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Early Evidence for the Cult of Anne in Twelfth-Century England
Published online by Cambridge University Press: 27 January 2016
Abstract
Despite scholarly attention on its later medieval popularity, the feast of Anne, the mother of the Virgin Mary, first appeared in the West in twelfth-century England. The earliest surviving liturgical texts for the feast were composed in the 1130s by Osbert of Clare, prior of Westminster, for Worcester Cathedral. They attest to the novelty of the celebration and the process by which a saintly identity was constructed for Anne, an apocryphal figure. To understand why Anne began to be celebrated at this time and how her liturgy was crafted, this article explores Osbert's texts in their devotional context. A lively monastic cult of the Virgin Mary in England provides an important backdrop to the emergence of the celebration of Anne. Debates about the Anglo-Saxon feast of Mary's Conception were especially influential, and a comparison between the liturgical texts for the feast of the Conception and the feast of Anne yields striking parallels. This suggests that the liturgy for Anne both drew on and supported the contentious feast of the Conception. At the same time, Anne was presented as a monastic role model, a virtuous and chaste woman with special appeal for nuns. The history and identity of Anne were therefore deeply embedded in trends of monastic devotion to Mary as Anne was shaped into a deserving mother of her illustrious offspring but also as a worthy saint in her own right.
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References
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56 “Quod de beata prius Anna conscripseram multis in legendo placuisse fidelibus, et quod per nonnullas iam solenni veneratione diffusus esset ecclesias ille tractatus.” (Ep. 13; Osbert of Clare, , Letters [n. 6 above], 80.) Google Scholar
57 “[Solennitas eius festiva singulis annis in Wigornensi recensetur ecclesia,] et quo propensiore possumus honoris indicio eius praerogativa dignitatis attolitur incremento; [duobus enim privilegiis in observando celebrior penes nos cunctis temporibus extitit; ego praelibo solennem fratribus refectionem in die prima, decanus vero praesens luce ministrat octava.]” (Ep. 12; ibid., 77.) Google Scholar
58 “In tantae festivitatis tripudio tui laboris ditescere postulamus augmento, ut in nocturnis solennibus sit nobis ad solatium quod sanctae praerogaveris ecclesiae cum historiae decantatione legendum,” to which Osbert answers: “tibique sequens opus quod petisti destinare curavi tuisque successoribus ad legendum; orationem praeterea quam rithmice ad beatam matrem Annam edidi, annectere scriptam non praetermisi historiam praetera et solennes hymnos.” (Ibid.) Google Scholar
59 Baugh, Albert C., “Osbert of Clare, the Sarum Breviary and the Middle-English Saint Anne in Rime Royal,” Speculum 7 (1932): 106–13, at 108. The same was argued by Wilmart, “Compositions” (n. 5 above), 7.Google Scholar
60 On this definition of hystoria, see Rankin, Susan, “Music” (n. 49 above), 223.Google Scholar
61 It was ultimately used as the text for the three lessons of the first nocturn of matins for Anne's feast in the Sarum Breviary. Baugh, , “Osbert of Clare,” 108. See also Pfaff, , Liturgy in Medieval England (n. 4 above), 213, who agrees that it may have been used for matins readings.Google Scholar
62 These are “O praeclara mater matris” (AH 15:186) and “O beata mater Anna” (AH 33:36).Google Scholar
63 Wilmart, , “Compositions,” 8.Google Scholar
64 This was overlooked by Pfaff, Richard ( Liturgy in Medieval England , 213–14), who nevertheless records most of the other evidence for the feast.Google Scholar
