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The Legends of St. Peter in Medieval Latin Hymns
Published online by Cambridge University Press: 29 July 2016
Extract
When in 1922 Clemens Blume published the fifty-fifth volume of the Analecta Hymnica, almost a hundred years of development in the field of Latin hymnology reached its final stage. Although the idea of collecting hymns was not an outcome of the growing interest in literature in the nineteenth century, the first extensive work in this field was not begun earlier than about the middle of that century. A study of the origins of this research and of certain aspects of the work in its earliest stages, while not to be attempted here, would be of great interest — and instructive as well; for it appears that many errors and many misconceptions of the subject go back directly to the lack of a methodical and scientific approach on the part of the earlier hymnologists.
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References
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113 In a sequence published by Bannister from a 15th-cent. Prosarium of Poissy (Seine-et-Oise), MS Egerton, B.M. 2701 (AH 40.271), we find a strophe that, in spite of the wide geographical separation, deserves comparison with the passage in question in the Ripoll MS: Ripoll MS Dat gregibus documenta sacra Atque Dei monimenta pia Aegraque corpora salvificat Functaque somata vivificat. Or have we here the simple workings of chance? Poissy MS Dulce gregi / praebet edulium Umbra morbos / curat languentium In plerisque / mortis dominium / demolitur.Google Scholar
114 According to one of these additions, St. Clement's father was bewitched by Simon Magus and disenchanted by St. Peter (see Greven, J., Die Exempla aus den Sermones feriales et communes des Jakob von Vitry [Sammlung mittellateinischer Texte 9; Heidelberg 1914] 45). St. Clement's family story embraces many episodes and is recorded also in the Golden Legend (cf. Graesse 777-782). An allusion to this story appears in a rhymed ‘Gaude’-prayer from a 16th-cent. MS of Liège (AH 29.102): Gaude, Clemens, praesul Christi, Qui per Petrum invenisti Parentes mirifice. Google Scholar
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118 The same motif is repeated in several other hymns together with the alliteration. E. g. ‘Nero fremens furibundus’ (AH 40.272) and variations, ‘Nero fremit iracundus / et pro mago furibundus’ (ibid. 10.289).Google Scholar
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126 Reprinted in many collections. I quote only: AH 2.55; Mone (cit. supra n. 44), III 88; Walpole (cit. supra n. 24) 94-97. Walpole states that the word ‘volens’ used of St. Peter in this hymn (‘sed volens mortem subegit asperam’ line 19f.) refers to the ‘Quo vadis’ legend (cf. ibid. 92-93 and n. on line 19). I have some doubts in this respect; but, in any case, the single word can not be regarded as a legendary motif of full value. Thus, this passage can be eliminated as an echo of legends in early hymns.Google Scholar
127 AH 2.54; Walpole 395-397. For the later history of the hymn, see Paris, P., ‘Hymne,’ in Bricout, J. (ed.), Dictionnaire pratique des connaissances religieuses 3 (Paris 1926) 836–838.Google Scholar
128 Bede's comment on Acts 8.13 (‘Tum Simon et ipse credidit’) goes beyond the Biblical data and refers to certain ‘historiae’ concerning Simon Magus (Expositio Actuum Apostolorum … ed. Laistner, W.M.L. [Cambridge, Mass. 1939] 36 f., esp. 37.1-2). Non-Biblical allusions to Simon Magus are also contained in a letter quoted by Bede as Ceolfrid's (Hist. eccl. 5.21: 1.343 Plummer; cf. 2.335, 354) but believed by Plummer (2.332) to be Bede's own. — Cf. in general also Grant Loomis, C., ‘The Miracle Traditions of the Venerable Bede,’ Speculum 21 (1946) 404–418.Google Scholar
