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Desertions and Transfers from Military Orders (Twelfth to Early-Fourteenth Centuries)

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  29 February 2016

A. J. Forey
A. J. Forey*
Affiliation:
Kirtlington, Oxford
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Extract

The taking of vows in a military order, as in other religious foundations, created a lifelong obligation. The phrase stabilitas loci, which is encountered in some documents relating to these orders, did not imply an undertaking to stay permanently in the same convent, but signified that those who had made their profession should remain in the same order for life. This requirement found expression especially in papal decrees, although orders' regulations give information about the punishment of apostates. As in other religious establishments, a transfer to another order provided the sole permitted exception, but this was allowed only under certain conditions.

Type
Research Article
Information
Traditio , Volume 60 , 2005 , pp. 143 - 200
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Copyright © Fordham University 

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References

1 The following abbreviations are used throughout:Google Scholar BC = Bullarium ordinis militiae de Calatrava , ed. de Ortega, I. J. y Cotes, , Alvarez, J. F. de Baquedano, , and de Ortega Zúñiga y Aranda, P. (Madrid, 1761).Google Scholar BS = Bullarium equestris ordinis S. Iacobi de Spatha , ed. Aguado de Córdoba, A. F., Alemán, A. A. y Rosales, , and López Agurleta, J. (Madrid, 1719).Google Scholar CH = Delaville Le Roulx, J., Cartulaire général de l'ordre des Hospitaliers de Saint-Jean de Jérusalem , 4 vols. (Paris, 1894–1906). Concilia = Wilkins, David, Concilia magnae Britanniae et Hiberniae, 4 vols. (London, 1737). CR = The Catalan Rule of the Templars: A Critical Edition and English Translation from Barcelona, Archivo de la Corona de Aragón, Cartas Reales, MS 3344 , ed. and trans. Upton-Ward, Judi (Woodbridge, 2003).Google Scholar “Nouveau manuscrit” = Delaville Le Roulx, J., “Un nouveau manuscrit de la règle du Temple,” Annuaire-bulletin de la Société de l'histoire de France 26 (1889): 185–214.Google Scholar Procès = Michelet, J., Procès des Templiers , 2 vols. (Paris, 1841–51).Google Scholar PUTJ = Hiestand, Rudolf, Papsturkunden für Tempter und Johanniter , 2 vols. (Göttingen, 1972–84).Google Scholar RHC Hist. Occ. = Recueil des historiens des croisades: Historiens occidentaux , 5 vols. (Paris, 1844–95)Google Scholar RT = La règle du Temple , ed. de Curzon, Henri (Paris, 1886).Google Scholar SDO = Perlbach, Max, Die Statuten des Deutschen Ordens nach den ältesten Handschriften (Halle, 1890).Google Scholar Tabulae = Strehlke, Ernestus, Tabulae ordinis theutonici (Berlin, 1869).Google Scholar Untergang = Schottmüller, Konrad, Der Untergang des Templer-Ordens , 2 vols. (Berlin, 1887).Google Scholar

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12 CR 34, art. 66; RT 344, arts. 675–76; CH 2:536–61, doc. 2213 art. 121; SDO 128. The Catalan version of Templar regulations was compiled after 1268. One version of the promises made by a recruit included in the Templar Customs contains the pledge: “that from this day I cannot free my neck from the yoke of the rule” (“ut ab hac die non mihi liceat collum excutere de jugo regule”; RT 167, art. 275; CR 26–28, art. 56).Google Scholar

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26 Procès passim; Untergang 2:219–375; Gilmour-Bryson, Anne, The Trial of the Templars in Cyprus: A Complete English Edition (Leiden, 1998), 155–404.Google Scholar

27 Hostiensis, , In tertium Decretalium librum commentaria (Venice, 1581), fol. 110r–110v (3.31.10 [ubi nunc]); Konrad, , Transfer of Religious (n. 16 above), 43–44.Google Scholar

28 See, for example, Libellus de diversis ordinibus et professionibus qui sunt in Aecclesia , ed. and trans. Constable, G. and Smith, B. (Oxford, 1972); The Historia occidentalis of Jacques de Vitry , ed. Hinnebusch, John Frederick (Fribourg, 1972); and Humbert of Romans, De eruditione predicatorum, 2.4–54, in de la Bigne, Margarinus, Maxima bibliotheca veterum patrum et antiquorum scriptorum ecclesiasticorum, 28 vols. (Lyons, 1677–1707), 25:459–83.Google Scholar

29 “Omnibus fas est, ad hoc dumtaxat divinitus ordinatis, nec aliud sane quidquam melius professis” ( Liber ad milites Templi de laude novae militiae , chap. 3, in S. Bernardi opera , ed. Leclercq, J., Talbot, C. H., and Rochais, H. M., 8 vols. [Rome, 1957–77], 3:218).Google Scholar

30 CH 2:636, docs. 2381, 2384; Bullarium franciscanum , ed. Sbaralea, Johannes Hyacinthus, 4 vols. (Rome, 1759–68), 1:371–72; Bullarium ordinis fratrum predicatorum , ed. Ripoll, T., 8 vols. (Rome, 1729–40), 1:153. This ruling was repeated by Alexander IV in 1261: Rodríguez de Lama, Ildefonso, La documentation pontificia de Alejandro IV (1254–1261) (Rome, 1976), 435–36, 472–73, docs. 462, 505; see also Les registres d'Honorius IV , ed. Prou, Maurice (Paris, 1888), cols. 159–68, doc. 203.Google Scholar

31 BS 54; Mansilla, Demetrio, La documentation pontificia hasta Inocencio III (965–1216) (Rome, 1955), 404–5, doc. 390; CH 1:672–73, doc. 1082; Die Register Innocenz' III., 2, ed. Hageneder, Othmar, Maleczek, Werner, and Strnad, Alfred A. (Rome, 1979), 100–101, doc. 54; Milis, Ludo, L'ordre des chanoines réguliers d'Arrouaise, 2 vols. (Bruges, 1969), 1:481.Google Scholar

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34 RT 233, art. 429. This clause is misinterpreted in Barber, Malcolm, The New Knighthood: A History of the Order of the Temple (Cambridge, 1994), 220.Google Scholar

35 “Secularibus cum negotiis est amplius involutus” ( Registrum Peckham , 3:860, doc. 617).Google Scholar

36 CH 2:278, doc. 1699; Mansilla, Demetrio, La documentation pontificia de Honorio III (1216–1227) (Rome, 1965), 250, doc. 338.Google Scholar

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38 “Pedem unum in imo figentes, alium in excelso elevantes, ad exemplum Loth preelegerunt salvari in Segor, quam periclitari in montibus” ( Historia occidentalis , chap. 26, ed. Hinnebusch [n. 28 above], 142). The allusion is to Gen. 13:10–11.Google Scholar

39 See, for example, the references given above, n. 21.Google Scholar

40 Dialogues 1.10, ed. Salet, Gaston, SC 118 (Paris, 1966), 100. He attributed the statement to Urban II rather than Innocent II. Urban had on several occasions maintained that the life of regular canons was as meritorious as that of monks (PL 151:337–39, 360–61, 535–36); cf. Severino, G., “La discussione degli ‘Ordines’ di Anselmo di Havelberg,” Bullettino dell' Istituto storico italiano per il medio evo e Archivio Muratoriano 78 (1967): 75–122, at 91–92.Google Scholar

41 “Scitote quia in omni ordine ille est alcior qui est melior” (Leclercq, Jean, “Un document sur les débuts des Templiers,” Revue d'histoire ecclésiastique 52 [1957]: 81–91, at 88; Sclafert, Clément, “Lettre inédite de Hugues de Saint-Victor aux chevaliers du Temple,” Revue d'ascétique et de mystique 34 [1958]: 275–99, at 294). An English version of the letter is published in Barber, Malcolm and Bate, Keith, The Templars (Manchester, 2002), 54–59. In recent discussions of the identity of Hugh, Francesco Palleschi (“I milites Templi in Guigo I, San Bernardo e Ugo di San Vittore,” in Die Kartäuser und das Heilige Römische Reich, 4 vols. [Salzburg, 1998–99], 1:156–88, at 184), opts for Hugh of Saint Victor, but Dominic Selwood (“Quidam autem dubitaverunt: The Saint, the Sinner, the Temple and a Possible Chronology,” in Autour de la première croisade , ed. Balard, Michel [Paris, 1996], 221–30, at 222–24) and Cerrini, Simonetta (“I templari: una vita da fratres, ma una regola anti-ascetica; una vita da cavalieri, ma una regola anti-eroica,” in I templari, la guerra e la santità, ed. Cerrini, Simonetta [Rimini, 2000], 19–48, at 25, and eadem, “Le fondateur de l'ordre du Temple à ses frères: Hugues de Payns et le Sermo Christi militibus,” in Dei gesta per Francos: Etudes sur les croisades deadiées à Jean Richard , ed. Balard, Michel, Kedar, Benjamin Z., and Riley-Smith, Jonathan [Aldershot, 2001], 99–110) support the identification with the Templar master Hugh of Payns. But the letter does not read like the work of a layman.Google Scholar

42 “Non expedit, quia tibi videtur, quod ordo tuus sit adeo laxus, quod nihil sit in eo, in quo secundum desiderium tuum possis pati”; “Num videtur tibi, quod isti fratres tui sint aliquid passi pro nomine Iesu Christi?” ( Chronik des Preussenlandes , 3.12, ed. and trans. Toeppen, Max, Scholz, Klaus, and Wojtecki, Dieter [Darmstadt, 1984], 114).Google Scholar

43 “Multo plus est difficilius personam magnis et inenarrabilibus exponere periculis quam in domo occii et tranquillitatis corpus multa maceratione affligere”; “multo melius est defendere quam ieiunare” (Blanco, Gallego, Rule of St. James [n. 18 above], 94–96, arts. 9–10). See also the thirteenth-century vernacular version: Lomax, Derek W., Le orden de Santiago (1170–1275) (Madrid, 1965), 223, doc. 1 art. 10.Google Scholar

44 Moine n'ont curs fors d'estre en abeie Google Scholar Et de mengier et boire vin sor lie Google Scholar Et de dormir quant il ont dit complie Google Scholar ( Les deux redactions en vers du Moniage Guillaume , ed. Cloetta, W., 2 vols. [Paris, 1906–11], 1:66, 72–73).Google Scholar

45 “Nichilominus nullius vite religiosioris obtentu ad locum alium vos convenit transvolare”; “ad alium locum seu etiam monasterium maioris sive minoris religionis obtentu invitis seu inconsultis fratribus aut eo, qui magister extiterit” ( PUTJ 1:204–10, doc. 3); CH 1:173–75, doc. 226. In other bulls Innocent II had forbidden Templars and Hospitalers to go to “other places” without permission (PUTJ 1:210–11, 212–13, docs. 4, 6). Eugenius III used the phrase “by reason of a greater or lesser order” (“sub obtentu maioris sive minoris religionis”) when writing of the Templars in 1151 (ibid., 1:221–22, doc. 15).Google Scholar