65 Caligula, A. xiv, fols. 71v–72v. It is found in both Analecta Hymnica , 34:155–56, and in Misset, E. and Weale, W. H. J., Thesaurus Hymnologicus (Bruges, 1892), 182–83. On the dating of the manuscript, see Hartzell, K. D., Catalogue of Manuscripts Written or Owned in England up to 1200 Containing Music (Woodbridge, UK, 2006), 238–43. Since both editions deviate from the Cotton Caligula text, based on later manuscripts, I have reproduced the full text in the appendix along with a chart of the melodies kindly provided by Lawrence, Frank. All subsequent references are to the line numbers assigned in this transcription. A copy of the manuscript pages, with music, is also provided in figure 1. The sequence is not found in the offices for Anne identified in liturgical manuscripts from the cathedral of St. Eusebius of Vercelli by Brusa, , “Un ufficio inedito per s. Anna a Vercelli,” 260–61.Google Scholar
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71 The office is found in Paris, BNF MS Lat. 18168, fols. 105v-110v. For discussion and lists of liturgical texts for the feast from across Europe, see Corbin, Solange, “Miracula Beatae Mariae semper Virginis,” Cahiers de civilisation médiévale 39–40 (1967): 418–29. Osbert's sermon for the feast of the Conception was written only after his texts for Anne and therefore would not have provided a model, though the two share many of the same themes.Google Scholar
72 On the connections between Cluny and St. Pancras, with particular reference to Marian liturgical texts, see Steiner, Ruth, “Marian Antiphons at Cluny and Lewes,” in Music in the Medieval English Liturgy , ed. Rankin, Susan and Hiley, David (Oxford, 1993), 175–204.Google Scholar
73 I would like to thank Thomas Waldman for very kindly sharing his as-yet unpublished paper, “Hugues d'Amiens et la Vierge Marie” (paper presented at the Autour de Lanfranc: Réformes et réformateurs dans l'Europe de l'Ouest [XIe–XIIe siècle] conference, Caen, , 29 September-2 October, 2010).Google Scholar
74 Ibid. See also Freeburn, Ryan P., Hugh of Amiens and the Twelfth-Century Renaissance (Aldershot, UK, 2011), 37.Google Scholar
75 Found in Cambridge, UL MS Ii. 4.20, fols. 197r–198r. On the manuscript, which is argued to have offices notably for saints that had a special connection to Ely, see Pfaff, , Liturgy in Medieval England (n. 4 above), 224–25.Google Scholar
76 “Quicquid enim in insigni genealogia Christi ad evangelicam respicit hystoriam, totum ex abundanti recurrit ad Annam ut ipsa sit quasi quaedam meta legis et gratiae, per quam dignitas humanae videtur in Christo refloruisse naturae.” (Wilmart, , “Compositions” [n. 5 above], 17.)Google Scholar
77 “Genitrix de styrpe David.” (AH 15:186.)Google Scholar “Salomonis patris David Vite Privilegium deus istud reservavit Ut esses de carne sua et Christus de carne tua In forma mortalium.” (AH 33:36.)Google Scholar
78 “Multi et sancti reges et egregii sacerdotes…. Sedile tuum in excelso caelorum fastigio eorum exornat assessio.” (Wilmart, , “Compositions,” 29.)Google Scholar
79 “David autem pater tuus in cythara laudes tuas psallit, et coram archa testamenti domini manibus plaudens spiritualiter saltat et ludit.” (Ibid., 31.)Google Scholar
80 Appendix, lines 5–6.Google Scholar
81 “Maria plena gratia styrpe concepta regia assistentes tue laudi miserando nos exaudi.” (BNF MS Lat. 18168, fol. 109r–v.) Google Scholar
82 Responsory: “Abrahe stirpe generosa virgo prodit gloriosa que nullius per exemplum se sacravit deo templum.” (Ibid., fol. 106r.) Sequence: “Qua sacra concipitur Maria progenie David ex gregia.” (Ibid., fol. 110r.) Google Scholar
83 “Conceptio gloriose virginis Marie ex semine Abrahe concepta de tribu Juda clara ex stirpe David.” (Ibid., fol. 197r.) Google Scholar
