed. Biehl, G., Parva Naturalia, Leipzig 1898, p. 70), says that produce confused dreams : Google Scholar

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92 Galenus, , In Hippocr. praedict. 1.1.5: Google Scholar

93 Philostr. Vita Apoll. 2.37 (1.79 Kayser).Google Scholar

94 Ibid. 8.7 (1.314 Kayser).Google Scholar

95 Ibid. 8.5 (1.299 Kayser).Google Scholar

96 Ibid. 1.8; 21 (1.7;23 Kayser).Google Scholar

97 Ibid. Google Scholar

98 Ibid. 8.7 (1.308 Kayser).Google Scholar

99 Ibid. 1.8 (1.7 Kayser).Google Scholar

100 Porphyr. Vita Pythag. 34 (35 Nauck).Google Scholar

101 2.378 Kock.Google Scholar

102 Philostr. Vita Apoll. 1.8 (1.7 Kayser).Google Scholar

103 Ibid. 8.7 (1.309 Kayser).Google Scholar

104 Ibid. Google Scholar

105 Ibid. 8.7; cf. 6.11 (1.307f.; 216f. Kayser).Google Scholar

106 Ibid. 8.7 (1.308 Kayser).Google Scholar

107 Ibid. 6.11 (1.218 Kayser).Google Scholar

108 Ibid. 8.7 (1.307 Kayser).Google Scholar

109 Philostr. Apollonii Epistulae 52 (1.357 Kayser).Google Scholar

110 Geschichte der frühchristlichen Askese 312.Google Scholar

111 Cf. also Philostr. Vita Apoll. 5.12 (1.173 Kayser), where we are told that Apollonius owed his foreknowledge not to wizardry but to divine impulse and to what the gods revealed to him.Google Scholar

112 Ibid. 1.8 (1.7 Kayser).Google Scholar

113 Porphyr. Vita Pythag. 34 (35 Nauck).Google Scholar

114 Cf. Strathmann, , Geschichte der frühchristlichen Askese 315.Google Scholar

115 Iambl. De vita Pyth. 137 (100f. Parthey): Google Scholar

116 Ibid. 106f. (78 Parthey).Google Scholar

117 Geschichte der frühchristlichen Askese 310; cf. Haussleiter, , Der Vegetarismus 128.Google Scholar

118 Republic 571C-572A; cf. Hopfner, , Griechisch-ägyptischer Offenbarungszauber 2 §169.Google Scholar

119 De divinatione 1.29.60f.Google Scholar

120 Ibid. 1.32.70.Google Scholar

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123 De divin. 2.58.119; cf. ibid. 1.30.62.Google Scholar

123 Ibid. 1.50.113.Google Scholar

124 Ibid. 1.51.115.Google Scholar

125 Philostr. Vita Apoll. 2.37 (1.79 Kayser).Google Scholar

126 Vs. 2-5 ( Bucolici Graeci: Theocritus, Bion, Moschus, ed. Ahrens, H. L., 2nd stereot. ed. [Leipzig 1904] 103).Google Scholar

127 Ovid, , Heroides 19.195f. Google Scholar

128 Sat. 1.10.32f.Google Scholar

129 Plato, , Crito 44A.Google Scholar

130 Propertius 4.4.63ff.Google Scholar

131 Seneca, , Troades 438ff.; cf. also Carmina Latina Epigraphica 1109.7ff. (ed. Bücheler, F., Anthologia Latina 2.2 [Leipzig 1897] 508) : Google Scholar

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132 “Upon Vergil, Aeneid vi, vss. 893-898,’ The Classical Review 14 (1900) 153f. Google Scholar

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1 Matt. 17.21; Mark 9.29; but see Schümmer, , Die altchristliche Fastenpraxis 2 n.3.Google Scholar

2 Cf. Mark, 2.18ff.Google Scholar

3 Matt. 6.16ff. Google Scholar

4 Acts 13.2f.; 14.23; 2 Cor. 6.5; 11.27 Google Scholar

5 The Oxyrhynchus Papyri, ed. Grenfell, B. P. and Hunt, A. S., IV (London 1904) p.9 (logion 5). Although the saying is broken beyond hope of recovery, the general train of thought seems to be clear. The disciples ask Christ how they should conduct themselves with regard to fasting and some other Jewish ordinances. The answer of Christ seems to have consisted of a series of short commandments. Ibid. I (1898) p.3, lines 4-8 (logion 2) : ‘Jesus saith, Except ye fast [by abstaining from] the world, ye shall in no wise find the kingdom of God.’ Although this saying is couched in rather general terms, nevertheless it stresses emphatically the necessity of asceticism, and could legitimately serve as a basis for the development of a discipline of fasting.Google Scholar

6 Ed. Klostermann, E., Reste des Petrusevangeliums, der Petrusapokalypse und des Kerygma Petri (Lietzmann's Kleine Texte 3, reprint, Berlin 1933) 5.Google Scholar

7 AAA 1.50.Google Scholar

8 Ibid. 1.251.Google Scholar

9 Ibid. 2.1.136.Google Scholar

10 Ibid. 2.1.155.Google Scholar

11 Ibid. 2.1.218.Google Scholar

12 Ibid. 2.2.131; 146; 246; 253.Google Scholar

13 In the fifth book of his Memoirs, ap. Euseb. Hist. eccl. 2.23.4f. (166 Schwartz), concerning the abstinence of James from meat and wine; cf. Epiphanius, , Haereses 78.13.3 (ed. Holl, K., GCS, Epiphanius 3.464).Google Scholar

14 Paedagogus 2.1.16.1 (1.165 Stählin), concerning Matthew, who abstains from meat and restricts his diet to a few articles of food.Google Scholar

15 Orat. 14.4 (PG 35.861), concerning the alleged diet of Peter; cf. Ps.-Clement, , Recognitiones 7.6 (PG 1.1357f.).Google Scholar

16 Demonstratio evangelica 3.5.74 (ed. Heikel, I. A., GCS, Eusebius Werke 6.124), where the abstinence from meat and wine is extended to all the disciples of Christ.Google Scholar

17 Tert. De cultu feminarum 2.9 (ed. Oehler, F., Quinti Septimii Florentis Tertulliani quae supersunt omnia 1 [Leipzig 1853] 727); Origen, , In Jerem. Hom. 20.7 (ed. Klostermann, E., GCS, Origenes Werke 3.188); according to Euseb. Hist. eccl. 6.3.9 (526 Schwartz), Origen himself was experienced in the discipline of fasting.Google Scholar

18 History of the Martyrs in Palestine, ed. Cureton, W. (London 1861) 3; Violet, B., Die Palästinensischen Märtyrer des Eusebius von Cäsarea, TU 14.4 (1896) 4.Google Scholar

19 Preserved by Euseb. Hist. eccl. 5.3.2 (432 Schwartz).Google Scholar

20 Cf. Schümmer, , Die altchristliche Fastenpraxis 32.Google Scholar

21 Bruns 1.68.Google Scholar

22 Cf. Schümmer, , Die altchristliche Fastenpraxis 168 n.16.Google Scholar

23 Ed. Butler, C., The Lausiac History of Palladius 2 (Texts and Studies 6.2, Cambridge 1904) 15; 16f.; 34; 52; 70; 107; 122; 130; 133; 142; 145.Google Scholar

24 Ibid. 18 (48 Butler).Google Scholar

25 Ibid. (52 Butler).Google Scholar

26 Ibid. 43 (130 Butler).Google Scholar

27 Hist. eccl. 6.33 (PG 67.1393).Google Scholar

28 Liquamen a sauce made of brine and small fish, was considered a delicacy, characteristic of a rich meal. Cf. Dölger, 2.97; Zahn, , ‘Garum,’ PWK 7.1 (1910) 841ff.Google Scholar