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47 Anselme Dimier, M., “Saint Bernard et le droit en matière de Transitus” Revue Mabillon 43 (1953): 48–82, at 65–74.Google Scholar

48 Ibid., 58–59; Picasso, Giorgio, “San Bernardo e il ‘transitus’ dei monaci,” in Studi su S. Bernardo di Chiaravalle nell'ottavo centenario della canonizzazione (Rome, 1975), 181–200, at 187, 193; Roby, “Philip of Harvengt” (n. 22 above), 98–99.Google Scholar

49 Lettres d'Etienne de Tournai , ed. Desilve, Jules (Paris, 1893), 3–16, 73–74, ep. 1, 58; 5. Bernardi Opera (n. 29 above), 7:218, ep. 84; Leclercq, Jean, “Documents sur les ‘fugitifs,”’ Analecta monastica 7 (1965): 87–145, at 97, 105–6. Idung (Dialogus duorum monachorum 3.30, in Le moine Idung et ses deux ouvrages: “Argumentum super quatuor questionibus” et “Dialogus duorum monachorum” ed. Huygens, R. B. C. [Spoleto, 1980], 167) expresses the view that to return to a laxer foundation is apostasy.Google Scholar

50 “Nulli post factam in eodem loco professionem, sine licentia prioris sui, fas sit de eodem loco discedere; discedentem vero absque communium litterarum cautione, nullus audeat retinere, nisi ad arctiorem vitam voluerit transmigrare” ( Colección diplomática de Alcántara [n. 8 above], 1:6–8, doc. 13).Google Scholar

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52 BC 22–25. Alexander HI had earlier forbidden all departures without permission (ibid., 5–6). Gregory VIII's ruling was repeated by Innocent III in 1199 (ibid., 31–35).Google Scholar

53 Dimier, , “Saint Bernard,” 80–82.Google Scholar

54 PUTJ 1:309–12, 315–19, docs. 122, 125.Google Scholar

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56 On St. Bernard, see Dimier, , “Saint Bernard,” 48–82; Picasso, , “San Bernardo,” 181–200.Google Scholar

57 Decretum Gratiani, C. 20 q. 4 c. 1, in Corpus iuris canonici (n. 21 above), 1:851; Konrad, , Transfer of Religious (n. 16 above), 14–15, 19; Constable, Giles, “The Reception Privilege of Cluny in the Eleventh and Twelfth Centuries,” in Le gouvernement d'Hugues de Semur à Cluny: Actes du Colloque scientifique international, Cluny, Septembre 1988 (Cluny, 1990), 59–74.Google Scholar

58 CH 2:96–97, doc. 1318; Mansilla, , Inocencio III (n. 31 above), 405–7, doc. 392. In a letter to Santiago in 1208 about those wishing to transfer to a stricter order, Innocent referred to “the license, which according to the regulations of the order ought not to be denied to petitioners” (“licentia, que secundum institutionem ordinis non debet petentibus denegari”; BS 54); no specific ruling of this kind survives.Google Scholar

59 X.3.31.18, in Corpus iuris canonici , 2:575–76; Konrad, , Transfer of Religious, 22–24; Horoy, , Medii aevi bibliotheca patristica (n. 33 above), 3:176–77, doc. 169; Regesta Honorii III (n. 33 above), 1:325, no. 1971; CH 2:416–17, doc. 1977.Google Scholar

60 BC 31–35, 42–46; BS 91. This form of words was also employed in a papal privilege issued in 1262 by Urban IV for the house of Hospitaler sisters founded at Alguayre in Catalonia: CH 3:22–24, doc. 3015.Google Scholar

61 “Nulli liceat ab hujusmodi ordine seu religione exire, nisi forsitan ad arctiorem ordinem seu religionem, petita tamen a generali prelato licentia, voluerit se transferre” (Federici, Domenico Maria, Istoria de'cavalieri gaudenti , 2 vols. [Vinegia, 1787], 2, Codex diplomaticus, 19, doc. 18).Google Scholar

62 “Possint ad aliam religionem approbatam, strictiorem tamen, propria voluntate transire absque licencia rectoris prime religionis” ( Procès 2:436–37).Google Scholar

63 Ibid., 2:104–5. A Templar questioned in Castile maintained that brothers could not transfer to a less strict order without permission: Josep Maria Sans i Travé, “L'inedito processo dei Templari in Castiglia (Medina del Campo, 27 aprile 1310),” in Acri 1291: La fine della presenza degli ordini militari in Terra Santa e i nuovi orientamenti nel XIV secolo , ed. Tommasi, Francesco (Perugia, 1996), 227–64, at 253.Google Scholar

64 Melville, Gert, “Zur Abgrenzung zwischen Vita canonica und Vita monastica: Das Übertrittsproblem in kanonistischer Behandlung von Gratian bis Hostiensis,” in Secundum regulam vivere: Festschrift für P. Norbert Backmund, O. Praem. , ed. Melville, Gert (Windberg, 1978), 205–43, at 234–42.Google Scholar

65 Konrad, , Transfer of Religious , 48; Hostiensis, , In tertium Decretalium librum commentaria (n. 27 above), fol. 113 (3.31.18).Google Scholar

66 Tabulae 274–75, 327–28, docs. 304, 385; BC 47–49; on San Felices, see de Ayala Martínez, Carlos, “San Felices de Amaya, monasterio medieval de la orden de Calatrava,” in Medievo hispano: Estudios in memoriam del Prof. Derek W. Lomax (Madrid, 1995), 17–34.Google Scholar

67 Mansilla, , Honorio III (n. 36 above), 335–42, doc. 463.Google Scholar

68 Les registres de Nicolas IV , ed. Langlois, Ernest (Paris, 1886–93), 548, doc. 3531.Google Scholar

69 RT 156–57, 246, 252, 309, arts. 239, 459, 474, 595; CR 4, 42, arts. 7, 91.Google Scholar

70 RT 345, art. 676; CR 34, art. 66; Untergang 2:143–400; Gilmour-Bryson, , Trial in Cyprus (n. 26 above), passim; Procès 1:180, 381–82, 395, 408, 410, 413, 416, etc.; Sans i Travé, “Inedito processo,” 249–52, 254–61.Google Scholar

71 PUTJ 1:204–11, 212–13, docs. 3, 4, 6; CH 1:173–75, doc. 226; BC 5–6.Google Scholar

72 Martín, , Orígines de Santiago (n. 4 above), 248–54, doc. 73; Colección diplomática de Alcántara (n. 8 above), 1:6–8, 10–13, docs. 13, 16; PUTJ 1:309–12, doc. 122; BC 22–25; BS 91–93. The privilege for the Teutonic order issued by Honorius III in 1220 followed, however, the wording of Omne datum optimum (Tabulae, 275–79, doc. 306).Google Scholar

73 The papal privilege granted by Anastasius IV in 1154 for the Hospitalers had used the wording: “against the wishes of, or without consulting, the brothers, or [without] the license of the current master” (“invitis sive inconsultis fratribus aut ejus, qui magister extiterit, licentia”; CH 1:173–75, doc. 226): the master gave the license, but on the advice of brethren.Google Scholar

74 “Par le congie dou maistre et dou covent qui ont le pooir” ( RT 345, art. 676). The Catalan version is not so precise (CR 34, art. 66); but see ibid., 4, art. 7, which states that no official could give permission to transfer without the esgart of brothers given in chapter; see also RT 252, art. 474.Google Scholar

75 Untergang 2:143–400; Gilmour-Bryson, , Trial in Cyprus, passim. As was mentioned by some Templars questioned in Cyprus, permission could, of course, also be given by the pope.Google Scholar

76 CH 2:96–97, doc. 1318; Mansilla, , Inocencio III (n. 31 above), 405–7, doc. 392.Google Scholar

77 “De laxiore ascendendum sit ad ordinem arctiorem, non autem de arctiore ad laxiorem sit ratione aliqua descendendum” ( CH 1:672–73, doc. 1082).Google Scholar

78 BS 54. The pope did add the proviso: “unless by reason of urgent need or evident benefit it is permitted to an individual by the special dispensation of the apostolic see” (“nisi causa necessitatis urgentis aut evidentis utilitatis alicui specialiter ex dispensatione sedis apostolice concedatur”). Innocent was here alluding to the possible return to Santiago of brothers who had transferred to stricter orders.Google Scholar

79 CH 2:278, doc. 1699; Mansilla, , Honorio III (n. 36 above), 250, doc. 338.Google Scholar

80 Tabulae 275–79, 304–5, 327–28, 387–88, docs. 306, 340, 385, 560; CH 2:621, doc. 2337.Google Scholar

81 RT 345, art. 676; Untergang 2:143–400; Gilmour-Bryson, , Trial in Cyprus (n. 26 above), passim; Procès 1:180, 381–82, 395, 408, 410, 413, 416, etc.; Sans i Travé, “Inedito processo” (n. 63 above), 249–50, 255–56, 258, 261; Concilia 2:337–38.Google Scholar

82 “Ne en plus large relegion frere qui laisse la maison do Temple n'i puet entrer sans dispensation de celui qui a le pooir” (RT 233, art. 429).Google Scholar

83 Ibid., 252, 324, arts. 474, 630; CR 8, art. 14. Article 474 includes a comment that in the view of some Templars, a brother who had with permission transferred to another order should not be allowed to return; and this view was expressed more strongly in the Catalan version of the Customs (“Nouveau manuscrit,” 197, art. 12; CR 18, art. 38). But it does not seem to have been the order's normal policy to refuse readmission in these circumstances. The return of brothers who had earlier transferred to another order was also permitted in a decree issued by the Hospital's general chapter in 1265: CH 3:118–21, doc. 3180 art. 8.Google Scholar

84 Lomax, Derek W., “Algunos estatutos primitivos de la orden de Calatrava,” Hispania 21 (1961): 483–94, at 492.Google Scholar

85 O'Callaghan, Joseph F., “The Earliest ‘Difiniciones’ of the Order of Calatrava, 1304–1383,” Traditio 17 (1961): 225–84, at 273 (1325 [22]).Google Scholar

86 BC 685–86.Google Scholar

87 “Tu dicas, quod ex causa potest de licentia abbatis etiam ad laxiorem religionem transire” (In tertium Decretalium librum commentaria [n. 27 above], fol. 109 [3.31.7]); cf. Konrad, , Transfer of Religious (n. 16 above), 54.Google Scholar