84 “In columnis vero summorum patriarcharum Abrahae et David soliditas principalis ostenditur, ad quos de Christo facta promissio specialiter declaratur. Ezechias et Iosias gloriosi reges et incomparabili sanctitate fulgentes, quasi preciosi lapides immensos vibrant radios: et in regiae genitricis dei domus artificio, fulgore mirabiliter preminent copioso. Salomonis aurum quod insignis Annae vestit aedificium, ita preciosos lapides circundat in opere: ut dulcis eius eloquii vernet sublimiter eximia claritate. Colores preterea diversi resplendentes in hac aula regia genitricis dei, sacra nimirum prophetarum series apparet: quae de mysterio incarnationis Christi una eademque fide diversa vaticinia preconari solet. Duodecim autem filii Iacob huius fundamenti supportant materiam, et in sublime regiam insigniter erigunt structuram. In illis Iuda et Levi potissimum preminent, ex quibus regnum et sacerdotium eiusdem gentis prodiit: eosque quasi duos parietes lapis Christus angularis in beatae matris Annae celebri formatione colligavit. Ceterum pro marmore quod aream pavimenti condecorat in aedificatione huius regalis palacii, omnium pene regum Iuda in sacra genealogia series est conputata. Quorum quidam quamvis essent in perversis operationibus coram domino reprobi: extiterunt tamen insignes praecelsa maiestate sanguinis generosi. Et haec est preclara et sublimis structurae tantae materia, ex quorum propagine deus pater gloriosae genitricis unigeniti sui singulare et novum fabricavit palacium. Quod quidem iure beatam Annam dixerim, in cuius thalamo ornaretur sancta et perpetua virgo: ut prima caelestium idonea fieret copulae nuptiarum.” (Wilmart, , “Compositions,” 16–17.)Google Scholar
85 “Tu namque es quasi superni legis palatium, Maria vero genitrix eius totius divinitatis insigne sacrarium. Te etiam licet opinari imperatoris aeterni per quod mundum ingressus est extitisse vestibulum, illam vera scimus splendidum eius in virgineae carnis integritate prefulsisse pariter et templum et thalamum. Templum quia in illo omnia quae divini iuris sunt summus pontifex dedicavit, thalamum quia in eo rex fabricator caeli et terrae requiescere voluit.” (Ibid., 31.) Google Scholar
86 “In te collocata est testamenti domini inpreciabilis archa, de domo et familia David quam edidisti felix: puerpera virgo Maria. In cuius sacratissimo corpore illa videlicet urna aurea habens manna delituit.” (Ibid.) Google Scholar
87 Appendix, lines 17–24.Google Scholar
88 If Osbert does not address any letters to Eadmer, it is likely because the latter was no longer alive in late 1127, the date of Osbert's letter to Anselm on the subject of the Conception feast. For Eadmer's biography, see Southern, Richard W., Saint Anselm and His Biographer: A Study of Monastic Life and Thought (Cambridge, 1966), 229–40.Google Scholar
89 “Patereturne, quaeso, ipsius palatii fundamentum invalidum fieri vel lutulentum, et structurae quae foret aedificandae incongruum, et non cohaerens? Non puto … hoc enim habitaculum illud sacrarium spiritus sancti esse fatemur, in quo et per quod eadem sapientia humanae naturae conjungi voluit et incorporari, et omnibus se pura mente confugientibus parcere et misereri; quod sacrarium, aula videlicet universalis propitiationis, cum operante spiritu sancto construeretur, fundamentum illius initium, primordium conceptionis beatae Mariae, quam ipsam aulam nominamus, prout intelligo, extitit.” (Eadmer of Canterbury, Tractatus [n. 34 above], 14–15.) Google Scholar
90 “Dominus possedit me initio viarum suarum antequam quidquam faceret a principio ab eterno ordita sum et ex antiques antequam terra fieret nec dum erant abyssi et ego iam concepta eram.” (BNF MS Lat. 18168, fol. 109r.) Google Scholar