29 Superpositio (sc. ieiunii) is the technical term that was used to designate in the language of asceticism the practice of extending the fast beyond the usual time—the ordinary fast ended at 6 P.M.—meaning, therefore, a total abstention from food for two, three, or even more days. These lengthy and continuous fasts were also called biduanum (sc. ieiunium), triduanum, quatriduanum. In Greek, the terms for this practice were cf. Dionysius of Alexandria, Ad Basilidem 1 (ed. Feltoe, Ch. L., The Letters and other Remains of Dionysius of Alexandria [Cambridge Patristic Texts, Cambridge 1904] 102); Epiphanius, , Expositio fidei 22.11 (3.523 Holl); Cyrill. Hier. Catech. 18.17 (PG 33.1037); Evagr. Schol. Hist. eccl. 1.21 (30 Bidez and Parmentier). Sozomenus, , Hist. eccl. 1.11 (PG 67.889) uses the graphic expression for this joining together of fast days without leaving a break. Tertullian employs the verbs continuare, sc. ieiuniam (De ieiunio 14 [293 Reifferscheid and Wissowa]) and ieiunia coniungere (De patientia 13 [ed. Kroymann, E., CSEL 47.20]). Later, however, the terms superpositio and superponere, that is, the translations of the Greek terms and found general acceptance; cf. Victorinus, , De fabrica mundi 3;5 (ed. Haussleiter, J., CSEL 49.4;5); Synod. Eliberitan. 23; 26 (2.9f. Mansi). The superpositio was in vogue especially among the ascetics. The practice of observing the customary weekly days of fast seemed even too mild. A perfect was a person who was able to fast during the entire week. Since, in the East, Sunday and Saturday were not days of fast, the true ascetic fasted for the remaining days of the week. Such an uninterrupted fast of five days is reported of Antonius and Elpidius (Pallad. Hist. Laus. 22; 48 [70; 142 Butler]). Many ascetics in the Thebaid practiced it at least during Lent (ibid. 18 [52 Butler]; concerning Adolius, ibid. 43 [130 Butler]; cf. also Evagr. Schol. Hist. eccl. 1.21 [30 Bidez and Parmentier]). According to St. Augustine, Ep. 36.4.8 (ed. A. Goldbacher, CSEL 34.2.37), the practice of fasting for five days had become a widespread custom in monasteries where it was observed especially during Lent. It was, however, voluntary, and the Regula Magistri 53 (PL 88.1015) contains the following order : ‘Qui vero voluerint fratres ieiunium superponere, in ipso superposito die in labore cum fratribus non spectentur, solummodo laborantibus fratribus legant.’ These prolonged fasts were very common among hermits; cf. Vita Sancti Amati Confessoris 4; 10 (ed. Besson, M., Monasterium Agaunense: Etudes critiques sur les origines de l'Abbaye de St. Maurice en Valais, Fribourg 1913, pp. 185; 188). In Ireland, where western asceticism, including the practice of fasting, developed to the highest degree of severity, examples of biduana and triduana sc. ieiunia occur quite frequently in hagiographic literature; cf. Gougaud, L., Devotional Ascetic Practices in the Middle Ages (transl. by Bateman, G. C., London 1927) 150.Google Scholar

30 Cf. Ladeuze, P, Etude sur le cénobitisme Pakhomien pendant le IV e siècle et la première moitié du V e (Louvain 1898) 298–301.Google Scholar

31 Cf. Leipoldt, J., Schenute von Atripe (TU NF 10.1, Leipzig 1903) 116–20.Google Scholar

32 Ibid. 68f.Google Scholar

33 Cf. Seller, H., “Augustinus und seine Regel,’ St. Augustin 430-1980 (Würzburg 1930) 98f.; Zumkeller, A., ‘Zum geistigen Gehalt der Augustinerregel,’ Die grossen Ordensregeln (ed. by Hans Urs von Balthasar, Einsiedeln and Zürich 1948) 117.Google Scholar

34 Cf. Hilpisch, St., Geschichte des benediktinischen Mönchtums (Freiburg i.B. 1929) 67f. Google Scholar

35 Ed. Seebass, O., Zeitschrift für Kirchengeschichte 15 (1895) 375f.; one may note also the severity of Irish fasting practices (Gougaud, , Devotional and Ascetic Practices 147ff.; Ryan, J., Irish Monasticism [Dublin 1931] 391ff.).Google Scholar

36 The chief testimonies for the prebaptismal fast are the following: Didache 7.4; Just. Mart. Apologia 1.61; Clement of Alexandria, Excerpta ex Theodoto 83f. (3.132 Stählin); Tert. De baptismo 20 (217 Reifferscheid and Wissowa); Ps.-Clement, , Homiliae 3.73; 11.35; 13.9; 11 (ed. de Lagarde, P, Clementina [Leipzig 1865] 56; 119; 136; 137); Recogn. 3.67; 6.15; 7.34; 36; 37 (PG 1.1311; 1355; 1368; 1369); August. De fide et operibus 6.8 (ed. Zycha, J., CSEL 41.43); Statuta ecclesiae antiqua (Ps.-Conc. Carthag. IV) cn. 85 (1.149 Bruns; this canon prescribes a protracted abstinence from meat and wine). For more testimonies see Schümmer, , Die altchristliche Fastenpraxis 166 n.10. In the Didache (loc. cit.) the fast is enjoined not only on the recipient but also on the minister of the sacrament and possibly on all those who attend the sacred ceremony; similarly St. Justin (loc. cit.) and Ps.-Clement, , Recogn. 7.37.Google Scholar

37 Cf. for instance St. Leo, Ep. 9.1 (PL 54.625) : ‘His qui consecrandi sunt, ieiunis a ieiunantibus sacra benedictio conferatur.’ The Didascalia Arabica 32.1-3 (ed. Funk, F. X., Didascalia et Constitutiones Apostolorum [Paderborn 1905] 2.122f.; cf. ibid. 38.1-3 [2.130f. Funk]) and the Testamentum Domini nostri Jesu Christi 1.22 (ed. Rahmani, I. E. [Mainz 1899] 33) mention a special fast for the hishop after his consecration; the Test. Dom. 1.31 (71 Rahmani) speaks of a similar fast for priests after their ordination.Google Scholar

38 Cf. Schümmer, , Die altchristliche Fastenpraxis 218ff. Google Scholar

39 Ep. 54.6.8 (34.2.166f. Goldbacher); cf. Roetzer, W, Des heiligen Augustinus Schriften als liturgiegeschichtliche Quelle: Eine liturgiegeschichtliche Studie (Munich 1930) 174f. Google Scholar

40 Cf. Schümmer, , Die altchristliche Fastenpraxis 221.Google Scholar

41 De ieiun. 12 (290f. Reifferscheid and Wissowa). In the same chapter, Tertullian criticizes the custom of sending provisions to imprisoned martyrs. Compare with this Tertullian's different attitude in Ad martyras 1 (1.3 Oehler), written shortly after his conversion and before his Montanistic period.Google Scholar

42 De paenitentia 9; 11 (1.660; 662 Oehler).Google Scholar

43 2.16.2; 41.6 (1.60; 130ff. Funk).Google Scholar

44 6 (ed. Harden, J. M., The Ethiopic Didascalia [London 1920] 29).Google Scholar

45 2.16.2; 17.5; 18.7; 41.6; 43.1; 48.1 (1.61; 65; 67; 131ff.; 135; 143ff. Funk).Google Scholar

46 Cf. the Penitentials of Vinnian, Columbanus, and Cummean, ed. Wasserschleben, F. W H., Die Bussordnungen der abendländischen Kirche (Halle 1851) 108ff. [Vinnian]; 353ff. [Columbanus]; Zettinger, J., Archiv f. kath. Kirchenrecht 82 (1902) 501ff. [Cummean].Google Scholar

47 Acts 15.28f.Google Scholar

48 Cf. Böckenhoff, K., Das apostolische Speisegesetz in den ersten fünf Jahrhunderten (Paderborn 1903) 1; 98.Google Scholar

49 Testimonies ibid. 41ff. Google Scholar

50 For testimonies see Schümmer, , Die altchristliche Fastenpraxis 8ff. Google Scholar

51 Cf. Böckenhoff, , Das apostolische Speisegesetz 98–107.Google Scholar

52 Cf. Böckenhoff, , Speisesatzungen mosaischer Art in mittelalterlichen Kirchenrechtsquellen des Morgen- und Abendlandes (Münster 1907) 1ff. Google Scholar