88 “Ipsi ad defendendam orientalem ecclesiam et paganorum sevitiam reprimendam relictis pompis secularibus in Dei sint servitio mancipati, si transeundi ad alia loca et sumptum habitum reliquendi daretur eis licentia, magnum ecclesie Dei posset exinde contingere detrimentum” ( PUTJ 1:221–22, doc. 15); Tabulae 304–5, doc. 340; cf. CH 2:621, doc. 2337, for a similar comment about the Hospitalers.Google Scholar

89 Les registres d'Innocent IV , ed. Berger, Elie, 4 vols. (Paris, 1881–1920), 1:251, doc. 1661.Google Scholar

90 BS 83.Google Scholar

91 “Loca statuta ubi quisque districtius valeat conversari” (Martin, , Orígenes de Santiago [n. 4 above], 248–54, doc. 73); cf. ibid., 281–82 doc. 99; Mansilla, , Honorio III (n. 36 above), 335–42, doc. 463; BS 79.Google Scholar

92 Registres d'Innocent IV , 1:251, doc. 1661.Google Scholar

93 BC 22–25; for similar later bulls, see ibid., 31–35, 42–46; Mansilla, , Inocencio III (n. 31 above), 200–204, doc. 186.Google Scholar

94 PUTJ 1:278–81, doc. 89; Tabulae 363–64, doc. 488.Google Scholar

95 RT 233, art. 429; Tabulae 363–64, doc. 488.Google Scholar

96 RT 233 art. 429.Google Scholar

97 It was not only military orders that imposed restrictions of this kind: see Brodman, James William, Ransoming Captives in Crusader Spain: The Order of Merced on the Christian-Islamic Frontier (Philadelphia, 1986), 66, 135, for prohibitions on transfers between Trinitarians and Mercedarians.Google Scholar

98 Martin, , Orígenes de Santiago , 334–35, doc. 149; Mansilla, , Inocencio III, 405–7, doc. 392; CH 2:96–97, doc. 1318; Ernesto Martínez Ferrando, J., Jaime II: Su vida familiar, 2 vols. (Barcelona, 1948), 2:244–45, doc. 329.Google Scholar

99 See, for example, BS 139, 174; Quintana Prieto, A., La documentación pontificia de Inocencio IV (1243–1254), 2 vols. (Rome, 1987), 1:87–88, doc. 71; 2:494–95, doc. 524; BC 121–22; Procès 1:554, 610; 2:192; CH 2:96–97, doc. 1318; 4:253–54, doc. 514; Mansilla, , Inocencio III, 405–7, doc. 392. The use of the word levitas was not, of course, restricted to documents relating to military orders.Google Scholar

100 Procès 1:216, 259, 479; 2:194; Gilmour-Bryson, Anne, The Trial of the Templars in the Papal State and the Abruzzi (Vatican City, 1982), 140, 152, 155.Google Scholar

101 Frale, Barbara, L'ultima battaglia dei Templari: Dal codice ombra d'obbedienza militare alla costruzione del processo per eresia (Rome, 2001), chap. 5.Google Scholar

102 The Exempla or Illustrative Stories from the Sermones Vulgares of Jacques de Vitry , 81, ed. Crane, T. F. (London, 1890), 36–37.Google Scholar

103 “Melius est enim in puericia non vovere, quam postea quam vir factus fuerit inenormiter retrahere” ( RT 25–26, art. 62 of the Latin version).Google Scholar

104 Procès 1:415–16.Google Scholar

105 See, for example, Barcelona, , Archivo Capitular, codex 149, fols. 7r–8v; Procès 1:612.Google Scholar

106 Forey, A. J., “Recruitment to the Military Orders (Twelfth to Mid-Fourteenth Centuries),” Viator 17 (1986): 139–71, at 149–51.Google Scholar

107 “Ja soit ce que vous nos vees bien vestus, et grans chevaus, et cuidies ayens tous les aises, vos estes enginies” ( CH 2:536–61, doc. 2213 art. 121); cf. RT 338–39, 340, arts. 661, 663; CR 32–34, art. 65; Gallego Blanco, Rule of St. James (n. 18 above), 150. A number of brothers interrogated during the Templar trial remembered such warnings: see, for example, Procès 1:359, 380, 416, 425. According to his biographer, Amadeus of Clermont had already in the first half of the twelfth century told those who entered the monastery of Bonnevaux with him: “To go to the Temple is not to abandon the delights of the world but merely to change the color of one's clothes” (“Ad Templum ire non est deserere delicias sed colorem vestium dumtaxat mutare”; Dimier, M. Anselme, “Vita Venerabilis Amedaei Altae Ripae [† c. 1150] auctore monacho quodam Bonaevallensi synchrono et oculato,” Studia monastica 5 [1963]: 265–304, at 282).Google Scholar

108 Pitra, Joannes Baptista, Analecta novissima spicilegii Solesmensis: Altera continuatio , 2 vols. (Paris, 1885–88), 2:410.Google Scholar

109 On motivation, see Forey, , “Recruitment,” 162–71; Barbero, Alessandro, “Motivazioni religiose e motivazioni utilitarie nel reclutamento degli ordini monastico-cavallereschi,” in “Militia Christi” e crociata (n. 10 above), 717–27.Google Scholar

110 Forey, A. J., “Novitiate and Instruction in the Military Orders during the Twelfth and Thirteenth Centuries,” Speculum 61 (1986): 1–17, at 1–5. Peter of Dusburg (Chronik, 3.236, ed. Toeppen, , Scholz, , and Wojtecki, [n. 42 above], 350) reports that one recruit to the Teutonic order, who had been in doubt about his ability to observe a vow of chastity, had proved himself by sleeping naked with a beautiful virgin for more than a year before entering the order; cf. Nicholas of Jeroschin, Di Kronike von Pruzinlant, lines 19018–19103, ed. Strehlke, Ernst, in Scriptores rerum prussicarum, 6 vols. (Leipzig and Frankfurt, 1861–1968), 1:524–25. Yet probably few had the opportunity to perform such a test.Google Scholar

111 “Antiquus hostis femineo consorcio complures expulit a recto tramite paradisi” ( RT 69, art. 56 of the Latin version).Google Scholar

112 There were, however, very few females among the slaves possessed by the Aragonese Templars: Forey, A. J., The Templars in the Corona de Aragón (London, 1973), 285.Google Scholar

113 For a discussion of sexual mores in Norman religious houses, male as well as female, in the thirteenth century, see Johnson, Penelope D., Equal in Monastic Profession: Religious Women in Medieval France (Chicago, 1991), 112–30.Google Scholar

114 “Nouveau manuscrit,” 207, art. 46; CR 80, art. 178.Google Scholar

115 Procès 1:76.Google Scholar

116 “Captus amore cujusdam mulieris” (ibid., 1:255). The latter later changed his testimony and claimed that he had left because of the wrongs in the order rather than because of a woman: he maintained that, when he was in the order, he used to have, and was able to have, a woman whenever he wanted one (ibid., 1:259). But the second statement may well have been prompted partly by the questions that were put to him. In responses to the accusation about homosexuality it was sometimes said by Templars that brothers could obtain women if they wanted them (ibid., 1:326).Google Scholar

117 CH 2:100–101, 212–13, docs. 1322, 1538, 1539; 4:253–54, doc. 514: Tabulae 317, 327–28, 338, docs. 360, 385, 388, 412.Google Scholar

118 Madrid, BN, MS 8582, fol. 56.Google Scholar

119 Crònica de Ramon Muntaner , chap. 199, in Les quatre grans cròniques , ed. Soldevila, Ferran (Barcelona, 1971), 846.Google Scholar

120 Harper-Bill, Christopher, “Monastic Apostasy in Late Medieval England,” Journal of Ecclesiastical History 32 (1981): 1–18, at 8; Donald Logan, F., Runaway Religious in Medieval England, c. 1240–1540 (Cambridge, 1996), 78; idem, “Renegade Religious in Late Medieval England,” in Religion and Rebellion , ed. Devlin, Judith and Fanning, Ronan, Historical Studies 20 (Dublin, 1997), 1–16, at 7–8.Google Scholar

121 Procès 1:554.Google Scholar

122 See below, p. 171.Google Scholar

123 “Cecitate cupiditatis obductus” ( CH 3:436–37, 473–74, docs. 3807, 3890; Les registres de Martin IV , ed. Olivier-Martin, F. [Paris, 1901–35], 73–74, 266–67, docs. 204, 552).Google Scholar

124 “Occasione … quorundam gravaminum, injuriarum intollerabilium et enormium” ( CH 4:171, doc. 4795).Google Scholar

125 Registres de Nicolas IV (n. 68 above), 134–35, doc. 660. The master, identified only by his initial, was probably Gonzalo Ruiz Girón, who held office from from 1275 until 1280. The brothers in question later entered another order before returning to Santiago.Google Scholar

126 Heinrici Chronicon Livoniae , chap. 13, ed. Arbusow, Leonid and Bauer, Albert, MGH, Scriptores rerum germanicarum (Hanover, 1955), 67; Benninghoven, Friedrich, Der Orden der Schwertbrüder: Fratres milicie Christi de Livonia (Cologne, 1965), 94–97, 422; Urban, William, The Baltic Crusade (DeKalb, IL, 1975), 75–76.Google Scholar

127 He later murdered the master, Wenno, .Google Scholar

128 BS 97.Google Scholar

129 Lomax, , Orden de Santiago (n. 43 above), 72.Google Scholar

130 London, National Archives, C 81/1796/10; Calendar of Patent Rolls, 1317–1321 (London, 1903), 260.Google Scholar

131 Forey, A. J., “The Military Order of St Thomas of Acre,” English Historical Review 92 (1977): 481–503, at 496.Google Scholar

132 Tommasi, Francesco, “Interrogatorio di Templari a Cesena (1310),” in Acri 1291 (n. 63 above), 265–300, at 288, 292.Google Scholar

133 Les registres d'Urbain IV , ed. Guiraud, Jean, 5 vols. (Paris, 1892–1958), 2:342, doc. 2118. He in fact sought papal permission to be allowed back into the Teutonic order.Google Scholar

134 CR 76, art. 174; “Nouveau manuscrit,” 205–6, art. 42.Google Scholar

135 Burgtorf, Jochen, “Leadership Structures in the Orders of the Hospital and the Temple (Twelfth to Early Fourteenth Century): Select Aspects,” in The Crusades and the Military Orders: Expanding the Frontiers of Medieval Latin Christianity , ed. Hunyadi, Zsolt and Laszlovsky, József (Budapest, 2001), 379–94, at 387; Mayer, Hans Eberhard, Die Kanzlei der lateinischen Könige von Jerusalem, 2 vols. (Hanover, 1996), 2:909–14, docs. 13–14. I am grateful to Jochen Burgtorf for drawing my attention to this Templar.Google Scholar