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130 Relevant data were collected from the surviving poems of the Carolingian period. St. Peter is mentioned, e.g., in MGH, P(oetae) L(atini) A(evi) C(arolini) I (ed. Dümmler, E.; 1881): pp. 5, 60, 113, 116, 127, 136, 199, 230, 247, 307, 311, 315, 330, 334, 335, 338, 341, 476, 479, 523, 535, 562, 571, and in a few other pages not registered in the Index: 90, 98 128 (cf. AH 27.228) 136 (cf. AH 2.53), 140, 210, 245, 258, etc. (but no trace anywhere of the legends dealt with above); II (also ed. Dümmler; 1884): pp. 5, 35, 78, 85, 126, 151, 161, 170, 192, 205, 207, 211, 217, 221, 224, 226, 227, 229, 231, 233, 249, 251, 255, 393, 408, 426, 427, 447, 481, 509, 511, 513, 515, 518, 520, 522, 523, 533, 540, 581, 585, 586, 588, 590, 591, 596, 655, 679, 680, 686, etc. The texts vary widely in character but little appears that is in the nature of a hymn; this is true also of the further volumes of PLAC: III (ed. Traube, L.; 1886-1896): pp. 84, 87, 134, 170, 174, 175, 187, 192, 203, 207, 210, 222, 237, 253, 263, 379, 411, 458, 474, 475, 502, 556, 569, 570, 592, 634, 636, 639, 652, 661, 731, 740, 741; IV. 1 (ed. von Winterfeld, P.; 1899); IV.2, 3 (ed. Strecker, K.; 1914-1923): pp. 18, 42, 71, 136, 154, 199, 207, 240, 331, 332, 337, 398, 413, 418, 481, 490, 502, 503, 533, 564, 565, 575, 720, 767, 777, 969, 1014, 1049, 1050, etc. Among the few hymns published in PLAC, we may note: Paulinus Aquileiensis, ‘O Petre, petra ecclesiae,’ and ‘Felix per omnes’ (both I 136); Hrabanus Maurus, ‘Sanctorum pariter’ (II 250).Google Scholar
131 In PLAC I-IV no more than two poems deal with the Simon Magus legend; neither is a hymn and the allusion in each case is brief: Sedulius Scottus, ‘De virtutitus petri Apostoli’ (lines 24, 29f.: III 188); Johannes Diaconus, ‘Versiculi de Cena Cypriani’ (epilogus, strophe 5, line 4: IV 2.900 [quoted infra, n. 159]). We may regard the ‘Versiculi’ as a precursor of a type of poem often recorded later, in the time of the church reform movement after the eleventh century; cf. also PLAC I 258, lines 41-46.Google Scholar
132 Traube, L., ‘O Roma nobilis,’ Abhandl. der Königl. bayer. Akad. der Wiss. 1. Cl. 19.2 (1891) 299–309, re-editing the text (p. 300), also found AH 51.219f. and elsewhere. For an example of the now general acceptance in principle of Traube's dating (yet see the following note), see Manitius, M., Geschichte der lat. Literatur des Mittelalters I (München 1911) 635f. On various aspects of the hymn see the recent article of M. Peebles, B. (‘O Roma nobilis,’ American Benedictine Review 1 [1950] 67-92), whose assistance in connection with this poem and in many other ways I here gladly acknowledge.Google Scholar
133 The original dating (Niebuhr's) in the last years of the Roman empire was approved by Manitius in his earlier work, Geschichte der christlich-lateinischen Poesie bis zur Mitte des 8. Jahrhunderts (Stuttgart 1891) 378. Blume's mature opinion (cf. AH 51.219 for the earlier) was that the poem comes from the end of the eleventh or the beginning of the twelfth century (Ein Jahrtausend lateinischer Hymnendichtung [Leipzig 1909] II 347; cf. Raby, Christian-Latin Poetry 2 234 n. 2).Google Scholar
134 Cf. AH 49.130 (no. 294) and 11.192 (no. 353).Google Scholar
135 AH 7.187.Google Scholar
136 AH 19.208; the legendary tradition of St. Mark's activity in Aquileia is reflected in the earliest examples of Carolingian court poetry, e.g. ‘Carmen de Aquilegia’ (PLAC II 151), and a hymn attributed to Paulinus II (PLAC I 140 = AH 50.143); cf. supra, p. 283. Yet these records of conversion, baptism and the like attributed to St. Peter are read in other poems but never in hymns. Cf. the ‘Martyrologium’ by Wandalbertus Prumiensis, lines 271-274 (PLAC II 585).Google Scholar
137 Ibid. 27.145f.Google Scholar
138 Ibid. 7.102.Google Scholar
139 Ibid. 22.43; 14a.103.Google Scholar