53 Cf. ibid. 50.Google Scholar

54 Sim. 5.1.4f.; cf. ibid. 5.3.6; Ep. Barnabae 3.3; Just. Mart. Dial. cum Tryphone 15.Google Scholar

55 In Joh. Evang. tract. 17.4 (PL 35.1529). Cf. Roetzer, , Des heiligen Augustinus Schriften ab liturgiegeschichtliche Quelle 31, where the author points to St. Augustine's Lenten sermons in which the Bishop of Hippo, with a keen insight into the pastoral needs of his flock, and using all the powers of his extraordinary eloquence, tried to deepen the idea of the Quadragesima in the minds of his listeners. He did this by pointing out that bodily fasting formed only one part of the wholesome penitential exercises and that the literal fulfilment of the ecclesiastical laws of fasting must be accompanied by an inner conversion in order to conform to the spirit and idea of these holy weeks of preparation for Easter. Cf. also Bihlmeier, A., “Das Fasten im Geiste der Liturgie,’ Benediktinische Monatschrift 10 (1928) 104ff.Google Scholar

56 Titus 2.12.Google Scholar

57 Sermo 42 (PL 54.276).Google Scholar

58 In Lev. hom. 10.2 (ed. Baehrens, W. A., GCS, Origenes Werke 6. 444).Google Scholar

59 In Gen. hom. 4.7; 8.5 (PG 53.45f.; 74).Google Scholar

60 Cf. for instance Ep. 130.11 (ed. Hilberg, I., CSEL 56.191) : ‘Latus est super ieiuniis campus in quo et nos saepe cucurrimus.’ Google Scholar

61 Ibid.: ‘Ieiunium non perfecta virtus, sed ceterarum virtutum fundamentum est.’ Cf. Joh. Cass. De institutis coenobiorum 5.10 (ed. M. Petschenig, CSEL 17.88) : ‘Ad integritatem mentis et corporis conservandam abstinentia ciborum sola non sufficit, nisi fuerint ceterae quoque virtutes animae coniugatae.’ St. Melania the Younger compares the virtues with the adornment of a bride: a person attempting to accomplish much in fasting without practicing the remaining virtues, resembles a bride who adorns only her feet but fails to attire the rest of her body (Gerontius, , Vita S. Melaniae Iunioris 43, ed. Rampolla, M., Rome 1905, p.65). According to St. John Chrysostom, In Matth. hom. 46.4 (PG 58.480f.), fasting holds the last place among the virtues.Google Scholar

62 Ep. 130.17 (56.198 Hilberg).Google Scholar

63 Ep. 52.12 (54.435 Hilberg).Google Scholar

64 Ep. 125.7 (56.124 Hilberg).Google Scholar

65 Ep. 107.10 (55.301 Hilberg).Google Scholar

66 Ep. 22.37 (54.202 Hilberg).Google Scholar

67 Sim. 5.3.8.Google Scholar

68 Phil. 4.18.Google Scholar

69 Hom. in Evang. 16.5 (PL 76.1137).Google Scholar

70 Hermas, , Sim. 5.3.7; cf. Orig. In Lev. hom. 10.2 (6.445 Baehrens); Didascalia 5.1.4 (1.236ff. Funk); Ethiopic Didascalia 30 (136 Harden); Const. Apost. 5.1.3 (1.237 Funk); Aug. Enarrationes in Psalmos 42. 8 (PL 36.482); Leo M. Sermo 13 (PL 54.172). For more testimonies see Schümmer, , Die altchristliche Fastenpraxis 156f.Google Scholar

71 Cf. Tob. 12.8; Heiler, F., Das Gebet (2nd ed. Munich 1920) 479; 483.Google Scholar

72 Enarrat. in Ps. 42.8 (PL 36.482); cf. De perfectione iustitiae hominis 8.18 (ed. Urba, C. F. and Zycha, J., CSEL 42.15f.).Google Scholar

73 Sermo 206.1 (PL 38.1041).Google Scholar

74 Sermo 210.10 (PL 38.1053); cf. Sermo 205.2 (PL 38.1040).Google Scholar

75 In Matth. hom. 57.4 (PG 58.563).Google Scholar

76 Ibid. 77.6 (PG 58.710).Google Scholar

77 Sermo 8; 41 (PL 52.208ff.; 314ff.).Google Scholar

78 Unterweisung über die Tugendübung des Fastens 12 (BKV 58.76 Weber).Google Scholar

79 Gebet bezüglich des Fastens (BKV 6.98 Landersdorfer) : fasting, combined with charity and almsgiving, makes us heirs of the kingdom of heaven.Google Scholar

80 Zweites Gedicht über das Fasten (BKV 6.228 Landersdorfer).Google Scholar

81 Sermo 12.4; 15.1; 16.2; 17.1 (PL 54.171; 175; 177; 180).Google Scholar

82 Sermo 13; 17.1; 18.3; 19.3; 20.2f.; 39.6; 40.6; 41.3; 43.4; 44.2; 46.4; 47.3; 48.5; 49.6; 78.4; 80; 81.4; 86.1; 87.3; 88.4f.; 89.5f.; 90.4; 94.4 (PL 54.172; 180; 185; 188; 189f.; 267; 270; 274; 284; 287; 294; 297; 300f.; 305; 417f.; 420; 422; 437; 439f.; 442f.; 446; 449; 460).Google Scholar

83 For testimonies see Schümmer, , Die altchristliche Fastenpraxis 216 n.51; 217 n.52.Google Scholar

84 De paenit. 9 (1.660 Oehler); cf. Schümmer, , Die altchristliche Fastenpraxis 174; 181; 212f.; 222f.; 225.Google Scholar

85 Cf. for instance Ethiopic Didascalia 14 (88 Harden); Test. Dom. 1.22; 31; 42 (35; 71; 75; 101 Rahmani).Google Scholar

86 Cf. for instance Basil. De ieiun. hom. 1.7 (PG 31.173); Ambr. De Helia et ieiunio 3.4; 7.21; 8.22 (ed. Schenkl, C., CSEL 32.2.413f.; 423f.); Asterius of Amaseia, In principium ieiuniorum hom. 14 (PG 40.372); Ephraem Syr. Hymni de ieiunio 2.1f.; 6.1ff.; 7.5; 10.2ff.; 12.1 (ed. Lamy, Th. J., S. Ephraem Syri Hymni et Sermones 2 [Mechliniae 1886] 652; 678ff.; 688; 702ff.; 708); the two metrical homilies of Isaac of Antioch on fasting (BKV 6.217ff. Landersdorfer); and John Mandakuni's instruction on the virtuous practice of fasting (BKV 58.68ff. Weber).Google Scholar

87 Sim. 5.1.2; for a complete list of all the testimonies see Dold, A., “Das Donaueschinger Comesfragment B II 7,’ Jahrbuch für Liturgiewissenschaft 6 (1926) 26f. Google Scholar

88 As a loan word, taken from Latin, it occurs first in Herm. Sim. 5.1.2: For the development of the meaning of statio see Schümmer, , Die altchristliche Fastenpraxis 123ff.; Waszink in his edition of Tertullian's De anima p. 513f. The regular ieiunium lasted until the hour of sunset. Since the less rigorous fast of the statio was broken at the ninth hour (3 P.M.), it is merely a semiieiunium to Tertullian (De ieiun. 13 [291 Reifferscheid and Wissowa]).Google Scholar

89 Ibid. 2; 10 (275; 286 Reifferscheid and Wissowa).Google Scholar

90 Cf. Schümmer, , Die altchristliche Fastenpraxis 99f. Google Scholar

91 Tert. De ieiun. 10 (287 Reifferscheid and Wissowa) : ‘venit enim de exitu Domini.’ Google Scholar

92 Cf. Schümmer, , Die altchristliche Fastenpraxis 95ff.; more testimonies in Funk, , Didasc. et Const. Apost. 1.279 n.20.Google Scholar