136 Kohler, C., “Chartes de l'abbaye de Notre-Dame de la Vallée de Josaphat (1108–1291),” Revue de l'orient latin 7 (1899): 108–222, at 166, doc. 56.Google Scholar

137 CH 2:31–40, doc. 1193.Google Scholar

138 “Establescido es que todo freyle sea tenudo de fazer su menester el por que antes solia bevir en el siglo e si por esto acaesciere que se ensanne e que se saiga de la orden …” (Madrid, BN, MS 8582, fol. 56). On the other hand, some members of the leading orders may have been frustrated by the limited opportunities for fighting: Templar knights often served for only short periods in the Holy Land and spent most of their careers in the West: Forey, Alan, “Towards a Profile of the Templars in the Early Fourteenth Century,” in The Military Orders: Fighting for the Faith and Caring for the Sick , ed. Barber, Malcolm (Aldershot, 1994), 196–204, at 200–201.Google Scholar

139 RT 154, 230, 296, arts. 230, 422, 568; Madrid, BN, MS 8582, fol. 56; CH 2:536–61, doc. 2213 art. 34; 3:450–55, doc. 3844 art. 9; 3:655–57, doc. 4267; SDO 86, Gesetze 39(5).Google Scholar

140 Peter of Dusburg, , Chronik , 3.82, ed. Toeppen, , Scholz, , and Wojtecki, (n. 42 above), 200–202; Preussisches Urkundenbuch ed. Philippi, R., etc., 6 vols. (Könisberg, Marburg, 1882–2000), 2.2:109–10, doc. 130.Google Scholar

141 Untergang 2:394–95; Gilmour-Bryson, , Trial in Cyprus (n. 26 above), 433–34; L'Estoire de Eracles et la conqueste de la terre d'outremer, 34.9 (RHC Hist. Occ. 2:455); Les gestes des Chiprois, chap. 347, ed. Raynaud, G. C., Publications de la Société de l'Orient Latin, sér. hist. 5 (Geneva, 1887), 180–81; Ayyubids, Mamlukes and Crusaders: Selections from the Tarikh al-Duwal wa'l-Muluk of Ibn al-Furat , ed. and trans. Lyons, U. and Lyons, M. C., 2 vols. (Cambridge, 1971), 2:95. During the Templar trial it was stated that Hugh of Ampurias had left the castle of Tortosa and gone over to the Muslims, denying his faith (Concilia 2:358), but he was in fact captured during the siege of Tripoli and held in captivity: Forey, A. J., “The Military Orders and the Ransoming of Captives from Islam (Twelfth to Early Fourteenth Centuries),” Studia monastica 33 (1991): 259–79, at 262–63.Google Scholar

142 RT 312, art. 603; CR 96, art. 198.Google Scholar

143 RT 296–97, arts. 569–70; CR 68–70, arts. 162–63.Google Scholar

144 “Si apostata catholice ecclesie existens ad blasphemos nominis christiani, quasi cum eis manere volens, eciam preter fidei abnegacionem, abscesserit” ( SDO 86, Gesetze 39[5]).Google Scholar

145 Chronica majora (n. 22 above), 5:387; cf. BS 244–45.Google Scholar

146 Procès 1:77–78, 80, 83, 139, 174, 192, 193, 205, 222.Google Scholar

147 Prutz, Hans, Entwicklung und Untergang des Tempelherrenordens (Berlin, 1888), 293–94; see below, p. 185.Google Scholar

148 On the last Swordbrethren, see Benninghoven, , Schwertbrüder (n. 126 above), 369–82.Google Scholar

149 Forey, A. J., “The Order of Mountjoy,” Speculum 46 (1971): 250–66, at 258–64.Google Scholar

150 Fontes, Juan Torres, “La orden de Santa María de España,” Miscelánea medieval murciana 3 (1977): 73–118, at 94–95.Google Scholar 1l51 Nicholson, H. J., “Margaret de Lacy and the Hospital of St John at Aconbury, Here-fordshire,” Journal of Ecclesiastical History 50 (1999): 629–51. Attempts were made by Hospitaler sisters at Sigena to sever links with the castellan of Amposta, but no change of rule was proposed: Arteta, Agustín Ubieto, El real monasterio de Sigena (1188–1300) (Valencia, 1966), 37–44.Google Scholar

152 Schüpferling, M., Der Tempelherren-Orden in Deutschland (Bamberg, 1915), 33–34, 36; Jean XXII: Lettres communes , ed. Mollat, G., 16 vols. (Paris, 1904–47), 5:63, no. 18845; Francesco Tommasi, “Uomini e donne negli ordini militari di Terrasanta: Per il problema delle case doppie e miste negli ordini giovannita, templare e teutonico (secc. XII–XIV),” in Doppelklöster und andere Formen der Symbiose männlicher und weiblicher Religiosen im Mittelalter , ed. Elm, Kaspar and Parisse, Michel (Berlin, 1992), 177–202, at 195, n. 76.Google Scholar

153 It has been argued that the Sampson hospital in Corinth, whose master and brethren petitioned the pope in 1309 to be allowed to transfer to the Hospital, was a Templar establishment: Lock, Peter, “The Military Orders in Mainland Greece,” in The Military Orders: Fighting for the Faith and Caring for the Sick (n. 138 above), 333–39, at 337. But it was not in fact subject to the Templars: Forey, Alan J., “The Charitable Activities of the Templars,” Viator 34 (2003): 109–41, at 136.Google Scholar

154 RT 239–40, arts. 443–44.Google Scholar

155 “Nouveau manuscrit,” 197–98, art. 14; CR 20–22, art. 40. This version of the Customs does also add that if there was no house of St. Lazarus in a western province, provision should be made within the Temple for leprous brothers.Google Scholar

156 CH 3:225–29, doc. 3396 art. 17.Google Scholar

157 Les registres de Clément IV , ed. Jordan, Edouard (Rome, 1893–1945), 93–94 no. 347; CH 3:142, doc. 3227.Google Scholar

158 BC 180–86. It has sometimes been argued that William of Eril, the first master of Montesa, had been a Hospitaler, but this is to be doubted: see de Samper, Hippolyto, Montesa ilustrada , 2 vols. (Valencia, 1669), 2:473–74. The second master, Arnold of Soler, had, however, earlier been a member of the Hospital: Samper, , Montesa, 2:475; Javierre Mur, Aurea L., Privilegios reales de la orden de Montesa en la edad media (Madrid, n.d.), 27; Edo, Vicent García, “Arnau de Soler, segon mestre de l'orde de Montesa (1320–27) (itinerari i altres notícies del seu temps),” in Actes de les primeres jornades sobre els ordes religiosomilitars als països Catalans (segles XII–XIX) (Tarragona, 1994), 555–66, at 555. Nunez, Peter, master of Santa María de España, had apparently earlier been a member of Santiago: Pidal, Juan Menéndez, “Noticias acerca de la orden militar de Santa María de España instituida por Alfonso X,” Revista de archivos, bibliotecas y museos 11 (1907): 161–80, at 167–68; Fontes, Torres, “Orden de Santa María,” 90.Google Scholar

159 de Rades, Francisco y Andrada, , Chrónica des las tres órdenes y cavallerías de Sanctiago, Calatrava y Alcántara (Toledo, 1572), Calatrava, fol. 44r; Alcántara, fols. 9v–10r.Google Scholar

160 CH 3:450–55, doc. 3844 art. 12; repeated in 1288 (ibid., 3:525–29, doc. 4022 art. 17).Google Scholar

161 Canivez, Josephus-Maria, Statuta capitulorum generalium ordinis Cisterciensis ab anno 1116 ad annum 1786 , 8 vols. (Louvain, 1933–41), 2:2 (1221[8]).Google Scholar

162 RT 154, 230, 296, arts. 230, 422, 568; CH 2:536–61, doc. 2213 art. 34; SDO 86, Gesetze 39(5). In 1251 the order of Santiago decreed that a brother who deserted to the Muslims and converted to Islam should not be received back until his case had been considered by the pope: if the latter decided that he should be allowed back, the brother was to be subject to a three-year penance (Madrid, BN, MS 8582, fol. 56r).Google Scholar

163 RT 162, 231, 247, 291–93, 321, arts. 262, 424–25, 462, 557–61, 621; CR 14, 56, 60–62, 64–66, arts. 30, 132–33, 135, 147–48, 156. A statute of Santiago decreed that a brother who had absconded should not be received back until he had returned the goods he had taken (Madrid, BN, MS 8582, fol. 56r).Google Scholar

164 X.3.31.24, in Corpus iuris canonici (n. 21 above), 2:578. Earlier in the decree Gregory had ruled that other apostates should be received back “while upholding the discipline of the order” (“salva ordinis disciplina”), and it has been argued that this wording is to be interpreted to mean that some apostates might be a cause of disorder in the community, and superiors were therefore excused from receiving them back fully into the community: Logan, , Runaway Religious (n. 120 above), 122. Yet it is obvious from various sources that the meaning of the phrase is that those readmitted should be obliged to undergo penance before being received back fully into a religious community: “[Discipline] This is to say that penance should nevertheless be imposed on him, according to what the rule of that order requires and demands” (“[Disciplina] Hoc est dicere quod nihilominus imponetur ei poenitentia, secundum quod regula illius ordinis requirit et precipit”; Hostiensis, , In tertium Decretalium librum commentaria [n. 27 above], fol. 116v [3.31.24]); see also, for example, Procès 1:204, where it is stated that Adam of Valincuria was received back into the Temple, while upholding the discipline of the order: his penance was then detailed; and it was also reported during the Templar trial that P. of Sencio had been received back, “while upholding the justice of the said order, the justice consisting of eating for a year and a day on the ground” (“salva la justicia de la dit ordre, la cal justicia era de 1 an et jor manger en terra” [ibid., 1:170]). “Discipline” and “justice” are synonymous. See also RT 253, art. 475, and CR 4, art. 7, and the decree of Benedict XII, in which the pope stated that apostates were to be received back, “while upholding the discipline of the order, which on this occasion we wish and instruct to be tempered with mercy towards those who return voluntarily” (“salva ordinis disciplina, quam volumus et mandamus circa illos, qui voluntarie redierint, hac vice … misericorditer temperari”; Bullarum, diplomatum et privilegiorum sanctorum Romanorum pontificum Taurinensis editio , ed. Tomassetti, A., 4 vols. [Turin, 1857–72], 4:326–28).Google Scholar