140 Ibid. 53.300f. Only a few of the earliest examples of the kind have been given here. A complete list would not, however, yield a more exact impression.Google Scholar
141 This period is always referred to as a period of change with little explanation. Thus Julian declares: ‘The greatest change, however, which took place at this period in Church Song had relation to the Blessed Virgin… A similar change and revolution took place in and after the 14th century in the Western Church with the hymnody which related to the Apostles, Saints, Martyrs, Confessors, and Virgins… Several [sequences] are of St. Peter and the other Apostles singly, most of which are narratives of their lives and martyrdom… Several are of Peter and Paul jointly, two or three of which are in our early English books’ (Dictionary [cit. supra n. 11] 650f.).Google Scholar
142 St. Petronilla is mentioned without details of her legend in some texts of the Carolingian period, PLAC II 207, 218, 586. Alcuin refers to her as ‘Petronilla patris praeclari filia’ (PLAC I 341), and Wandalbertus inserted her name in his ‘Martyrologium,’ lines 304, 566 (PLAC 586, 594).Google Scholar
143 AH 39.249f., composed very likely in the twelfth century.Google Scholar
144 Ibid. 10.289-290; 34.261.Google Scholar
145 The reference is vague: ‘Petrus, virtute sancta / vincens Simoniaca monstra, / triumphat in gloria’ (strophe 4a).Google Scholar
146 Manitius, Bildung (cit. supra n. 84) 29.Google Scholar
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148 Cf. Fliche, A., La chrétienté médiévale (Histoire du Monde 7; Paris 1929) 188ff. Raby characterizes the period as follows: ‘The tenth century had seen the life of the Church at a low ebb… The sense of danger produced a strong movement towards reform from within the Church. It was a movement whose driving force was the monastic ideal of the separation of the Church from the world as understood by the monks of Cluny’ (op. cit. 250).Google Scholar
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151 Cf. Dobiache, O.-Rojdestvensky, Les poésies des Goliards (Paris 1931) 74, 76, 78, 82, 86, 92, 97, 100, 111, etc.Google Scholar
152 Luke 22.35-38.Google Scholar
153 On the MS, see V. Zingerle, I. in Sitzungsb. Wien 54 (1866) 293–340; for the poem ‘De duobus gladiis,’ p. 309 (on ‘B1. 15a’).Google Scholar
154 It is interesting to compare a passage from Petrus Pictor: Sic Magus in Petrum transit vice pontificali, inque Magum Petrus migrat vice simonali… (quoted by Raby, Secular Latin Poetry II 27).Google Scholar
155 AH 33.284; 15.270, strophes 12-13.Google Scholar
156 Ibid. 15.262f.: ‘Hymnus confundens Gregorium, alias Errorium, olim papam.’ This, of course, comes from the imperial, anti-reform camp.Google Scholar
157 AH 40.270 (cit. supra, n. 145).Google Scholar
158 Cf. Raby, Christian-Latin Poetry 2 250-252.Google Scholar
159 It is characteristic that a Carolingian poem recording the Simon Magus story deals also with problems of Church reform. We read in the poem by Johannes Diaconus (cf. supra n. 131):Google Scholar
(‘Versiculi de Cena Cypriani,’ epilogus, strophe 2, lines 1-4; strophe 3, line 1; strophe 5, lines 3-4: PLAC IV 899f.). One should advert to the fact that there is no exact indication of whether the poet refers to the legend of Simon Magus or only to the scene described in the Acts (cit. supra n. 100). Cf. also PLAC I 258 (lines 41-46). — We may suppose that the tradition of quoting Simon Magus and his legend as prototype of abuses in the Church and especially of ‘simony’ is older than the Church reform movement of Cluny. Even if it is so, the final amalgamation of the two ideas is completed only after the spread of the reform. A parallel case is that of the ‘Goliardic’ poetry, whose authors had forerunners as early as the ninth century according to Jarcho B. I., ‘Die Vorläufer des Golias,’ Speculum 3 (1928) 577.