93 For testimonies see Schümmer, , Die altchristliche Fastenpraxis 150ff. Google Scholar

94 Ep. 25.4 (PL 20.555f.).Google Scholar

95 Cf. Dold, , loc. cit. 29.Google Scholar

96 “Montag, Mittwoch und Freitag als Fasttagesystem in kirchlicher und monastischer Überlieferung,’ Jahrb. f. Liturgiewissenschaft 3 (1923) 102ff. For testimonies see ibid. Google Scholar

97 Tert. De ieiun. 2; 13 (275; 291 Reifferscheid and Wissowa); cf. Mark 2.19f.; Matt. 9.15.Google Scholar

98 Preserved by Euseb. Hist. eccl. 5.24.12 (494 Schwartz).Google Scholar

99 Cf. Schümmer, , Die altchristliche Fastenpraxis 59.Google Scholar

100 Dionys. Alex. Ad Basilidem 1 (101f. Feltoe).Google Scholar

101 Didascalia 5.18 (1.288 Funk).Google Scholar

102 Ibid. 5.20.12 (1.298ff. Funk).Google Scholar

103 For testimonies see Schümmer, , Die altchristliche Fastenpraxis 64ff. Google Scholar

104 Cf. ibid. 68ff. Google Scholar

105 Concerning the meaning of this technical term in cn. 5 of the Council of Nicaea (2.669 Mansi), cf. Schümmer, , Die altchristliche Fastenpraxis 201 n.150.Google Scholar

106 Matt. 4.2; Luke 4.2. Concerning the symbolic interpretations of the number forty by St. Augustine and St. Jerome, cf. Schümmer, , Die altchristliche Fastenpraxis 203f.; Roetzer, , Des heiligen Augustinus Schriften als liturgiegeschichtliche Quelle 29.Google Scholar

107 Aetheriae peregrinatio 27.1 (ed. Geyer, C., CSEL 39.78).Google Scholar

108 In reality there were forty-one days, Holy Saturday being a fast day Google Scholar

109 Cf. Socrates, , Hist. eccl. 5.22 (ed. Hussey, R. [Oxonii 1853] 2.630f.), whose general statement to the effect that the quadragesimal fast was not kept universally for forty actual days seems to be correct, though doubts may be justified with regard to details mentioned by him.Google Scholar

110 Const. Apost. 5.13.3 (1. 269ff. Funk); Joh. Chrysost. In. Gen. hom. 30.1 (PG 53.273f.).Google Scholar

111 Cf. Duchesne, L., Origines du culte chrétien (5th ed. Paris 1925) 257f.; Cabrol, F., ‘Caput ieiunii,’ DACL 2.2.2134ff.Google Scholar

112 Collected by Schümmer, , Die altchristliche Fastenpraxis 201ff.; cf. ibid. 64 n.59; 60; 61.Google Scholar

113 Cassian, , Conlationes 21.30 (605f. Petschenig).Google Scholar

114 Cf. Schümmer, , Die altchristliche Fastenpraxis 205ff. Google Scholar

115 Const. Apost. 5.20.14 (1.299 Funk).Google Scholar

116 6 (PG 25.652).Google Scholar

117 44.1 (95 Geyer).Google Scholar

118 Const. Apost. 5.20.14 (1.299 Funk).Google Scholar

119 Cf. Holl, K., “Die Enstehung der vier Fastenzeiten in der griechischen Kirche,’ Abhandlungen der Preussischen Akademie der Wissenschaften, Phil.-hist. Klasse 1923, no. 5, pp. 19–27. None of the sources belonging to the period before the Islamic invasions mentions the fourth of the great seasons of fast in the Eastern Church, the Fast of the Mother of God, lasting from the first of August to the Feast of the Assumption of the Blessed Virgin (August 15). It does, therefore, not concern us here.Google Scholar

120 Cf. ibid. 31f.; 35; 22 n.6; 23 n.2.Google Scholar

121 The first traces of these fasts may possibly be found in the fast ordained by Pope Calixtus (217-222) for three Saturdays of the year. Cf. Schümmer, , Die altchristliche Fastenpraxis 153ff.; 160f. Google Scholar

122 Cf. for the month of December, Sermo 12.4 (PL 54.172) : ‘Quarta igitur et sexta feria ieiunemus, sabbato autem apud beatissimum apostolum Petrum vigilias celebremus’: 13; 16.16; 17.4; 18.3; 19.3 (PL 54.172f.; 179; 182; 185; 188); for the fast in the week after Pentecost, Sermo 75.5; 76.9; 78.4; 81.4 (PL 54.403; 411; 418; 422); for the month of September, Sermo 86.2; 88.5; 89.6; 90.4; 92.4; 94.4 (PL 54.438; 444; 446; 450; 455; 460). Morin, G., “L'origine des Quatre-Temps,’ Revue bénédictine 14 (1897) 343f., has called attention to the same formula in the Gelasian Sacramentary : ‘Quarta igitur et sexta feria sollicito convenientes occursu offeramus Deo spiritale ieiunium; die vero sabbati apud beatum Petrum sanctas vigilias christiana pietate celebremus.’ Google Scholar

123 Cf. for instance Sermo 87.4; 89.6 (PL 54.440; 446); and especially Sermo 16.2 (PL 54.177) : ‘sancti patres nostri divinitus inspirati decimi mensis sanxere ieiunium, ut omnium fructuum collectione conclusa rationabilis Deo abstinentia dicaretur.’ Google Scholar

124 Morin, , loc. cit. 344f. quotes passages from the Leonine and Gelasian Sacramentarles.Google Scholar

125 For testimonies and the entire question concerning the origin of the Quattuor Tempora, see Morin, , loc. cit. 337-346, whose theory was further developed by Grisar, H., Storia di Roma e dei Papi nel medio evo, vol. 1 : Roma alla fine del mondo antico secondo le fonti scritte ed i monumenti (transl. by Mercati, A., 2nd ed. Rome 1908) 778ff. Cf. also Kellner, K. A. H., Heortology: A History of the Christian Festivals from their Origin to the Present Day (transl. from the 2nd German ed., London 1908) 183ff.; Eisenhofer, L., Grundriss der katholischen Liturgie (4th ed. Freiburg i. B. 1937) 95ff.Google Scholar

126 Cf. St. Leo's clear references to the December fast: ‘ decimi mensis celebrandum esse ieiunium, quo pro consummata perceptione omnium fructuum dignissime largitori eorum Deo continentiae libamen offertur’ (Sermo 13 [PL 54.172]); or: ‘Sicut ergo spe futurae felicitatis, ad quam per fidem currimus, gratias Deo agere debemus, quod ad perceptionem tantae praeparationis evehimur, ita pro iis quoque commodis quae singulorum annorum revolutione consequimur, Deus a nobis honorandus atque laudandus est, qui sic terrae fecunditatem ab initio dedit, sic pariendorum fructuum leges in quibusque germinibus et seminibus ordinavit, ut numquam sua instituta desereret, sed in rebus conditis benigna Conditoris administratio permaneret. Quidquid ergo ad usus hominum segetes, vineae, oleaeque peperint, totum hoc divinae bonitatis largitate produxit’ (Sermo 16.1 [PL 54.176]); cf. also Sermo 17.1; 20.2 (PL 54.180; 189).Google Scholar

127 Cf. Sermo 16.2 (PL 54.177) : ‘Meminisset quisque ita uti abundantia, ut et circa se abstinentior, et circa pauperes esset effusior.’ Google Scholar

128 Cf. Sermo 12.3 (PL 54.170f.).Google Scholar

129 Sermo 13 (PL 54.172).Google Scholar

130 Sermo 15.2 (PL 54.175); cf. also Sermo 19.2 (PL 54.187) : ‘Quis non intelligat quantum nobis praesidii per ieiunia conferatur? in quibus indicitur, ut non solum a cibis, sed etiam ab omnibus carnalibus desideriis temperetur.’ In Sermo 78.2 (PL 54.416), St. Leo holds out the example of the foremost teachers in the Church, who began the tirocinium militiae christianae by a holy fast.Google Scholar