165 CH 3:450–55, doc. 3844 art. 12. When this decree was repeated in 1288, the words “if he requests it” (“s'il le requiert”) were added (ibid., 3:525–29, doc. 4022 art. 17). The statutes of the Teutonic order made provision for brothers to be received back only twice after being given permission to transfer (SDO 60, Gesetze IIc). Those who attempted to return a third time had presumably to remain in their last order or seek a transfer from that order. As has been seen (n. 83 above), the compiler of the Templar Customs reported that it was the view of some brothers that a Templar who had transferred with permission to another order should not be allowed to return; but this was not a firm rule, and some did return (Procès 1:204).Google Scholar

166 Sterns, Indrikis, “Crime and Punishment among the Teutonic Knights,” Speculum 57 (1982): 84–111, at 91; Barber, , New Knighthood (n. 34 above), 219–20; Riley-Smith, Jonathan, The Knights of St. John in Jerusalem and Cyprus, c. 1050–1310 (London, 1967), 270.Google Scholar

167 RT 164, 289–90, 297–98, 312, arts. 267, 554, 573, 603; CR 54, art. 129; Procès 2:7.Google Scholar

168 Peter of Dusburg, , Chronik , 3.82, ed. Toeppen, , Scholz, , and Wojtecki, (n. 42 above), 200–202; Preussisches Urkundenbuch (n. 140 above), 1.2:109–10, doc. 130.Google Scholar

169 “Chartre de congie, que il s'en aille sauver en autre religion plus estrete” ( RT 232–33); cf. “Nouveau manuscrit,” 195–96, arts. 5, 7; CR 6, 16–18, arts. 9, 34.Google Scholar

170 “Tout frere a qui Ton done congie de nostre maison se doit rendre au plus tost que il porra en autre religion et en plus estrete. Et se doit faire en toutes manieres, se il puet, dedens XL jorz, et se il ne se voloit rendre, et li frere le puent trover, il le doivent prendre et metre le en fers, et doner li sa soustenance, et le doivent tenir en tel maniere tant que il ait pense, ou autre por lui, de son ordenement ensi come il est dessus devise. Et ce fu establi en tel maniere, por ce que aucun mauvais, quant il estoient partis de la maison, aloient par le monde et vivoient hontousement et deshordeneement, et mult de damaiges et de hontes en avenoient a la maison, et por ce fu establi ensi que mais ne se peust faire” (RT 237).Google Scholar

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172 BC 685–86; O'Callaghan, Joseph F., “Hermandades between the Military Orders of Calatrava and Santiago during the Castilian Reconquest, 1158–1252,” Speculum 44 (1969): 609–18, at 615; cf. Militzer, Klaus, Von Akkon zur Marienburg: Verfassung, Verwaltung und Sozialstruktur des Deutschen Ordens, 1190–1309 (Marburg, 1999), 93. Papal privileges for the Teutonic order, like those for the Temple, stated that brother chaplains who were found to be troublemakers could be given leave to transfer to another order (Tabulae 275–79, doc. 306; PUTJ 1:204–10, doc. 3). Templar regulations state that, if there was doubt whether a brother subject to a long penance would perform it properly, it might be suggested that he should transfer to another order, but he was not under any obligation to do so (RT 334–35, art. 653; CR 6, art. 9).Google Scholar

173 Leclercq, , “Document sur les débuts” (n. 41 above), 87; Sclafert, , “Lettre inédite” (n. 41 above), 292.Google Scholar

174 “Vestra sacra institutio et religiosa militia divina est providentia stabilita” ( PUTJ 1:204–10, doc. 3).Google Scholar

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177 Procès 1:204.Google Scholar

178 Barcelona, , Archivo Capitular, codex 149, fols. 66v–68r.Google Scholar

179 Roderick had in fact himself been married, and had entered Santiago with his wife: Delaville Le Roulx, J., “L'ordre de Montjoye,” Revue de l'orient latin 1 (1893): 42–57, at 55–57, doc. 4; Blásquez, Angel y Jiménez, , “Bosquejo histórico de la orden de Monte Gaudio,” Boletín de la Real Academia de la Historia 71 (1917): 138–72, at 168–70; Gazulla, Faustino D., “La orden del Santo Redentor,” Boletín de la Sociedad Castellonense de Cultura 10 (1929): 124–26, at 125–26. Sánchez-Pagín, Jose M., “El conde don Rodrigo Alvarez de Sarria, fundador de la orden militar de Monte Gaudio,” Compostellanum 28 (1983): 373–97, at 386–92, seeks to identify her with Mary Ponce de Minerva.Google Scholar

180 PUTJ 1:278–81, doc. 89; Le Roulx, Delaville, “Ordre de Montjoye,” 55–57, doc. 4; Blásquez y Jiménez, “Bosquejo histórico,” 168–70; Gazulla, , “Orden del Santo Redentor,” 125–26.Google Scholar

181 Forey, , “Order of Mountjoy” (n. 149 above), 256. Lomax, Derek W. (“The Order of Santiago and the Kings of León,” Hispania 18 [1958]: 3–37, at 14–16) suggests that Fernando Díaz resigned the mastership of Santiago in 1186 not because of political pressure but because he wanted to lead a stricter life: he “became prior of a new Jacobitan convent” of San Audito de Buitrago. Carlos de Ayala Martínez (“Las órdenes militares en el siglo XIII castellano: La consolidacion de los maestrazgos,” Anuario de estudios medievales 27 [1997]: 237–79, at 242 n. 2) argues, however, that Fernando received rights over San Audito in compensation from Alfonso VIII. Yet San Audito was an Augustinian foundation; Fernando remained a member of Santiago after his resignation; and there appears to be no evidence to link him with San Audito until 1204 — nearly eighteen years after he had given up the office of master — when the abbot of Santa Leocadia gave San Audito to the king of Castile at the latter's request, and Alfonso assigned it to Fernando Díaz: Martin, , Orígenes de Santiago (n. 4 above), 41; González, Julio, El reino de Castilla en la época de Alfonso VIII, 3 vols. (Madrid, 1960), 3:322–24, 332–35, docs. 756, 763–64. In 1204 Alfonso made clear that Santiago was to have no claim over San Audito. The reasons for Fernando Díaz's resignation and its consequences remain obscure.Google Scholar

182 Regesta Honorii III (n. 33 above), 2:397, no. 5794.Google Scholar

183 “Clericos … ut clericos, laycos ut conversos” (Prutz, , Entwicklung [n. 147 above], 293–94).Google Scholar

184 Hinnebusch, William A., The History of the Dominican Order: Origins and Growth to 1500 (Staten Island NY, 1966), 324. Hugh Peccator suggested that some in the lower ranks of the Temple might wish to transfer to a place where their labors would receive more recognition (Leclercq, “Document sur les débuts” [n. 41 above], 89; Sclafert, “Lettre inédite” [n. 41 above], 298), but a transfer would in fact have brought little change.Google Scholar

185 Tabulae 361–62, 363–64, docs 483, 488; MGH, Epistolae saeculi XIII , ed. Rodenburg, Carolus, 3 vols. (Berlin, 1883–94), 2:60, doc. 83.Google Scholar

186 Tabulae 362–63, doc. 486; Epistolae saeculi XIII, 2:60–61, doc. 84; Die Hochmeister des Deutschen Ordens, 1190–1994 , ed. Arnold, Udo (Marburg, 1998), 22–23; Militzer, , Von Akkon zur Marienburg (n. 172 above), 41; Bulst, Marie Luise, “Zur Geschichte der Ritterorden und des Königreichs Jerusalem im 13. Jahrhundert bis zur Schlacht bei La Forbie am 17. Okt. 1244,” Deutsches Archiv für Erforschung des Mittelalters 22 (1966): 197–226, at 217–18.Google Scholar

187 Chronik , 4.70, ed. Toeppen, , Scholz, , and Wojtecki, (n. 42 above), 504.Google Scholar

188 Hochmeister des Deutschen Ordens , 40–41; Urban, William, The Prussian Crusade (Lanham MD, 1980), 338. Militzer, (Von Akkon zur Marienburg, 156) also draws attention to the weak position of the office of master at the time; see also idem, “From the Holy Land to Prussia: The Teutonic Knights between Emperors and Popes and their Policies until 1309,” in Mendicants, Military Orders and Regionalism in Medieval Europe , ed. Sarnowsky, Jürgen (Aldershot, 1999), 71–81, at 78–80. In the twelfth century the Hospitaler master Gilbert d'Assailly resigned after incurring heavy debts, but he sought to adopt the life of a hermit in a cave rather than to transfer to another order (CH 1:276–79, doc. 403; PUTJ 2:222–27, doc. 19; Riley-Smith, , Knights of St. John [n. 166 above], 61–62).Google Scholar

189 BC 166; de Ayala Martínez, Carlos, “Un cuestionario sobre una conspiration: la crisis del maestrazgo de Calatrava en 1311–1313,” Aragón en la edad media 14–15 (1999): 73–89, at 77–82, 87–89. Another brother of Calatrava, Peter Suárez, transferred to Santiago at the same time, but without permission (BC 165).Google Scholar

190 “Propter capitales inimicitias quas incurrit, non posset absque periculo proprii corporis in eodem ordine remanere” ( Registres d'Innocent IV [n. 89 above], 3:21, 35, docs. 5548, 5620; Prieto, Quintana, Inocencio IV [n. 99 above], 2:655, 664–65, docs. 742, 759). Brothers of military orders who had apostatized in apparently similar circumstances were in some cases later allowed to transfer to another order (CH 4:171, doc. 4795). In 1290 the Templar knight Peter of Parlagiis was allowed to transfer because he could not remain without scruples of conscience; but this may relate to an illicit profession (Registres de Nicolas IV [n. 68 above], 548, doc. 3531).Google Scholar

191 CH 1:672–73, doc. 1082.Google Scholar

192 BS 54; Mansilla, , Inocencio III (n. 31 above), 404–5, doc. 390.Google Scholar

193 The transfer to the Hospital in the first case had presumably been made without permission.Google Scholar

194 Registrum Peckham (n. 32 above), 3:860, doc. 617.Google Scholar

195 CH 2:96–97, doc. 1318; Mansilla, Inocencio III, 405–7, doc. 392.Google Scholar

196 “Ut regularem queant effugere disciplinam, ad religionem aliam sine sui magistri licentia non metuunt se transferre” ( CH 2:199–200, doc. 1504).Google Scholar

197 “Nonnunquam etiam iidem fratres, ducti animi levitate potius quam religionis ardore, ut evitent regularis observantie disciplinam, cum potius velint religionem fugere quam mutare, ad aliam regulam simulant se transferre, ubi sic mentito religionis habitu fructu primi propositi careant et secundi” ( Tabulae 317, doc. 360).Google Scholar