91 “Felix Anna, quae in operatione redemptionis nostrae veluti radix videtur in arbore: de qua caelestis virga egressa est beatissima virgo Maria…. Ex Bethleem siquidem civitate David et radice Iesse oriunda prodiit, cuius beata soboles Maria videlicet Christum peperit.” (Wilmart, , “Compositions” [n. 5 above], 15.)Google Scholar
92 “Exultant etiam patriarche, quibus figuris premonstratum est et oraculis quod virga de radice Iesse deberet florem ligni vitae producere: cuius fructus et angelos et homines sua posset refectione saciare.” (Ibid., 29.) Google Scholar
93 “[Per te mater affluit] de qua virga floruit Tollens mundi scandalum germinans amigdalum.” (AH 33:36.)Google Scholar
94 Appendix, lines 9–12.Google Scholar
95 “Hic est dominicus ager balsamorum caelestium floribus circumseptus.” (Wilmart, , “Compositions,” 15.)Google Scholar
96 For the key role of Fulbert of Chartres in popularizing this association, particularly in his sermon for the feast of Mary's Nativity, Approbate Consuetudinis, see Fassler, Margot, “Mary's Nativity, Fulbert of Chartres and the Stirps Jesse: Liturgical Innovation circa 1000 and Its Afterlife,” Speculum 75 (2000): 405–16.Google Scholar
97 See ibid., 410–12.Google Scholar
98 “Virga Iesse de radice genus duxit inclitum oraculum prophetarum quod fuerat proditum inde virgam egressuram florem Christi parituram.” And “Egredietur virga de radice Iesse et flos de radice ejus ascendet et erit justitia cingulum lumborum ejus et fides cinctorium renum ejus.” (BNF MS Lat. 18168, fols. 106v, 109r.) Google Scholar
99 “Virga Aaron fructifera Marie typum gesserat que nobis fructum attulit nostram qui famem dispulit.” (Ibid., fol. 106r.) Google Scholar
100 Lesson 6: “Flos vel fructus illius virga sacerdotalis in tabernaculo domini incarnatione nostri salvatoris prefiguraverit.” Lesson 7: “Beatam ergo dei genitricem ac perpetuam virginem Mariam cuius annua conceptionis festa veneramur de radice Iesse concipiendam sancto repletus spiritu vates cecinit. Radix vero Iesse est familia Iudeorum. Virga quoque Maria que florere odoriferum virgineo de corpore sancto spiritu cooperante veraciter carnem factum mundo protulit dominum nostrum Ihesum Christum.” (BNF MS Lat. 18168, fol. 107r–v.) This latter text is used for lesson 6 in the Ely office (CUL Ii.4.20, fol. 197v).Google Scholar
101 “Ego ex ore altissimi prodivi primogenita ante creaturam ego quasi Libanus incisus vaporavi habitationem meam et quasi balsamum non mixtum odor meus et quasi Terebinthus extendi ramos meos et rami mei honoris et gratie.” (BNF MS Lat. 18168, fol. 109v.) Google Scholar
102 Appendix, lines 14–16.Google Scholar
103 “Hunc nobis fructum fertilis Anna non sterilis peperit, hanc benedictionis perpetuae copiam de rore caeli ministravit.” (Wilmart, “Compositions” [n. 5 above], 19.) Google Scholar
104 “Ex illa preciosa superne benedictionis terra, caelestis figulus ollam spei nostre composuit.” (Ibid., 15.) Google Scholar
105 “Et de choncha Gedeonis mystica illam meis sensibus instilla dulcedinem, quae vellus et aream infudit arentem.” (Ibid., 30.) Google Scholar
106 “[Hermon namque anathema dicitur. Sion vero speculatio interpretatur.] Quicquid enim puritatis et munditiae de reprobis regibus Iuda carnaliter succedentibus remanere potuit, totum in gloriosae et felicis Annae sancta et egregia carne stillavit. Et hic est ros anathematis, eorum videlicet generatio carnalis, qui velut in specular descendit in Annam: quia gratia Mariam nobis maris stellam parturivit, quae in solo naufragantis mundi quassatis lumen aeternae claritatis infundit.” (Ibid., 19; PL 23:822, 819.) Google Scholar
107 “Mariam maris stellam” (ibid., 30–31).Google Scholar
108 Appendix, lines 7–8.Google Scholar
109 “Verbum patris mundo fulsit virginis per uterum cuius mentem non gravavit onus premens scelerum ut super vellus pluvia hodie descendit in Maria.” (BNF MS Lat. 18168, fol. 107v.) Google Scholar