160 A survey of the relationship of thirty-one St. Peter-sequences written between the 11th and the 16th cent. will be published in a separate study. Most of the sequences referred to above belong to the group dealt with in this forthcoming work.Google Scholar
161 von der Leyen, Fr., Das deutsche Märchen (Leipzig 1917) 29; Das Märchen (Wissenschaft und Bildung 96; Leipzig 1925) 110ff., 157.Google Scholar
162 B. Taylor, A., An Introduction to Medieval Romance (London 1930) 214.Google Scholar
163 Zuidweg, J.J.A., De Duizend en Een Nacht der Heiligenlegenden (Amsterdam 1948) 183.Google Scholar
164 Taylor, , Introduction 210.Google Scholar
165 The best Latin edition is that of Graesse (cit. supra n. 40); its French translation: Th. Wyzewa, de, La Légende dorée (2nd ed. Paris 1930).Google Scholar
166 Hug, W., ‘Quellengeschichtliche Studie zur Petrus- und Paulus-Legende der Legenda Aurea’ Historisches Jahrbuch 49 (1929) 604–624.Google Scholar
167 Cf. Rosenfeld, op. cit. (supra n. 32) 473.Google Scholar
168 According to Zuidweg, op. cit. 182, this legend must be regarded as one of the most phantastic stories in the Golden Legend. In addition to the Golden Legend, we find a number of prose and metrical (or rhythmical) narratives dealing with the Simon Magus legend hardly less extensively than does Jacobus: e.g. Harster, G., Novem vitae sanctorum metricae… (Lipsiae 1887) 1–14 (a double ‘Passio’ and a series of ‘Epigrammata’ found in two 11th-ccnt. Munich MSS).Google Scholar
169 Graesse, , Legenda Aurea 369.Google Scholar
170 Ibid. 370.Google Scholar
171 Ibid. 370-371.Google Scholar
172 ‘Ejus martirium Marcellus, Linus papa, Hegesippus et Leo papa scripserunt’ (ibid. 369); cf. also 371, 372, 373 (‘ut refert Leo’).Google Scholar
173 Ibid. 374f.Google Scholar
174 Ibid. Google Scholar
175 . Ibid. 376f.Google Scholar
176 AH 3.109, strophe 9.Google Scholar
177 Graesse, , Legenda Aurea 369f. — A group of aetiological stories is attached to St. Peter's tears: see Dähnhardt, O., Natursagen (Leipzig 1909) II 199; S. Rappoport, A., Medieval Legends of Christ (London 1934) 187.Google Scholar
178 Graesse 343.Google Scholar
179 Ibid. 70-78. In St. Peter's place, the Holy Ghost is mentioned.Google Scholar
180 Ibid. 457.Google Scholar
181 Blume's opinion is thus expressed: ‘Leider mussten auch jetzt noch alle Dichtungen, für die er als Autor in Betracht kommen kann, mit einem die Unsicherheit verratenden «Ascribitur» versehen werden’ (AH 55.vii). On Adam and the sequences ascribed to him, see Raby, , Christian-Latin Poetry 2 345-375. The most recent edition of Adam's sequences with German translations: Fr. Wellner, Adam von St. Victor: Sämtliche Sequenzen (Wien 1937).Google Scholar
182 AH 54.xv (of a list of 45 sequences comprising all that in any way can be thought of as having been composed by Adam): ‘welche derselben wirklich von ihm stammen, das zu ermitteln bleibt noch immer eine schwierige, aus inneren Kriterien allein wohl nie lösbare Aufgabe der Hymnologie.’Google Scholar
183 AH 55.318.Google Scholar
184 For the manuscripts preserving ‘Gaude Roma,’ see AH 55.314f.; two or three of them might be from the 12th cent., unlike those recording ‘Roma Petro glorietur’ (cf. ibid. 322). As regards ‘Tu es Petrus,’ see supra. Google Scholar
185 Cf. Wrangham, D. S., The Liturgical Poetry of Adam of St. Victor (London 1881) II 250: ‘Here Adam leaves the Scripture history and follows the Golden Legend, “De Sancto Petro Apostolo,” which, according to Gautier, is filled with marvels too fabulous to be reproduced.’Google Scholar
186 AH 53.335f.; from Benevento. The development of the regular St. Peter sequences and their forerunners are discussed in my forthcoming survey (cf. supra n. 160).Google Scholar