198 See, for example, ibid., 327–28, 338, docs. 385, 412.Google Scholar

199 PL 200:228–29. A delay did not, of course, necessarily mean that a transfer was not eventually made. The regulations of the Teutonic order state that a brother committed a “graver” offense if, after obtaining permission to transfer to another order, he delayed for no good reason (SDO 84, Gesestze 38[9]), but this conduct was not automatically regarded as apostasy.Google Scholar

200 Logan, , Runaway Religious (n. 120 above), 68–69.Google Scholar

201 Investigation of the registers of the Aragonese kings in the Archivo de la Corona de Aragón in Barcelona is, of course, hampered by the lack of calendars or indexes. Military orders were usually exempt from episcopal jurisdiction and therefore not subject to episcopal visitation.Google Scholar

202 Templars: Richard of Southwark, 1235: Close Rolls, 1234–1237 (London, 1908), 183; Calendar of Documents Relating to Ireland, 1171–1251 (London, 1875), 336, no. 2264. Richard of Feckenham, 1305: Calendar of Close Rolls, 1302–1307 (London, 1908), 339. Hospitalers: William of Merley, 1270–71: Calendar of Patent Rolls, 1266–1272 (London, 1913), 488, 519; CH 3:236, doc. 3405 (this Hospitaler is not included in the list given by Logan, , Runaway Religious, 252).Google Scholar

203 L'Estoire de Eracles, 34.20, in RHC Hist. Occ. , 2:467; Crònica de Ramon Muntaner, chap. 194, ed. Soldevila, (n. 119 above), 841. L'Estoire de Eracles states that Julian entered the order of the Trinity after being a Templar and died in that order in 1275. One Templar questioned in Paris during the Templar trial said that Julian had apostatized (Procès 2:140), and a notary who also gave evidence at the trial asserted that Julian had been expelled from the Temple, had later joined the Hospital, but had then left that order for Prémontré, becoming a member of the house of St. Michael de Clusa, near Beirut (ibid., 1:647). The notary claimed to be speaking at least in part from personal knowledge. William of Tyre notes that Malih, brother of Thoros II of Armenia, had at one time been a Templar (Chronicon, 20.26, ed. Huygens, R. B. C., CCM 63 [Turnholt, 1986], 949).Google Scholar

204 Barcelona, , Archivo de la Corona de Aragón, Cancillería Real, Cartas Reales Diplomáticas, Templarios 560, 563.Google Scholar

205 London, National Archives, C 81/1795–96; Logan, , Runaway Religious , 101–2.Google Scholar

206 Military orders did develop their own systems of visitation, but records of visitations do not survive from the twelfth and thirteenth centuries.Google Scholar

207 Procès 1:553; 2:192, 200; Finke, Heinrich, Papsttum und Untergang des Templerordens, 2 vols. (Münster, 1907), 2:318, doc. 152; Concilia 2:345.Google Scholar

208 Procès 1:30, 76, 216, 255; Untergang 2:17–22, 45; Finke, , Papsttum, 2:329–30, 335–37, doc. 155; Gilmour-Bryson, , Trial in the Papal State (n. 100 above), 140, 143, 152, 155; Tommasi, , “Interrogatorio a Cesena” (n. 132 above), 288.Google Scholar

209 Barcelona, , Archivo Capitular, codex 149, fols. 66v–68r; see above, p. 174–75.Google Scholar

210 Procès 1:204, 456, 521, 644, 647; 2:140, 253; Loiseleur, J., La doctrine secrete des Ternpliers (Paris, 1872), 195; Sans i Travé, “Inedito processo” (n. 63 above), 262.Google Scholar

211 “Valde simplex, fatuus et non bene compos mentis sue” ( Procès 1:27).Google Scholar

212 Tabulae 274–75, 284–86, 304–5, 312, 317, 325, 327–28, 338, docs. 304, 314, 340, 353, 360, 375, 385, 388, 412.Google Scholar

213 BS 54; CH 2:105–6, doc. 1326; Tabulae 312, doc. 353.Google Scholar

214 CH 2:212–13, doc. 1539.Google Scholar

215 Ibid., 3:123, doc. 3185; Calendar of Patent Rolls, 1258–1266 (London, 1910), 469.Google Scholar

216 Procès 1:140–41.Google Scholar

217 Ibid., 1:182, 192, 221, 240, 306, 316, 337, 594; Loiseleur, , Doctrine secrete, 181, 195, 201; Gilmour-Bryson, , Trial in the Papal State, 155; Cheney, C. R., “The Downfall of the Templars and a Letter in their Defence,” in his Medieval Texts and Studies (Oxford, 1973), 314–27, at 326. Some of those who confessed to the main charges said that brothers had left because of the activities of which the order was accused, but others asserted that desertions had been for other reasons.Google Scholar

218 Procès 1:146.Google Scholar

219 Untergang 2:44.Google Scholar

220 Finke, , Papsttum (n. 207 above), 2:74–75 doc. 50.Google Scholar

221 References are to be found scattered in Procès ; Finke, , Papsttum , vol. 2; Untergang 2:13–71. It is difficult to give an exact number, because names were not always recorded in the same form, and in some cases it was merely rumored that a particular Templar had absconded. Nor were all those who were reported to be fugitives in fact Templars (Procès 1:29–31). The Templar preceptor of Lombardy also escaped from the papal court in February 1308 (Barber, Malcolm, The Trial of the Templars [Cambridge, 1978], 78–79).Google Scholar

222 In 1310 nearly 600 Templars in France offered themselves for the defense of the order: Barber, , Trial , 132.Google Scholar

223 Procès 1:77–78, 80, 83, 139.Google Scholar

224 Ibid., 1:174, 192, 193, 205, 222.Google Scholar

225 “Projecit coram eis mantellum … dicens quod ipsum ab ecclesia receperat, et ipsum ecclesie dimittebat” (ibid., 1:474).Google Scholar

226 Many others appeared before the commissioners without their mantles, but this does not necessarily signify a deliberate rejection of the order: some said that they had abandoned their mantles because they were worn out ( Procès 1:290–91, 368, 371, 619), because they had been sold (ibid., 1:344), because they had been used to make a tunic (ibid., 1:328), because they had been lent to another brother (ibid., 1:634), or had been taken away from them, sometimes by those guarding them (ibid., 1:301, 320, 324, 331, 334). One said that he had been told by prelates at the Council of Sens to remove his mantle (ibid., 1:415), and many stated that they had removed their mantles at the provincial councils at which they had been absolved and reconciled to the Church. Some of these appear just to have been imitating their colleagues (ibid., 1:529), and one brother said he acted “because it no longer pleased him to wear it” (“quia non placebat sibi ulterius portare ipsum,” ibid., 1:311–12). Most offered no explanation, but many may have been under the impression that they were no longer Templars.Google Scholar

227 A list of eight named fugitives is found in a summons included in The Register of William Greenfield, Lord Archbishop of York, 1306–1315 , ed. Brown, William and Hamilton Thompson, A., 5 vols., Surtees Society 145, 149, 151–53 (Durham, 1931–40), 4:285–86, no. 2271. Fugitives are also mentioned by name in some witness statements and other documentation relating to the trial: Concilia 2:335, 341–44, 355–56, 370, 373, 381, 383, 384–86, which partially reproduces Oxford, Bodleian Library, MS Bodley 454. Logan, (Runaway Religious [n. 120 above], 251–52) lists only the eight named in the summons by the archbishop of York. Eileen Gooder (Temple Balsall: The Warwickshire Preceptory of the Templars and their Fate [Chichester, 1995], 127) gives a list of sixteen who fled at the time of the arrests or during the trial, but the inclusion of the name John of Caraton stems from a mistranscription in Concilia 2:381: the manuscript (MS Bodley 454, fol. 156v) gives John of Ebreston, who is also mentioned in other sources as a fugitive. She also states that Henry Craven and William of Middleton fled at the beginning of proceedings. Yet Henry Craven was listed among those arrested in Yorkshire: Chetwynd-Stapylton, H. E., “The Templars at Templehurst,” Yorkshire Archaeological and Topographical Journal 10 (1887–89): 276–86, 431–43, at 432–33; Martin, E. J., “The Templars in Yorkshire,” Yorkshire Archaeological Journal 30 (1930–31): 135–56, at 141. There further seems to be no evidence to suggest that William of Middleton was among those who absconded in Scotland (Concilia 2:381; Spottiswoode Miscellany, 2 [Edinburgh, 1845], 10–11). Clarence Perkins (“The Knights Templars in the British Isles,” English Historical Review 25 [1910]: 209–30, at 224) traced 144 Templars in the British Isles; Gooder, (Temple Balsall, 84) gives a figure of 153; and Logan, (Runaway Religious, 27) states that there were 135 in England. Evelyn Lord (The Knights Templar in Britain [Harlow, 2002], 194) is mistaken in asserting that 153 Templars were arrested in England.Google Scholar

228 Forey, Alan, The Fall of the Templars in the Crown of Aragon (Aldershot, 2001), 15 and the map on the following page.Google Scholar

229 Ibid., 15–17.Google Scholar

230 References were made after the trial to a fugitive named Raymond of San Ipólito, but it is not known at what stage he fled (Forey, , Trial of the Templars , 23, 216).Google Scholar

231 “He lexat tot lur habit et tot lur orde per tostemps” (Finke, , Papsttum [n. 207 above], 2:166, doc. 94); Forey, , Fall of the Templars, 28.Google Scholar

232 Ibid., 97, 111, 216.Google Scholar

233 Ibid., 17.Google Scholar

234 A Templar called Andrew of Siena, who was questioned at Cesena in Italy in 1310, stated that he and many others had fled at the time of the arrests (Tommasi, , “Interrogatorio a Cesena” [n. 132 above], 297). But precise figures for Italy cannot be calculated.Google Scholar

235 Forey, A. J., “Ex-Templars in England,” Journal of Ecclesiastical History 53 (2002): 18–37, at 24, 27.Google Scholar

236 “Non expedit inquirere nisi fama precesserit” ( Councils and Synods, with Other Documents Relating to the English Church 2 A.D. 1205–1313 , ed. Powicke, F. M. and Cheney, C. R., 2 vols. [Oxford, 1964], 2:1369–70). Logan (Runaway Religious, 27–28) asserts that in the northern province many Templars refused to go to the religious houses to which they had been assigned: at least fifteen were still free in August 1312; but see Forey, , “Ex-Templars in England,” 27 n. 46.Google Scholar

237 Ibid., 31–34.Google Scholar

238 Forey, , Fall of the Templars (n. 228 above), 221–23.Google Scholar

239 Ibid., 229. John XXII's ruling was not implemented until 1322–23, and some brothers listed in 1319 had in the meantime died.Google Scholar