110 “Rorate celi desuper et nubes pluant justum aperiatur terra et germinet salvatorem.” (BNF MS Lat. 18168, fol. 109v.) Google Scholar
111 “Haec est illa stella maris per quam fulsit lux solaris cuius festum celebremus adiuvamen imploremus” and “O Maria clausus ortus naufragantes mundi portus placa nobis qui te fecit matrem sibi quam elegit.” (Ibid., fol. 105v.) Google Scholar
112 “Stella maris o Maria tibi presens contio, odas solvit vota fundit summo cum tripudio, ad conceptum te provexit hodiernum conditor, per quam mundo caro factum subveniret perditum, ergo pia commenda tua prece filio, Alvo tuo virginali qui sponsus ut proprio processit thalamo.” (Ibid., fol. 109r.) Google Scholar
113 “Loquantur alii de alia famae celebris et nominis Anna, quae filium suum petivit a domino: ego de hac loquar ut dignum est sublimius, et eius praedicabo dignitatem excellentius. Illa mater fuit Samuelis, ista dei genitricis. Illa prophetae, ista beatae semper virginis Mariae. Illa Nazareum domini peperit, ista matrem Nazareni qui Nazareos consecrat generavit. Anna mater prophetae nato Samuele cecinit canticum, proles felix Annae et mater salvationis nostre timphanistria concentuum facta est supernorum. Anna namque gratia dicitur, et hereditas patris nostris Iacob in eadem magnificentius insignitur.” (Wilmart, , “Compositions,” 18–19.) Osbert no doubt derived the interpretation of Anne as meaning “grace” from Jerome's, Hebrew Names (PL 23:811): “Anna, gratia ejus.” Google Scholar
114 “[Haec igitur nobis per Annam profluxit benedictio,] ut ex illa unguenti salutaris emanaret copia: cuius adhuc hodie barba Aaron adipe et pinguedine madet infusa.” (Wilmart, , “Compositions,” 20.)Google Scholar
115 “Sicca tellus aruit tamen vellus maduit Et siccato vellere locus madet areae Sic Iudea primitus est infusa celitus Aruit quae propere suo cocta scelere Sed turba gentilium sequens dei filium Madet tincta crismate et Iota baptismate Ista nobis unctio ista benedictio Per te mater affluit.” (AH 15:186.)Google Scholar
116 See nn. 86 and 109 above.Google Scholar
117 “Angelo annuntiante Ioachim cognovit ante Quod Mariam pareres.” (AH 33:36.)Google Scholar
118 The prayer opens the office of matins in the Saint-Martin liturgy and closes it in the Ely one, and also constitutes the chapter for terce in the former. It is also found in both the Leofric Missal and the Winchester Missal, both providing eleventh-century evidence for the Conception feast, on which see n. 25 above.Google Scholar
119 “O utinam o parens illustris, utinam inquam beatum Ioachim sponsum tuum in illa sanctorum videam gloria, ubi super omnes choros angelorum filia eius exaltata est perpetua virgo MARIA. Desidero namque ipsius candentis barbe coram virginis filio albedinem inspicere et quo eum dignum honore inter summos yerarchas nepos eius et dominus habeat considerare…. Igitur o Ioachim pater excelse, grandeve senex herosque venerande: fac ut antiquus dierum qui rerum finis est omnium idemque principium, fac quibus prevales meritis apud eum: ut meorum indulgentiam mihi conferat peccatorum.” (Wilmart, , “Compositions” [n. 5 above], 31–32.)Google Scholar
120 For skepticism about the apocrypha already in the Anglo-Saxon period, see Clayton, , “Aelfric” (n. 12 above), 287.Google Scholar
121 “Sed utrum ita proxime nascitura quovis oraculo aut angelo nuntiata sit, sicut dominus Christus filius ejus, aut beatus Joannes … in divina pagina non habetur, in canonica scriptura non reperitur.” (Eadmer of Canterbury, Tractatus [n. 34 above], 5.) “Nec enim ecclesia dei inconcussae auctoritatis ducit ipsam scripturam, quae ortum illius ab angelo praenuntiatum refert.” (Eadmer of Canterbury, De excellentia virginis Mariae, PL 159:560.) Google Scholar