187 The Simon Magus episode is reduced in extent to a minimum in one of these sequences for the Feast of St. Peter's Chains, and it is very difficult to determine if it is derived from the legend or (as is more likely) from the scene in the Acts: Discipulo gratiae Sub obtentu veniae Offertur spes copiae Temporalis… (AH 10.289).Google Scholar
188 ‘Alma virtus’ (AH 8.205), ‘Sion laude debita’ (39.250), ‘Corde puro’ (55.319), ‘Senatores caelestis’ (40.267), ‘Sanctorum devotio’ (10.288), ‘Summa summi’ (8.204), ‘Senatores summi regis’ (40.274), etc. (see supra n. 160).Google Scholar
189 Included: AH 3.49f. (on St. Peter alone); supplying only negative evidence: ibid. 48f. (on Sts. Peter and Paul).Google Scholar
190 Ibid. 3.179f.Google Scholar
191 St. Etto (Etho) hymns: AH 45a.56; 52.172. St. Firminus: 13.144. St. Fulgentius: 43.147. St. Servatius: 4.233. St. Ursula: 10.321. St. Willibald: 23.296.Google Scholar
192 St. Geminianus sequence: AH 37.173 (No. 196, strophe 6a).Google Scholar
193 St. Etto hymn: AH 52.172. On the motif: Saintyves, En marge (cit. supra n. 63) 27-33 et passim. Google Scholar
194 Cf. Saintyves, En marge 219-281; Delehaye, H., Cinq leçons sur la méthode hagiographique (Subsidia Hagiographica 21; Brussels 1934) 138; also (too recent to be considered here) Moretus Plantin, H., Les passions de saint Lucien et leurs dérivés céphalophoriques (Namur-Louvain-Paris 1954).Google Scholar
195 Cf. AH 11.209: Fert caput abscissum stadiis tribus haec ad asylum Petri vel Pauli, quo libat illud ibi. See Saintyves, , En marge 263, 270, 275, 525; Günter, Christliche Legende (cit. supra n. 45) 155.Google Scholar
196 Cf. AH 28.159: Quam post almam Ad vitae palmam Transtulit cum laetitia Capite secto Corpore erecto Ad Petri aedificia. Cf. Saintyves, En marge 250, 278, 526; Günter, Christliche Legende 155.Google Scholar
197 St. Benedict hymns: AH 40.152; 50.273; 19.88. St. Maurus: 12.190; 37.230; 9.226.Google Scholar
198 St. Francis of Assisi: AH 40.189; 10.175; 26.44. St. Jerome: 33.92.Google Scholar
199 Cf. Lietzmann, Petrus and Paulus 2 (cit. supra n. 47) 136; MacCulloch, J. A., Medieval Faith and Fable (London 1932) 89.Google Scholar
200 AH 40.283; 28.36.Google Scholar
201 Ibid. 29.148. Graesse, Legenda Aurea 196-197.Google Scholar
202 St. Pancratius hymn: AH 8.197, strophes 6a-6b.Google Scholar
203 St. Clement hymns: ibid. 27.145-146; 14a.128. Cf. Graesse, Legenda Aurea 784f.Google Scholar
204 St. Necterius: AH 12.200 (No. 367, strophe 2).Google Scholar
205 E.g. ‘Ad te cunctipotens’ (AH 7.205f.), ‘Alleluja festivum’ (34.258f.), ‘Alleluja nostra’ (9.240f.), ‘Almiflua turba’ (37.238), ‘Laudes Christo’ (34.260), ‘Pollet alma’ (9.241), ‘Pretiosa solemnitas’ (53.332), ‘Principis ecclesiarum’ (53.335f.), ‘Psallat vox’ (44.241f.), etc.Google Scholar
206 ‘O princeps apostolorum’ by Eusebius Bruno (d. 1081) (AH 48.82-83); ‘Apostolorum principem’ (23.259-260). Besides these, the St. Peter hymns in early Irish hymnody: ‘Audite fratres,’ ‘Sanctus Petrus,’ and ‘Sancte Petre’ (51.347-9, 349, 349f.). Cf. Kenney, J. F., The Sources for the Early History of Ireland I (New York 1929) 267 (No. 94), 670 (No. 524), 725 (No. 579 [xi]), 728 (No. 587).Google Scholar
207 A few examples: ‘Angelico fretus’ (AH 49.143), ‘Angelus excuteret’ (ibid. 146), ‘Petro ad ostium pulsanti’ (ibid. 10), the Prosula ‘Apostolorum princeps’ (47.291), etc.Google Scholar
208 On the popularity of the Golden Legend, see F. Seybolt, R., ‘Fifteenth Century Editions of the Legenda Aurea,’ Speculum 21 (1946) 327–338, and ‘The Legenda Aurea, Bible and Historia Scholastica,’ ibid. 339-344.Google Scholar
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