240 Bulst-Thiele, Marie Luise, Sacrae domus militiae Templi Hierosolymitani magistri: Untersuchungen zur Geschichte des Templerordens, 1118/19–1314 (Göttingen, 1974), 50; PL 200:228–29; Procès 1:204; Barcelona, , Archivo capitular, codex 149, fols. 66v–68r; Registres de Nicolas IV (n. 68 above), 548, doc. 3531; Registres d'Innocent IV (n. 89 above), 3:21, 35, docs. 5548, 5620; Prieto, Quintana, Inocencio IV (n. 99 above), 2:655, 664–65 docs. 742, 759; Lomax, , Orden de Santiago (n. 43 above), 46. During the Templar trial it was reported that John of Romay had transferred to the Franciscans, although it was not stated whether this had been done with permission (Sans i Travé, “Inedito processo” [n. 63 above], 262).Google Scholar

241 See above, p. 176–77; cf. CH 4:29, 171 docs. 4561, 4795.Google Scholar

242 See above, n. 164; Regesta Honorii III (n. 33 above), 2:397, no. 5794.Google Scholar

243 CH 2:278–79, doc. 1700.Google Scholar

244 Ibid., 2:279, doc. 1701; Horoy, , Medii aevi bibliotheca patristica (n. 33 above), 3:618, doc. 157; Registres d'Innocent IV, 1:547, doc. 3631; Bullarium franciscanum (n. 30 above), 1:509. In 1264 Urban IV permitted an apostate from the Premonstratensian order to stay in the Teutonic order: the individual in question had claimed that he had been coerced into taking his vows before the age of fourteen, but he had remained in the monastery for a further four and a half years (Registres d'Urbain IV [n. 133 above], 2:342, doc. 2118). For the admission of friars to Alcántara and Avis with papal permission see Colección diplomática de Alcántara (n. 8 above), 1:284–88, doc. 434(2); Josserand, Philippe, “Pour une étude systématique de la documentation statutaire des ordres militaires: Deux manuscrits des ‘definiciones’ inédites d'Alcántara de 1306,” En la España medieval 20 (1997): 321–38, at 333–34; Javierre Mur, Aurea L., La orden de Calatrava en Portugal (Madrid, 1952), 21.Google Scholar

245 Kehr, Paul, Papsturkunden in Spanien. I. Katalanien , Abh. Göttingen, N. F. 18.2 (1926), 560, doc. 254; Forey, “Order of Mountjoy” (n. 149 above), 252–53, 262.Google Scholar

246 RT 232–33, art. 428. Some monasteries sent letters requesting the head of another religious house to accept a brother who was being expelled, but there is no evidence that military orders did this (Leclercq, “Documents sur les ‘fugitifs”’ [n. 49 above], 122–23).Google Scholar

247 SDO 84, Gesetze 38(9); RT 237, art. 437; see above, p. 173. It was not only military orders that encountered difficulties: see, for example, Bullarium ordinis predicatorum (n. 30 above), 1:215; de Lama, Rodríguez, Documentación de Alejandro IV (n. 30 above), 435–36, 472–73, docs. 462, 505.Google Scholar

248 BS 232.Google Scholar

249 X.3.31.24, in Corpus iuris canonici (n. 21 above), 2:578.Google Scholar

250 Madrid, BN, MS 8582, fols. 44v, 56r; O'Callaghan, , “Earliest ‘Difiniciones”’ (n. 85 above), 277 (1336[23]), 281 (1338[4]); idem, “Las definiciones medievales de la orden de Montesa, 1326–1468,” Miscelánea de textos medievales 1 (1972): 213–51, at 231 (1326[5]); Colección diplomática de Alcántara, 1:284–88 doc. 434(22); Josserand, , “Pour une étude,” 333–37; Canivez, , Statuta (n. 161 above), 1:87 (1190[9]); 2:247 (1242[10]).Google Scholar

251 SDO 141.Google Scholar

252 Heinrici Chronicon Livoniae , chap. 13, ed. Arbusow, and Bauer, (n. 126 above), 67.Google Scholar

253 RT 312, art. 603; see also “Nouveau manuscrit,” 211, art. 49; CR 86, 96, arts. 181, 198.Google Scholar

254 BS 141; Prieto, Quintana, Inocencio IV (n. 99 above), 1:197–98, docs. 175–76; O'Callaghan, , “Earliest ‘Difiniciones,”’ 277 (1336[23]), 281 (1338[4]); Colección diplomática de Alcántara (n. 8 above), 1:284–88, doc. 434(22); Josserand, , “Pour une étude” (n. 244 above), 333–37.Google Scholar

255 BC 160, 498–500, 685–86. The general chapter of Cîteaux also issued decrees of a more general nature concerning measures to be taken against fugitives: Canivez, , Statuta, 3:282–83 (1296[2]).Google Scholar

256 These were in fact numerous: see, for example, Benedict XII's decree issued in 1335: Bullarum, diplomatum et privilegiorum editio (n. 164 above), 4:326–28.Google Scholar

257 See, for example, PUTJ 1:221–22, doc. 15; Tabulae 274–75, 284–86, 304–5, docs. 304, 314, 340; BS 140, 172–73; Prieto, Quintana, Inocencio IV, 1:192–93, doc. 167; Les registres de Boniface VIII , ed. Digard, Georges, Faucon, Maurice, Thomas, Antoine, and Fawtier, Robert, 4 vols. (Paris, 1884–1939), 1:745–48, doc. 1950. Apostates were subject to automatic excommunication from 1298 onwards.Google Scholar

258 Riesner, , Apostates and Fugitives (n. 5 above), 29; Harper-Bill, , “Monastic Apostasy” (n. 120 above), 5; Logan, Runaway Religious (n. 120 above), 131–32; see also, for example, Guri, Josep Maria Pons, “Constitucions conciliars tarraconenses (1229–1330),” Analecta sacra Tarraconensia 47 (1974): 65–128, at 102–3; 48 (1975): 241–363, at 319.Google Scholar

259 Councils and Synods (n. 236 above), 2:1269.Google Scholar

260 Register of William Greenfield (n. 227 above), 4:285–86, no. 2271; Concilia 2:343; Forey, “Ex-Templars in England” (n. 235 above), 35.Google Scholar

261 Calendar of Close Rolls, 1307–1313 (London, 1892), 316–17. According to the record of the interrogation of this Templar, he had been apprehended by royal officials (Concilia 2:383), but more credence is to be given to the royal letter, which is an instruction to the sheriff of Wiltshire.Google Scholar

262 BS 141, 165; Prieto, Quintana, Inocencio IV , 1:197–98, 248, docs. 175–76, 212.Google Scholar

263 O'Callaghan, , “Earliest ‘Difiniciones”’ (n. 85 above), 277 (1336[23]), 281 (1338[4]); Colección diplomática de Alcántara, 1:284–88, doc. 434(22); Josserand, , “Pour une étude,” 333–37.Google Scholar

264 Calendar of Patent Rolls, 1258–1266 (n. 215 above), 469; CH 3:123, doc. 3185. On the writ de apostata capiendo used in England, see Logan, , Runaway Religious, 97–120.Google Scholar

265 CH 3:203, doc. 3348.Google Scholar

266 Barcelona, , Archivo de la Corona de Aragón, Cancillería real, registro 59, fol. 43r; reg. 81, fol. 200r; CH 3:577, doc. 4130. This is not a comprehensive list.Google Scholar

267 Rymer, Thomas, Foedera, conventiones, litterae et cujuscunque generis acta publica , 10 vols. (The Hague, 1745), 1.4:120, 154–55, 157–58, 163, 182; Calendar of Close Rolls, 1307–1313, 177, 179, 181, 189, 206, 295.Google Scholar

268 “Precibus matris sue fuit devictus” (Finke, , Papsttum [n. 207 above], 2:318, doc. 152).Google Scholar

269 Procès 2:194.Google Scholar

270 Ibid., 1:456; Untergang 2:46.Google Scholar

271 CH 2:105–6, doc. 1326.Google Scholar

272 See, for example, PUTJ 1:204–11, 221–22, 309–12, docs. 3, 4, 15, 122; BC 5–6, 22–25, 31–35, 47–49; CH 2:105–6, doc. 1326; 3:312–13, doc. 3554.Google Scholar

273 “Quidam vestrum de salute ipsorum vigiles et studiosi nolunt existere et eorum excessus corrigere, sed quosdam ipsorum ad miliciam secularem et nupcias transire et iuxta voluntatis sue arbitrium in seculari vita manere permittunt” (ibid., 4:253–54, doc. 514). Similar wording is found in other bulls (Tabulae 338, doc. 412).Google Scholar

274 “Ad personas se transferant ecclesiasticas vel mundanas, qui ipsos non tarn fovent in sue rebellionis contumacia quam defendunt” ( CH 2:212, doc. 1538; Tabulae 317, doc. 360).Google Scholar

275 Procès 1:216; Finke, , Papsttum, 2:335–36, doc. 155; Untergang 2:17; cf. ibid., 2:19, 46. The reference may be to Charles of Valois rather than Charles II of Naples.Google Scholar

276 Crònica de Ramon Muntaner , chap. 194–99, ed. Soldevila, (n. 119 above), 841–47. Roger was still calling himself a Templar in 1301: Finke, Heinrich, “Nachträge und Ergänzungen zu den Acta Aragonensia (I–III),” Spanische Forschungen der Görresgesellschaft: Gesammelte Aufsätze zur Kulturgeschichte Spaniens 4 (1933): 355–536, at 443–44, doc. 7.Google Scholar

277 Mansilla, , Honorio III (n. 36 above), 346, doc. 473; BS 83; BC 160.Google Scholar

278 O'Callaghan, Joseph Francis, “The Affiliation of the Order of Calatrava with the Order of Cîteaux,” Analecta sacri ordinis Cisterciensis 16 (1960): 255–92, at 258; Ayala Martínez, “Un cuestionario” (n. 189 above), 74–75.Google Scholar

279 Barcelona, , Archivo de la Corona de Aragón, reg. 242, fol. 1v; reg. 254, fols. 136v–137r; reg. 275, fol. 74v; cf. Forey, Fall of the Templars (n. 228 above), 223–24.Google Scholar

280 CH 2:278, doc. 1699; Mansilla, , Honorio III, 250, doc. 338; BC 165.Google Scholar

281 Mansilla, , Inocencio III (n. 31 above), 405–7 doc. 392. Military orders also at times accepted individuals who had transferred from non-military religious foundations without permission: see, for example, Horoy, , Medii aevi bibliotheca patristica (n. 33 above), 3:807, doc. 382; 4:350–51, doc. 131; Colección diplomática de Alcántara (n. 8 above), 1:284–88, doc. 434(3); Josserand, , “Pour une étude” (n. 244 above), 333–37.Google Scholar