122 Eadmer of Canterbury, Tractatus , 14–15.Google Scholar
123 Ep. 7; Osbert of Clare, Letters (n. 6 above), 66.Google Scholar
124 “Dicere tamen non audeo quod de hac sancta generatione corde concipio.” (Ep. 13; ibid., 79.) Google Scholar
125 Ibid., 80.Google Scholar
126 “Ut aliquis aemulus cynico me dente incipiat rodere et detractionibus perversis integritatem fidei meae lacerans infestare.” (Ibid., 79.)Google Scholar
127 See Lamy, , Immaculée conception (n. 8 above), 49–52.Google Scholar
128 Ep. 42; Osbert of Clare, Letters , 155–57, 175–77. On the De armatura castitatis, see Briggs, , “Life and Works” (n. 38 above), 144–49.Google Scholar
129 Ep. 42; Osbert of Clare, Letters , 160–61. Briggs (“Life and Works,” 151) notes that this distinguishes Osbert's vision of women from that of men, seeing as he advocates virginity to his female correspondents much more forcefully than he does to his male ones.Google Scholar
130 Prayer 1: “Et hoc est, o virago conspicua, quod in igne species eius quasi species electri conspicitur.” Prayer 2: “His oriunda virago excrevisti parentibus talibusque velut quedam aurora…. Cum hoc reminiscens dico preciosa virago, quod te totus mundus venerari debeat evidenter intelligo…. Omnibus inclita virago diebus et noctibus horis atque momentis me tuae defensioni protegendum committo.” (Wilmart, , “Compositions” [n. 5 above], 28, 29, 30.) Google Scholar
131 “Fac ut vitam castitatis teneam cum candidatis.” (AH 15:186.)Google Scholar
132 “Sed per continentiam fiam quasi viola Inter sacras virgines floream ut lilium.” (AH 33:36.)Google Scholar
133 “Quae conservet in me gratum celibemque famulatum. … Sed reformet signis datis ornamentum castitatis Quod a morte liberat.” (Ibid.) Google Scholar
134 “Si me nequit humilis salvare virginitas Casta licet fragilis me salvet humilitas.” (Ibid.) Google Scholar
135 “Ne desperent peccatores si convertant pravos mores Penitentes dent exemplum sintque gratum deo templum.” (AH 33:36.)Google Scholar
136 “Qui fons patens domus David peccatores multos lavit.” (AH 15:186.)Google Scholar
137 “In hoc fonte Petrus lavit quod negando iam peccavit Et res partiens Zacheus rapuitque quod Matheus Et de Magdalo Maria per exemplum vitae via Et latro pendens in cruce diluit se Christo duce.” (Ibid.) Google Scholar
138 “Et me semper illibatam sponsam sibi consecratam Homo deus habeat.” (Ibid.) Google Scholar
139 Newman, Barabara, “Flaws in the Golden Bowl: Gender and Spiritual Formation in the Tweltfth Century,” in From Virile Woman to WomanChrist: Studies in Medieval Religion and Literature (Philadelphia, 1995), 19–45, at 23; and Morton, Vera and Wogan-Browne, Jocelyn, Guidance for Women in 12th Century Convents (Woodbridge, UK, 2003).Google Scholar
140 Briggs, , “Life and Works” (n. 38 above), 14–16.Google Scholar
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142 Ep. 40, 42; Osbert of Clare, Letters , 139, 155.Google Scholar
143 “Clarissima virgo, immo generosa virago, beata Cecilia.” (Ep. 42; ibid., 155.) Google Scholar
144 “Festinandum itaque est tibi virgo sacra, virago devota, ut ad illas nuptias occurras cum corusca lampade ubi perennis diei perfruaris claritate.” (Ep. 40; ibid., 139.) Google Scholar
145 The image of weaving was already associated with Mary in the sermons of the fifth-century Proclus of Constantinople. See Constas, Nicholas, “Weaving the Body of God: Proclus of Constantinople, the Theotokos and the Loom of the Flesh,” Journal of Early Christian Studies 3 (1995): 169–94.Google Scholar
146 “Haec itaque gloriosa et felix Anna ad opus genetricis Christi purpura preciosa contexitur: ex qua divina providentia secta virgo puerpera, tanquam candida perpetuae virginitatis linea summo caelorum opifici splendidius adornatur.” (Wilmart, , “Compositions” [n. 5 above], 15.)Google Scholar