131 Sermo 20.2 (PL 54.189). Cf. Sermo 18.3 (PL 54.185), where St. Leo uses the characteristic expression agricultura mystica. Google Scholar

132 Cf. Apollinaris, Sidonius, Ep. 5.14 (MGH Auct. ant. 8.87f.); Ep. 7.1 (ibid. 103f.), where Sidonius tells the addressee, Mamertus himself, how the same pious usage gave moral strength to the inhabitants of Clermont (urbs Averna, the episcopal see of Sidonius) during the siege of the city by the Goths; Avitus, , Hom. in rogationibus (MGH Auct, ant. 6.2.108ff.), in which the author, a successor of Mamertus in the see of Vienne (494-517), expresses his satisfaction that it was from his bishopric that the litaniae proceeded, and spread paene per orbem totum (the latter statement is a rhetorical exaggeration); Gregory of Tours, Historia Francorum 2.34 (MGH Script. rer. Meroving. 1.1.97f.), who refers to the homily of Avitus. de Bruyne, D., “L'origine des processions de la Chandeleur et des Rogations à propos d'un sermon inédit,’ Revue bénédictine 34 (1922) 14ff. has drawn attention to an anonymous sermon in a tenth-century manuscript (Cod. Par. Lat. 18296 f.81), written at Corbie, in which the writer states that the Christian Rogations were descended from the Roman ambarvalia, which were celebrated in the month of May and served the lustratio of the Roman landmark. Apart from the fact that the early date of the MS gives considerable weight to the suggestion, the pagan and Christian ceremonies on both occasions have certainly external points of agreement with regard to the element of time as well as the principal object. This, however, can hardly be a matter of surprise, since man's necessities remain the same and suggest rites naturally resembling each other. Moreover, we have to take into consideration a peculiar trait of the Romans, their conservatism, which never let anything die out. Since the people tenaciously adhered to the old custom of the ambarvalia, the Church substituted litanies for the pagan invocations in this innocent practice (cf. Wissowa, G., Religion und Kultus der Römer [2nd ed. Munich 1912] 101, and literature quoted there; Fowler, W W., The Roman Festivals of the Period of the Republic [repr. London 1916] 124ff.). In this connection we may also mention the Roman litania maior on April 25, which was a substitute for the pagan Robigalia. The principal feature of the latter was a procession during which the numen Robigus or Robigo was invoked to protect the crops against mildew. Since the popes could not prevent even Christians going out in procession on that day, they ordered litanies to be sung during the procession, invoking God's blessing on the fruits of the earth (Cf. Usener, H., Das Weihnachtsfest [2nd ed. Bonn 1911] 306ff.; Kellner, , Heortology 287f.). On the other hand, the new, distinctively Christian, significance given to these observances, especially their ascetical and penitential character, should not be overlooked. Rogations involved not only perambulation, but also fasting (the litania maior was also probably marked by a fast; cf. Cabrol, F., ‘Jeûnes,’ DACL 7.2.2493), almsgiving, and penitential prayer.Google Scholar

133 Ep. 5.14 (MGH Auct. ant. 8.88).Google Scholar

134 Hom. in. rogat. (MGH Auct. ant. 6.2.108).Google Scholar

135 Hist. Franc. 2.34 (MGH Script. rer. Meroving. 1.1.98).Google Scholar

136 Conc. Aurel. I cn. 27 (MGH Conc. 1.8).Google Scholar

137 Conc. Gerund. cn. 2 (Bruns 2.18).Google Scholar

138 Ibid. cn. 3 (p. 19). The abstinence from meat and wine is mentioned here.Google Scholar

139 Conc. Lugdun. II cn.6 (MGH Conc. 1.140).Google Scholar

140 Conc. Tolet. V cn.1 (Bruns 1.246).Google Scholar

141 Conc. Tol. XVII cn.6 (Bruns 1.388).Google Scholar

142 De ecclesiasticis officiis 1.37-41 (PL 83.771ff.); St. Isidore's work is an excellent source for the early Spanish liturgy.Google Scholar

143 Ibid. 1.41 (PL 83.774f.); cf. Aug. Sermones 197 and 198 (PL 38.1021ff.); Conc. Turon. II (567 or 570) cn.18, al. 17 (MGH Conc. 1.126f.) : ‘Excipitur triduum illud, quod ad calcandam gentilium consuetudinem patres nostri statuerunt privatas in Kalendis Januarii fieri litanias.’ Google Scholar

144 Sermo 198.2 (PL 38.1025); cf. Bünger, F., Geschichte der Neujahrsfeier in der Kirche, Diss. Jena (Berlin 1910) 21f.; Roetzer, , Des heiligen Augustinus Schriften als liturgiegeschichtliche Quelle 43f. From the point of view of its effects down to our own day, no other ancient festival can rival the Roman Kalendae Januariae ; cf. Schneider, F., ‘Über Kalendae Januariae und Martiae im Mittelalter,’ Archiv für Religionswissenschaft 20 (1920–21) 84.Google Scholar

145 The New Year's gifts (strenae) consisted of old copper coins (asses); cf. Nilsson, M. P, “Studien zur Vorgeschichte des Weihnachtsfestes,’ Arch. f. Religionswissenschaft 19 (1916–18) 51.Google Scholar

146 Diversarum hereseon liber 121.3 (ed. Marx, F., CSEL 38.121) : ‘Nam per annum quattuor ieiunia in ecclesia celebrantur, in natale primum, deinde in pascha, tertio in ascensione, quarto in pentecosten.’ The work belongs to the years 383-391 (cf. Bardenhewer, O., Geschichte der altkirchlichen Literatur 3 [2nd ed. Freiburg i.B. 1923] 483ff.). The passage quoted is worthy of note for still another reason. Filastrius mentions a system of four solemn fasts for the ecclesiastical year and connects them with Christmas, Easter, Ascension, and Pentecost. Moreover, in chapter 121.5 (121 Marx), he opposes another quaternary system which arranges the fasts according to the four seasons: ‘alii autem putant secundum quattuor tempora anni cuiusque dixisse scripturam.’ By alii, Filastrius no doubt meant Rome. There such a custom had begun to develop at an early time, though the first source which gives us a clear picture of it is of considerably later date. In his sermons, Pope Leo I regularly announces a fast four times a year: before Easter, the week after Pentecost, and the seventh and tenth months. The number ‘four’ also appears in St. Isidore of Seville's De eccl. off. 1.37 (PL 83.771) : ‘Ieiuniorum tempora quattuor sunt,’ though in enumerating them, Isidore adds, ibid. 1.41 (PL 83.774f.), a fifth, the ieiunium Kalendarum Januariarum, without giving any further explanation as to why he exceeds the number stated before.Google Scholar

147 The list is preserved by Gregory of Tours, Hist. Franc. 10.31 (MGH Script. rer. Meroving. 1.1.445) : ‘De depositione domni Martini usque natale Domini terna in septimana ieiunia.’ Google Scholar

148 Conc. Matiscon. I cn. 9 (MGH Conc. 1.157) : ‘ut a feria S. Martini usque ad natale Domini secunda, quarta, et sexta sabbati ieiunetur.’ Google Scholar

149 Conc. Tur. II cn.18. al. 17 (MGH Conc. 1.126f.). This canon, like the ninth canon of the first Council of Mâcon (see preceding note) is of interest inasmuch as it prescribes Monday, Wednesday, and Friday as regular weekly days of fast. In other words, there was in force the second three-day system which we have mentioned above (p. 42). The monks had to keep it from Epiphany to the beginning of Lent, from Sunday after Pentecost until the first of August, and during the whole of September, October, and November. Lent, the week after Pentecost, and Advent (from the first of December until Christmas) were periods of daily fast, except Sundays. The fifty days between Easter and Pentecost (except the Rogation Days), the whole of August, and the time between Christmas and Epiphany (except the three days of the ieiunium Kalendarum Januariarum) were exempt from fast.Google Scholar