282 “Nisi ille, qui eum receperit, ipsum fuisse alterius religionis nesciverit” ( CH 3:118–21, doc. 3180 art. 8).Google Scholar

283 RT 234, 342, arts. 431, 670; CH 2:536–61, doc. 2213 art. 121; SDO 127.Google Scholar

284 CH 3:169–74, doc. 3288; Registres de Clément IV (n. 157 above), 193, doc. 574.Google Scholar

285 See some of the texts quoted in Leclercq, , “Documents sur les ‘fugitifs”’ (n. 49 above), 87–145.Google Scholar

286 X.3.31.24, in Corpus iuris canonici (n. 21 above), 2:578; Bullarum, diplomatum et privilegiorum editio (n. 164 above), 4:326–28.Google Scholar

287 BS 139; Garretas, Milagros Rivera, La encomienda, el priorato y la villa de Uclé's en la edad media (1174–1310) (Madrid, 1985), 403, doc. 195; Prieto, Quintana, Inocencio IV (n. 99 above), 1:87–88, doc. 71.Google Scholar

288 BS 174; Prieto, Quintana, Inocencio IV , 2:494–95, doc. 524; RT 253, art. 475. The sense is changed in CR 4, art. 7.Google Scholar

289 The “Templar of Tyre” reports that the French king Philip IV and the pope sought to secure the reinstatement of the Templar treasurer in Paris after he had been expelled by James of Molay ( Gestes des Chiprois , chap. 695, ed. Raynaud, [n. 141 above], 329–30). This report presents a number of difficulties: see the discussion in Demurger, Alain, Jacques de Molay: Le crépuscule des templiers (Paris, 2002), 221–28, but it suggests that attempts were sometimes made to prevent orders from expelling a brother and from insisting on his transfer to a stricter order.Google Scholar

290 For Humbert's later career in the West, see Méras, Mathieu, Le Beaujolais au moyen âge (Villefranche-en-Beaujolais, 1956), 33–40. The pope may have been influenced by Peter the Venerable's claims that Humbert was restoring peace and order to his home district: Letters of Peter the Venerable (n. 6 above), 1:410–13, doc. 173. He may also have taken into account the abbot of Cluny's further argument that Humbert had not had the consent of his wife for joining the Temple: if this claim was accepted, Humbert's vows would have had no validity.Google Scholar

291 Tabulae 29–30, 33–34, docs. 36, 41; Bresc-Bautier, Genevieve, Le cartulaire du chapitre du Saint-Sépulcre de Jérusalem (Paris, 1984), 336–37, doc. 179.Google Scholar

292 L'Estoire de Eracles, 31.1, 6, in RHC Hist. Occ. , 2:312, 317–18; Burgtorf, , “Leadership Structures” (n. 135 above), 388.Google Scholar

293 Crònica de Ramon Muntaner , chap. 194, ed. Soldevila, (n. 119 above), 841.Google Scholar

294 Ferrando, Martínez, Jaime II (n. 98 above), 1:94; 2:227–29, doc. 306; Finke, Heinrich, Acta Aragonensia, 3 vols. (Berlin, 1908–22), 3:370–71, doc. 170(4); Soler, Andrés Giménez, Don Juan Manuel (Zaragoza, 1932), 482. James was, of course, in theory disqualified from entering the Hospital without the consent of Leonor. On the marriage, see Sturcken, H. T., “The Unconsummated Marriage of Jaime of Aragon and Leonor of Castile (October 1319),” Journal of Medieval History 5 (1979): 185–201.Google Scholar

295 Barcelona, , Archivo de la Corona de Aragón, Bulas, legajo 31, no. 49; Finke, , Acta Aragonensia, 3:371, doc. 170; Ferrando, Martínez, Jaime II, 2:241–42, doc. 326; it has been suggested that James II obliged him to enter the Hospital because it could be done immediately, without a probationary period (Ferrando, Martínez, Jaime II, 1:95; cf. ibid., 2:227–29, doc. 306; Finke, , Acta Aragonensia, 3:370–71, doc. 170[4]).Google Scholar

296 Ferrando, Martínez, Jaime II , 2:242–43, doc. 327.Google Scholar

297 “In vocatione sua remanere debeat” (ibid., 2:244, doc. 328; Finke, , Acta Aragonensia, 3:375–76, doc. 170[10]).Google Scholar

298 Ibid., 3:375, doc. 170(9); Ferrando, Martínez (Jaime II, 1:96) suggests that James found the Hospital too strict. But Montesa was a Cistercian foundation, and stricter than the Hospital, as James pointed out (Barcelona, Archivo de la Corona de Aragón, Cartas Reales Diplomáticas, Jaime II 6416).Google Scholar

299 Ferrando, Martínez, Jaime II , 2:242–43 doc. 327.Google Scholar

300 Jean XXII: Lettres communes (n. 152 above), 4:48, no. 14931.Google Scholar

301 “Displicere vobis non debet si dictus frater Iacobus, causa recreacionis aut consolacionis, se ad locum alium contulit” (Ferrando, Martínez, Jaime II , 2:259, doc. 348).Google Scholar

302 “Turpiter et inhoneste vivens, ad viles actus et inmundicias taliter declinavit quod profecto cedit in divine maiestatis ofensam, ac sue religionis infamiam et contemptum, et non in modicum dedecus nostri” (ibid., 2:297–98, doc. 410).Google Scholar

303 Vincke, Johannes, Documenta selecta mutuas civitatis Arago-Cathalaunicae et ecclesiae relationes illustrantia (Barcelona, 1936), 345–46, doc. 474; cf. Jean XXII: Lettres communes, 7:373, no. 42277.Google Scholar

304 Prutz, , Entwicklung (n. 147 above), 293–94.Google Scholar

305 Guichenon, Samuel, Histoire de la souveraineté de Dombes , 2 vols. (Lyon, 1863), 1:163–64; Aubret, Louis, Mémoires pour servir à l'histoire de Dombes, 4 vols. (Trévoux, 1864–68), 1:323, 347; Méras, , Le Beaujolais (n. 290 above), 33; Bulst-Thiele, , Sacrae domus Templi magistri (n. 240 above), 48 n. 30. Paradin, Guillaume (Mémoires de l'histoire de Lyon [Lyon, 1573], 406–7) maintained that Humbert was persuaded by the archbishop of Lyon to found a religious house.Google Scholar

306 Martín, , Orígenes de Santiago (n. 4 above), 27–28; Garretas, Rivera, Encomienda de Uclés (n. 287 above), 98.Google Scholar

307 Martín, , Orígenes de Santiago , 376–77, doc. 195.Google Scholar

308 “Ab omni inquietudine et voto et professione, si fecerunt” (ibid., 426, doc. 251). Lomax, ( Orden de Santiago [n. 43 above], 36) states that they had been admitted as familiares. Google Scholar

309 “Donec mater sua redemit eum de ducentis libris, pacto, quod secure deinceps remaneret cum matre et ex toto stetit secure ab ordine” (Finke, , Papsttum [n. 207 above], 2:336, doc. 155).Google Scholar

310 “In quodam capitulo generali, quod fecit in Avernia, quitavit ipsum … ab ordine Templi ad preces et instantiam presentum amicorum suorum, qui sunt valde nobiles et potentes” ( Untergang 2:19).Google Scholar

311 Concilia 2:384. The Templar in question was one of only three English brothers who towards the end of the trial confessed to some of the main charges, but there was little reason for him deliberately to lie on this issue.Google Scholar

312 RT 257–59, 333–35, arts. 486–88, 651–54; CR 4–8, arts. 8–12; Procès 1:204.Google Scholar

313 RT 165, 326–27, arts. 270, 636; CR 24, art. 48. For procedures in other religious orders, see Logan, , Runaway Religious (n. 120 above), 145–47.Google Scholar

314 CH 1:62–68, doc. 70 art. 10.Google Scholar

315 RT 165, 250, 251–52, 327, arts. 270, 468, 470, 472, 637; SDO 83–86, Gesetze 38; Madrid, BN, MS 8582, fol. 56r; Sterns, , “Crime and Punishment” (n. 166 above), 90–91.Google Scholar

316 See, apart from clauses in the Templar Customs, the descriptions of penances reported by brothers during the Templar trial: Procès 1:204, 553, although they sometimes differ in detail from Templar regulations; see also Cheney, , “Downfall of the Templars” (n. 217 above), 327.Google Scholar

317 Canivez, , Statuta (n. 161 above), 2:118 (1233[37]); cf. ibid., 2:247 (1262[11]). The penalties imposed in this period by non-military orders were rather more varied (Logan, , Runaway Religious, 147–53; Hofmeister, Philipp, “Die Strafen für den apostata a religione,” Studia gratiana 8 [1962]: 423–46, at 432–40). Some monastic regulations make reference to imprisonment, and several Templars questioned during their trial stated that they had been told, or feared, that they would be imprisoned if they deserted and were apprehended (Procès 1:218, 299; 2:194, 251–52), but the Templar Customs provide no confirmation. Brothers in the Teutonic order who incurred a year's penance could in exceptional cases be imprisoned, but this punishment was not limited to apostates (SDO 85–86, Gesetze 38).Google Scholar

318 Ibid., 60, Gesetze IIc; Procès 1:204.Google Scholar

319 Bullarum, diplomatum et privilegiorum editio (n. 164 above), 4:326–28. He was by no means the first to argue that returning fugitives should be shown mercy: see Leclercq, “Documents sur les ‘fugitifs”’ (n. 49 above), 93–95.Google Scholar

320 CH 3:450–55, doc. 3844 art. 12; 3:525–29, doc. 4022 art. 17; Règie de Saint Benoît, art. 29 (ed. Vogüé, and Neufville, [n. 21 above], 2:554).Google Scholar

321 CH 3:236, doc. 3405; Calendar of Patent Rolls, 1266–1272 (n. 202 above), 488, 519. Requests for the arrest of the Hospitaler Alan of Mouncens were made in 1331 and 1334, but it is not clear whether he was a fugitive throughout the intervening period (London, National Archives, C 81/1795/1, 2).Google Scholar

322 Concilia 2:383; Calendar of Close Rolls, 1307–1313 (n. 261 above), 316–17; Register of William Greenfield (n. 227 above), 4:326–27, no. 2294.Google Scholar

323 Councils and Synods (n. 236 above), 2:1369; Lincoln, , Lincolnshire Archives, Episcopal Register III, fol. 267r; on English fugitives, see Forey, , “Ex-Templars in England” (n. 235 above), 35–36. Some Aragonese Templars similarly submitted after the end of the trial: these included Bernard of Fuentes, who returned from Tunis (Forey, , Fall of the Templars [n. 228 above], 216).Google Scholar