147 “Chananeus namque negotiator interpretatur. Syndonis autem huius candor niveus puritas est et munditia virginalis, quam beata mater Anna manibus suis quasi contexuit: dum genitricem dei Mariam ad diem temporalis ortus in forma humana de palatio uteri sui corporaliter eduxit. Hanc ad redemptionem generis humani deo patri vendidit, ut in illo commertio incarnatum patris verbum matris fieret precium.” (Ibid., 18.) Google Scholar
148 “In illa enim superni imperatoris aula erunt paranymphi tui angeli, cives dei, ut te ad regis introducant cubiculum, et investiant purpura et bysso coloribus intinctis, sanctorum praerogativa meritorum.” (Ep. 22; Osbert of Clare, Letters , 91.)Google Scholar
149 “Byssus et purpura indumentum eius, quia carnem suam virgo sine macula integra conservavit, eandemque sanguine suo purpuream angelorum regi et domino dedicavit.” (Ep. 42; ibid., 155.) Google Scholar
150 Morton, and Wogan-Browne, , Guidance (n. 139 above), 2, 3.Google Scholar
151 There is some evidence (Osbert of Clare, Letters, 198–200) that there was a female religious community on land bishop Wulfstan owned, at least in 1086, although its history is obscure.Google Scholar
152 Honorius's polemical Offendiculum against married priests was inspired by Anselm's De presbyteris concubinariis seu offendiculum sacerdotum, on which see Flint, V. I. J., “Place and Purpose in the Works of Honorius Augustodunensis,” Revue Bénédictine 87 (1977): 97–127; and eadem, Honorius Augustodunensis of Regensburg: Authors of the Middle Ages (Aldershot, UK, 1995), 132–33.Google Scholar
153 The Winchester manuscript is London, BL Cotton MS Vitellius E. xviii; the Christ Church benedictional (in which both Anne and the Conception feasts were copied simultaneously) is London, BL Cotton MS Tiberius B. iii; the St. Augustine's psalter is Oxford, Bodleian Ashmole MS 1525; and the Ely missal is Cambridge University Library MS Ii.4.20. For all these calendars, see Wormald, Francis, English Benedictine Kalendars after A.D. 1100 (London, 1939); as well as Pfaff, , Liturgy in Medieval England (n. 4 above), 224–25 for Ely.Google Scholar
154 Annales Prioratus de Wigornia , ed. Luard, Henry Richards, Monastici, Annales 4, RS 36 (London, 1869), 432. See Pfaff, , Liturgy in Medieval England, 214 and 210–12 for a description of the antiphoner.Google Scholar
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158 Haney, , “Immaculate Imagery,” 112–13.Google Scholar
159 See n. 153 above.Google Scholar
160 William of Malmesbury, Miraculis (n. 29 above). A new edition and translation is in preparation by Thomson, Rodney and Winterbottom, Michael, who have very kindly shown me earlier drafts.Google Scholar
161 On the historical basis of the story, see de Gaiffier, Baudouin, “A propos de Guido, évêque de Lescar et du culte de Ste Anne,” Analecta Bolandiana 88 (1970): 74.Google Scholar
162 “Si exorares me, pro amore sanctae Annae, dilectae genitricis meae, et praecordialibus votis, ipsam interventricem tibi adquireres apud unigenitum filium meum, a vinculis carceralibus solutus recederes, et libertatis corporeae gratiam citius obtineres.” (William of Malmesbury, Miraculis , 91.)Google Scholar
163 “Benedicta sit mater Anna, quae, virgo, te genuit, et benedictus venter de quo redemptio prodiit orbis terrae.” (Ibid.) Google Scholar
164 For the popularity of miracle collections in Anglo-Norman England as a way to preserve a memory of the saints, see Koopmans, Rachel, Wonderful to Relate: Miracle Stories and Miracle Collecting in High Medieval England (Philadelphia, 2011); and Yarrow, Simon, Saints and Their Communities: Miracle Stories in Twelfth-Century England (Oxford, 2006).Google Scholar
165 Reproduced by permission. © British Library Board.Google Scholar