150 Cf. Duchesne, , Origines du culte chrétien 303.Google Scholar

151 Leipoldt, , Schenute von Atripe 69 n.2.Google Scholar

152 Cf. for instance Aug. Sermo 210.8f. (PL 38.1052f.).Google Scholar

153 Cf. for instance Joh. Chrysost. In Gen hom. 4.7;8.5 (PG 53.45f.; 74); and, concerning St. Augustine, Roetzer, , Des heiligen Augustinus Schriften ah liturgiegeschichtliche Quelle 31f. Google Scholar

154 Cf. Schümmer, , Die altchristliche Fastenpraxis 217f. Google Scholar

155 Cf. the clear passage in Tert. Die ieiun. 8 (284 Reifferscheid and Wissowa) : ‘Quid enim mirum, si eadem operatione spiritus iniquus educitur, qua sanctus inducitur?’; and Dölger, F. J., Der Exorzismus im christlichen Taufritual (Studien zur Geschichte und Kultur des Altertums 3.1-2, Paderborn 1909) 80ff.; Schepelern, , Der Montanismus 140; Schümmer, , Die altchristliche Fastenpraxis 175f.; 215ff.Google Scholar

156 Cf. ibid. 185; 188f.; Freiberger, M. Sch., Das Fasten im alten Israel: Eine bedeutungsgeschichtliche Studie (Zagreb 1927) 14–25.Google Scholar

157 Cf. Schümmer, , Die altchristliche Fastenpraxis 189; 217.Google Scholar

158 Cf. ibid. 190.Google Scholar

159 Cf. for instance Leo M. Sermo 15.1 (PL 54.174f.) : ‘Curandis igitur laesionibus quas saepe incidunt qui cum invisibili hoste confligunt, trium maxime remediorum est adhibenda medicina: in orationis instantia, in castigatione ieiunii, in eleemosynae largitate.’ Google Scholar

160 Cf. Böckenhoff, , Das apostolische Speisegesetz 53ff.; Dölger, 2.6.Google Scholar

161 Cf. for instance Basil. De ieiun. hom. 1 (PG 31.164ff.); Ambr. De Helia et ieiunio (411ff. Schenkl); Bickel, E., “Das asketische Ideal bei Ambrosius, Hieronymus und Augustinus,’ Neue Jahrbücher für das klassische Altertum 37 (1916) 458.Google Scholar

162 For testimonies see Stählin's edition of Clement, 1.154ff. and 4 (Registerband) 45; Stelzenberger, J., Die Beziehungen der frühchristlichen Sittenlehre zur Ethik der Stoa (Munich 1933) 453ff.Google Scholar

163 See, for instance, the Epicurean justification of fasting in Basil. De ieiun. hom. 1.8 (PG 31.176), which is taken over by Ambr. De Helia et ieiun. 9.32 (429 Schenkl) : ‘Dulciores post famem epulae fiunt’; cf. Bickel, , loc. cit. 457f. Google Scholar

164 In princip. ieiun. hom. 14 (PG 40.372).Google Scholar

165 Sermones 27; 30; 52 (PG 91.876; 884f.; 953); cf. Stelzenberger, , Die Beziehungen der frühchristlichen Sittenlehre zur Ethik der Stoa 477.Google Scholar

1 Luke 2.25ff.Google Scholar

2 Matt. 14.5; 21.26; Mark 11.32; Luke 20.6.Google Scholar

3 Matt. 11.9ff.; Luke 7.26ff.Google Scholar

4 1 Cor. 14.3; cf. Acts 15.32 : ‘As Judas and Silas were themselves prophets, they exhorted the brethren with many words and strengthened them.’ Google Scholar

5 Euseb. Hist. eccl. 3.37.1; 5.17.4 (280; 470ff. Schwartz). According to St. Jerome, who in turn refers to Tertullian, Melito, Bishop of Sardis, was also believed to have the prophetic gift (Hier. De vir. ill. 24, ed. E. C. Richardson, TU 14, la [1896] 22).Google Scholar

6 Acts 11.27f. Google Scholar

7 Ibid. 21.10f.Google Scholar

8 1 Cor. 14.24f. Cf. Acts 5.1ff., where St. Peter sees through the fraud of Ananias and Sapphira. The same supernatural knowledge of the thoughts and actions of men is ascribed to St. Paul by the apocryphal Actus Vercellenses 2 (AAA 1.46). Also St. Ignatius of Antioch (Phil. 7) is aware of occasionally possessing this gift, and (Ad Polyc. 2.2) exhorts St. Polycarp to pray that God may grant it to him. Brethren who ‘bring to light for the general benefit the hidden things of men’ are mentioned by St. Irenaeus (Adv. haer. 5.6.1 [PG 7.1137]), and from the ironical remarks of Apollonius (ap. Euseb. Hist. eccl. 5.18.10 [476 Schwartz]), who sneers at Montanus for not having been able to recognize the wickedness even of his most intimate friends, we may conclude that this gift was considered one of the distinctive marks of the true prophet in Montanistic circles. In De anima 9.4 (11 Waszink), Tertullian mentions a Montanist prophetess of his time, who ‘has the power of reading the hearts of men’; cf. De pudicitia 22 (272 Reifferscheid and Wissowa); Adv. Marcionem 3.14 (400 Kroymann); and especially ibid. 5.8 (600 Kroymann); ‘Exhibeat itaque Marcion dei sui dona, aliquos prophetas, qui tamen non de humano sensu, sed de dei spiritu sint locuti, qui et futura praenuntiarint et cordis occulta traduxerint.’ Concerning the entire question, see Weinel, H., Die Wirkungen des Geistes und der Geister im nachapostolischen Zeitalter bis auf Irenäus (Freiburg i.B., Leipzig and Tübingen 1899) 183ff.; Schepelern, , Der Montanismus 150.Google Scholar

9 Acts 13.1ff. Google Scholar

10 Luke 2.37.Google Scholar

11 Acts 13.2.Google Scholar

12 Actus Vercellenses 1 (AAA 1.45).Google Scholar

13 Ibid. 17 (AAA 1.63ff.).Google Scholar

14 Acta Thomae 3ff. (AAA 2.2.104ff.); cf. Reitzenstein, , Hellenistische Wundererzählungen 135.Google Scholar

15 Pap. Berlin 5026.17ff. (1.22 Preisendanz).Google Scholar

16 1.116ff. Preisendanz.Google Scholar

17 Paus. Descriptio Graeciae 9.39.7.Google Scholar

18 Cf. Wächter, , Reinheitsvorschriften im griechischen Kult 12; Stengel, P, Die griechischen Kultusaltertümer (3rd ed. Munich 1920) 108.Google Scholar

19 Ovid, , Fasti 4.656; cf. Köchling, J., De coronarum apud antiquos vi atque usu, RVV 14.2 (Giessen 1914) 85. According to Wuttke, A., Der deutsche Volksaberglaube der Gegenwart (4th ed. Leipzig 1925) 244 no. 352, in some parts of Germany, a wreath made of nine kinds of flowers and put under the pillow on the night of St. John is believed to bring true dreams. For similar superstitions in Bohemia and Sweden, see the literature in Frazer, J. G., Publii Ovidii Nasonis Fastorum libri sex (London 1929) 3.321 n.1. The work of Baus, K., Der Kranz in Antike und Christentum: Eine religionsgeschichtliche Untersuchung mit besonderer Berücksichtigung Tertullians (Bonn 1940) was not accessible to me.Google Scholar

20 The many passages referring to this custom have been collected by Deubner, , De incubatione 26, and Köchling, , De coronarum apud antiquos vi atque usu 22; 87.Google Scholar

21 Cf. Stengel, , Die griech. Kultusaltertümer 109; Rohde, , Psyche 1.220 n.2; Abt, , Die Apologie des Apuleius 72.Google Scholar

22 Cf. Rohde, , Psyche 1.120; 185ff.; 209; 2.58 n.1; Dieterich, , Mutter Erde 60f.Google Scholar

23 Cf. Reitzenstein, R., Poimandres: Studien zur griechisch-ägyptischen und frühchristlichen Literatur (Leipzig 1904) 236.Google Scholar

24 Papyrus Louvre 2391.305ff. (1.44 Preisendanz).Google Scholar

25 Cf. Weinel, H., Die Wirkungen des Geistes 224f. Google Scholar

26 Cf. ibid. 225; Schümmer, , Die altchristliche Fastenpraxis 214.Google Scholar

27 Dan. 10.Google Scholar

28 De incomprehensibili Dei natura 3.4 (PG 48.722).Google Scholar

29 Moralia 30.10.39 (PL 76.546).Google Scholar

30 Visio 1.13.20 (ed. Violet, B., GCS, Die Esra-Apokalypse (IV Esra), Erster Teil: Die Überlieferung, 58). We cite according to the Latin version. The Syriac, Ethiopic, Arabic, and Armenian versions are given by Violet in parallel columns.Google Scholar

31 Visio 2.1.1-3 (62ff. Violet).Google Scholar

32 Visio 2.11.2 (108ff. Violet); visio 3.1.1 (112 Violet).Google Scholar

33 Visio 3.29.2-4 (270 Violet).Google Scholar

34 Visio 4.1.1-3 (270ff. Violet).Google Scholar

35 Visio 6.1.1-3 (366 Violet).Google Scholar

36 The Apocalypse of Baruch, visio 2.8.1 - visio 3.1.4 (ed. Violet, B., GCS Die Apokalypsen des Esra und des Baruch in deutscher Gestalt 231f.); Patrologia Syriaca 1.2 (ed. Kmosko, M., Paris 1907) 1084ff. Cf. also visio 2.3.1-2 (220 Violet; visio 4.7.4 (260 Violet); insto 5.1.1-2 (265 Violet).Google Scholar

37 The Apocalpyse of Abraham 9 (edited, with a translation from the Slavonic text and notes, by Box, G. H., London 1918, p. 45).Google Scholar

38 Cf. ibid. 45 n.2.Google Scholar

39 Cf. Lesêtre, H., “Nombre,’ Dictionnaire de la Bible 4.2 (Paris 1928) 1689f.; 1694f.; Bennet, W H., ‘Number,’ Dictionary of the Bible (New York 1945) 659f.Google Scholar

40 The Apocalpyse of Abraham 9 (45 Box).Google Scholar

41 Cf. for instance Eccle. 9.8; Ps, 22.5; Amos 6.6.Google Scholar

42 Cf. for instance 2 Sam. 14.2.Google Scholar

43 Dan. 10.12.Google Scholar

44 Matt. 6.17f.Google Scholar

45 The Ascension of Isaiah 2.7-11 (ed. Charles, R. H., London 1900, pp. 11ff.).Google Scholar

46 Hermas, , Visio 2.2.1.Google Scholar

47 Visio 3.1.2.Google Scholar

48 Visio 3.10.6.Google Scholar

49 Visio 3.10.7.Google Scholar

50 Ignat. Antioch. Eph. 3.2.Google Scholar

51 Ignat. Antioch. Phil. inscr.Google Scholar

52 S. Ignatii Martyrium Antiochenum 1.1 (ed. Funk, F. X. and Diekamp, F., Patres Apostolici 2 [3rd ed. Tübingen 1913] 324).Google Scholar

53 Tert. De ieiun. 13 (291 Reifferscheid and Wissowa).Google Scholar

54 Lietzmann, H., Das Muratorische Fragment und die Monarchianischen Prologe zu den Evangelien (Kleine Texte 1, 2nd ed. Berlin 1933) 5.Google Scholar

55 PL 26.19.Google Scholar

56 Cf. Schepelern, , Der Montanismus 10f. Google Scholar

57 Tert. De virginibus velandis 1 (1.884 Oehler).Google Scholar

58 De an. 9.4 (11 Waszink).Google Scholar

59 Passio Sanctarum Perpetuae et Felicitatis 1.1; 5 (ed. Van Beek, C. J. M. J., Nijmwegen 1936, pp. 4ff.). There existed special collections of Montanistic oracles; cf. Bonwetsch, G. N., Die Geschichte des Montanismus (Erlangen 1881) 16 n.4; 197ff.; Harnack, A., Geschichte der altchristlichen Literatur (Leipzig 1911) 436f.; de Labriolle, P, La crise montaniste (Paris 1913) 34ff.; Schepelern, , Der Montanismus 13f.; Waszink's edition of Tertullian's De anima, p. 172.Google Scholar

60 Adv. Marc. 5.8 (600 Kroymann).Google Scholar

61 De ieiun. 11 (290 Reifferscheid and Wissowa).Google Scholar

62 Ibid. 12 (290 Reifferscheid and Wissowa).Google Scholar

63 Our best source for the doctrine of the Montanists are the writings of Tertullian, especially the locus classicus on Montanist prophecy in De anima 9.4 (cf. supra p. 61). Anti-Montanist fragments are preserved by Eusebius, , Hist. eccl. 5.16ff. (458ff. Schwartz). Anti-Montanist writings are used by St. Epiphanius, , Haer. 48. 2f. (2.221ff. Holl), and Didymus, , De trinitate 3.41 (PG 39.984ff.). As for Montanist writings, there have come down to us a rather small number of oracles of the Phrygian prophets, preserved either by Tertullian, or in the above mentioned controversialist books. The oracles have often been collected, for instance, by Münter, F., Effata et Oracula Montanistarum (Programma, Hafniae 1829); Bonwetsch, , Die Geschichte des Montanismus 197ff.; Labriolle, , La crise montaniste 37ff. The latter book contains (pp. viiff.) a list of the most important works on Montanism. See especially Bonwetsch, , Texte zur Geschichte des Montanismus (Lietzmann's Kleine Texte 129, Bonn 1914); Labriolle, , Les sources de l'histoire du Montanisme (Fribourg and Paris 1913); the passages from Epiphanius, however, should be compared with the text in Holl's edition in GCS.Google Scholar

64 De ieiun. 7 (283 Reifferscheid and Wissowa).Google Scholar

65 Chapter Two of the Book of Daniel tell us how Daniel repeated and interpreted, upon the failure of all the other wise men, the king's dream. It is clearly intended as an illustration of the remarkable gift of interpreting dreams with which, according to the preceding chapter, God has endowed Daniel. Nothing is said in Chapter Two of a three-day fast, observed by him and his companions on this special occasion. All Daniel did was to request time ‘to resolve the question and declare it to the king,’ and to exhort his friends ‘to ask mercy at the face of the God of heaven concerning this secret.’ Thereupon ‘the mystery was revealed to Daniel by a vision in the night.’ The fast referred to by Tertullian obviously is that mentioned in Chapter One, where we are told that during the three years of instruction at the royal court Daniel and his companions abstained from the meat and wine provided from the king's table and lived on vegetables and water.Google Scholar

66 De ieiun. 7 (283 Reifferscheid and Wissowa).Google Scholar

67 Cf. Dan. 10.12.Google Scholar

68 De ieiun. 8 (283 Reifferscheid and Wissowa).Google Scholar

69 Cf. Luke, 2.36ff.Google Scholar

70 De ieiun. 8 (284 Reifferscheid and Wissowa). Cf. Acts 10.30f. (The text referred to by Tertullian is that of the recension D, which mentions, besides prayer, also the fasting of Cornelius).Google Scholar

71 De ieiun. 9 (284f. Reifferscheid and Wissowa).Google Scholar

72 Cf. Dan. 1, and Hippolyt. Comment. in Dan. 1.11.2 (ed. Bonwetsch, G. N., GCS, Hippolytus Werke 1.19) : Google Scholar

73 Dan. 10.2f. Google Scholar

74 Cf. ibid. 10.12.Google Scholar

75 48.3f. (66f. Waszink).Google Scholar

76 The Latin text here reads as follows : ‘Sic enim et daemonia expostulant eam [sobrietatem] a suis somniatoribus ad lenocinium scilicet divinitatis, quia familiarem dei norunt.’ Tertullian refers to the pagan deities of incubation and to the regulation by which persons consulting their oracles had to prepare themselves by a fast before lying down to sleep in expectation of a dream. An instance of Tertullianean brevitas is found in the words quia familiarem dei norunt. Though, as Waszink points out (ed. cit. p. 513), ‘we may interpret the present passage in this way that the sobrietas itself is familiaris dei,’ he rather believes that ‘here this adj. seems to have a causative force.’ Even though no other instances for this use are known, Waszink's interpretation seems to be in conformity with Tertullian's train of thought in this sentence: In order to give the impression of possessing true divine nature, the demons [the pagan deities of incubation] prescribe a fast to their worshippers, because they know the power of fasting which makes man a friend of God. Moreover, Waszink can point to a number of passages in Tertullian's works which make his interpretation very probable. Thus Tertullian mentions as one of the most precious prerogatives of fasting its power of making man a ‘tent-fellow of God’ (contubernalem dei), ‘associating, indeed, equal with equal (parem revera pari). For if the eternal God will not hunger, as He testifies by Isaiah, this will be the time for man to be made equal with God, when he lives without food’ (De ieiun. 6 [281 Reifferscheid and Wissowa]). Tertullian also speaks of the ‘friendly intercourse with God’ (familiari congressu dei) of which Elias was deemed worthy when, after a fast of forty days, he arrived at Mount Horeb (ibid.). Finally, he describes the Christians as ‘members of the household of God’ (domesticos dei), whom the devil cannot harm by any right of his own (De fuga in persecutione 2 [1.466f. Oehler]). The idea of man's friendship with God was familiar to antiquity. In early Christian literature, the apostles, martyrs, ascetics, monks, virgins, and Doctors of the Church in particular, and, finally, the Christians in general are honored with this title (cf. Peterson, E., “Der Gottesfreund,’ Zeitschrift für Kirchengeschichte 42 [1923] 194ff.). Rufinus, Thus, Historia monachorum 1 (PL 21.398), says of the ascetics: ‘Quanto purior in eo fuerit mens, tanto plura ei revelat Deus et ostendit ei secreta sua. Amicus enim iam efficitur Dei et omne quidquid petierit ab eo, tamquam amico caro praestat ei Deus. Ipsae quoque virtutes angelicae et cuncta mysteria divina, tamquam amicum Dei diligunt eum et obsequuntur eius petitionibus.’ Google Scholar

77 The Latin text here reads as follows : ‘Daniel rursus trium hebdomadum statione aruit victu, sed ut deum inliceret humiliationis officiis, non ut animae somniaturae sensum et sapientiam strueret, quasi non in ecstasi acturae.’ The right interpretion of this passage we owe to von Hartel, W, ‘Patristische Studien’ 4, Sitzungsberichte der Wiener Akademie der Wissenschaften, Philos.-hist. Kl. 121.14 (1890) 84. The words quasi non in ecstasi acturae, that is, quasi sine ecstasi acturae, are simply a further explanation of the preceding section non ut animae somniaturae sensum et sapientiam strueret. Thus Tertullian can draw the conclusion, contained in the following sentence : ‘Ita non ad ecstasin summovendam sobrietas proficiet, sed ad ipsam ecstasin commendandam, ut in deo fiat.’ Google Scholar

78 De anima 45 (62 Waszink); cf. Waszink's special Introduction to this Chapter (ed. cit. 480ff.), which contains a thorough analysis of Tertullian's theory as well as a discussion of his inconsistency in argument.Google Scholar

79 Tertullian quotes the text according to the LXX : Cf. also Waszink 483.Google Scholar

80 De anima 47.2 (65 Waszink). In general, Tertullian distinguishes three classes of dreams, as they may have their source either in God, or in evil demons, or in the activity of the soul itself. The division of dreams into three classes was well known at Tertullian's time, philosophers having brought them under three headings : as coming from the gods, the and the activity of the soul. In Tertullian's classification the place of the is taken by the devil or by evil demons, the pagan gods, of course, being likewise assigned to this category. Cf. Waszink's Introduction to De anima 47 (pp. 500ff.).Google Scholar

81 Cf. Joel 2.28f. It is interesting to note that the compiler (who was most probably Tertullian) of the Passion of Saints Perpetua and Felicitas uses the same Scriptural passage in order to prove the ‘exuberance of grace,’ that is, the overflow of ecstatic visions and prophetic dreams during the final period of the world, which had already begun : ‘secundum exuperationem gratiae in ultima saeculi spatia decretam’ (Pass. SS. Perp. et Fel. 1.3f. [4ff. Van Beek]).Google Scholar

82 Cf. Dan. 2.1ff.Google Scholar

83 Note that Tertullian again stretches the argument. According to the Scriptures, it was to Daniel alone that God gave ‘understanding of all visions and dreams,’ while ‘knowledge, and understanding in every book, and wisdom’ was granted to all four youths.Google Scholar

84 Here Tertullian uses the characteristic expression, ut deum inliceret humiliationis officiis (‘that he might lure God to him by acts of humiliation’).Google Scholar

85 Cf. Waszink's notes to this passage (pp. 513f.).Google Scholar

86 De exhortatione castitatis 10 (1.752 Oehler). From the passage we also learn the third means employed by the Montanist ‘prophet’ in his endeavor to obtain revelations, namely, motionless and protracted concentration during which his face is turned downward: ‘Purificantia enim concordat, ait, et visiones vident, et ponentes faciem deorsum etiam voces audiunt manifestas, tam salutares quam et occultas.’ Google Scholar

87 Ibid.: ‘Ideo apostolus temporalem purificationem orationum commendandarum causa adiecit.’ Google Scholar

88 De patientia 13 (20 Kroymann) : ‘Haec patientia corporis precationes commendat, deprecationes adfirmat; haec aures Christi <et> dei aperit.’ +dei+aperit.’>Google Scholar

89 De ieiun. 12 (290 Reifferscheid and Wissowa).Google Scholar

90 De anima 45 (66 Waszink).Google Scholar

91 Passio SS. Perpetuae et Felicitatis 4.1f. (10ff. Van Beek).Google Scholar

92 Cf. Gougaud, , Devotional and Ascetic Practices in the Middle Ages 151f. Google Scholar

93 Vita S. Colmani 28 (ed. Plummer, C., Vitae Sanctorum Hiberniae [Oxonii 1910] 1570).Google Scholar

94 Cf. supra p.54.Google Scholar

95 Hist. Franc. 2.5 (MGH Script. rer. Meroving. 1.1.66f.).Google Scholar

96 Ibid. 7.1 (MGH Script. rer. Meroving. 1.1.2901).Google Scholar

97 Ibid. 5.50 (MGH Script. rer. Meroving. 1.1.243).Google Scholar

98 Ibid. 5.14 (MGH Script. rer. Meroving. 1.1.205).Google Scholar

99 The question whether there were any official attempts in the East to Christianize this old pagan rite, or whether there was too great a leniency on the part of the ecclesiastical authorities in tolerating it, has not been answered satisfactorily. What is certain, however, is that up to now no one could point to any liturgical text connected with incubation, or to any ritual precept concerning its regulation (cf. Delehaye, H., “Les recueils antiques de miracles des saints,’ Analecta Bollandiana 43 [1925] 72f.). Moreover, incubation is denounced as pagan superstition by Christian writers; see, for instance, Tert. De anima 46.12f.; 48.3f. (65; 66f. Waszink); Euseb. Vita Constantini 3.56 (103f. Heikel); Chrysost. Adv. Jud. 1.6 (PG 48.852); Hieron. In Isaiam 65.4 (PL 24.657); Cyrill. Alex. Adv. Julianum 10 (PG 76.1024). The oracles of Amphiaraus at Oropus, of Amphilochus at Mallus, and of Trophonius at Lebadea still flourished in the time of Celsus, Pausanias, and Tertullian (cf. Rohde, , Psyche 2.374 n.1; Waszink's ed. of Tertullian's De anima, p. 497).Google Scholar

100 Laudatio in Miracula Sancti Hieromartyris Therapontis 17 (ed. Deubner, L., De incubatione 128f.) : .Google Scholar

101 Sophronius Patriarcha Hierosol. SS. Cyri et Joannis Miracula 36 (PG 87.3.3560): Google Scholar