Published online by Cambridge University Press: 29 July 2016
In recent years renewed interest has been shown in the history of the military orders in the Iberian peninsula, and a considerable number of studies have been published both in Spain and elsewhere. Yet most of the works that are concerned with the medieval period treat of a single order, and little attempt has been made to provide general surveys. Obviously much detailed research still needs to be undertaken before definitive conclusions can be formulated, and the nature of the evidence makes the discussion of some topics more difficult than that of others. The surviving sources supply more direct information about rights and privileges than about the orders' role in the struggle against Islam. But, as the function of the military orders was to fight against the infidel, their contribution to the reconquista is a subject that merits investigation, despite the limitations of the evidence.
1 The historiography of the military orders in the peninsula has recently been surveyed by D. W. Lomax, 'La historiografía de las órdenes militares en la península ibérica, 1100–1550,’ Hidalguía 23 (1975) 711–24 and Las órdenes militares en la península ibérica durante la edad media (Salamanca 1976). Google Scholar
2 Rassow, P., 'La cofradía de Belchite,’ Anuario de historia del derecho español 3 (1926) 200–26, which includes the text of the 1136 document; A. Ubieto Arteta, 'La creación de la cofradía militar de Belchite,’ Estudios de edad media de la Corona de Aragón 5 (1952) 427–34. The head of the confraternity was the lord of Belchite, Lope Sánchez.Google Scholar
3 d'Albon, G. A. M. J. A., Cartulaire général de l'ordre du Temple, 1119?-1150 (Paris 1913) 3–4 doc. 6; J. M. Lacarra, 'Documentos para el estudio de la reconquista y repoblación del Valle del Ebro,’ Estudios de edad media de la Corona de Aragón 3 (1947–48) 549–50 doc. 151.Google Scholar
4 Colección de documentos inéditos del Archivo General de la Corona de Aragón, ed. de Bofarull, P. Mascaró, y (Barcelona 1847–1910; henceforth Col. doc. inéd.) IV 9–12 doc. 2; S. A. García Larragueta, El gran priorado de Navarra de la orden de San Juan de Jerusalén (Pamplona 1957) II 15–18 doc. 10.Google Scholar
5 Villanueva, J., Viage literario a las iglesias de España (Madrid 1803–52) XV 378; G. G. Meerseman, 'Etudes sur les anciennes confréries dominicaines,’ Archivum Fratrum Pre-dicatorum 23 (1953) 281.Google Scholar
6 Albon, , Cartulaire 7, 25 docs. 10, 33; R. de Azevedo, Documentos medievais portugueses (Lisbon 1940–62) I 101 doc. 79.Google Scholar
7 Albon, , Cartulaire 36–37 doc. 47.Google Scholar
8 For differing interpretations of Alfonso's will, see E. Lourie, 'The Will of Alfonso I, “El Batallador,” King of Aragon and Navarre: A Reassessment,’ Speculum 50 (1975) 635–51 and A. J. Forey, 'The Will of Alfonso I of Aragon and Navarre,’ Durham University Journal 73 (1980) 59–65.Google Scholar
9 Prutz, H., Die geistlichen Ritterorden (Berlin 1908) 29.Google Scholar
10 Forey, A. J., The Templars in the Corona de Aragón (Oxford 1973) 16.Google Scholar
11 Albon, , Cartulaire 55 doc. 72; Col. doc. inéd. IV 32–33 doc. 11; Forey, Templars 16–17.Google Scholar
12 Albon, , Cartulaire 204–5 doc. 314; Col. doc. inéd. IV 93–99 doc. 43.Google Scholar
13 Vita Sancti Martini Sauriensis, in Portugaliae monumenta historica: Scriptores (Lisbon 1856–61) I 62.Google Scholar
14 Albon, , Cartulaire 275 doc. 439; Azevedo, Documentos I 272–73 doc. 221; Monumenta Henricina (Coimbra 1960–74) I 3–4 doc. 2; cf. C. Erdmann, 'Der Kreuzzugsgedanke in Portugal,’ Historische Zeitschrift 141 (1929) 38–42, where it is argued that the Templars did not fight in Portugal until 1143.Google Scholar
15 O'Callaghan, J. F., 'The Affiliation of the Order of Calatrava with the Order of Citeaux,’ Analecta sacri ordinis Cisterciensis 15 (1959) 180 and note.Google Scholar
16 Larragueta, Larragueta, Gran priorado I 35–36.Google Scholar
17 Col. doc. inéd. IV 70–75, 78–81 docs. 32, 36; J. Delaville Le Roulx, Cartulaire général de l'ordre des Hospitaliers de Saint-Jean de Jérusalem (Paris 1894–1906) I 111–12 doc. 136.Google Scholar
18 Albon, , Cartulaire 339–40 doc. 553; Lacarra, ‘Documentos’ 624–25 doc. 249.Google Scholar
19 Le Roulx, Delaville, Cartulaire I 141–43 doc. 181.Google Scholar
20 I have discussed the militarisation of the Hospital more fully in a forthcoming article to be published in Studia monastica. Google Scholar
21 Leclercq, J., 'La vie et la prière des chevaliers de Santiago d'après leur règle primitive,’ Liturgica 2 (1958) 352; E. Gallego Blanco, The Rule of the Spanish Military Order of St. James, 1170–1493 (Leiden 1971) 78.Google Scholar
22 O'Callaghan, , ‘Affiliation’ 178–83; D. W. Lomax, La orden de Santiago (1170–1275) (Madrid 1965) 5; J. L. Martín, Orígenes de la orden militar de Santiago (1170–1195) (Barcelona 1974) 11–17; A. J. Forey, 'The Order of Mountjoy,’ Speculum 46 (1971) 250–52.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
23 O'Callaghan, J. F., 'The Foundation of the Order of Alcántara,’ 1176–1218, Catholic Historical Review 47 (1962) 471–79; D. W. Lomax, 'Las milicias cistercienses en el reino de León,’ Hispania 23 (1963) 29–31; A. L. Javierre Mur, La orden de Calatrava en Portugal (Madrid 1952) 12–15; M. de Oliveira, 'A milícia de Evora e a ordem de Calatrava,’ Lusitania sacra 1 (1956) 51–64; R. de Azevedo, 'Primordios da ordem militar de Evora,’ Boletim cultural da junta distrital de Evora 8 (1967) 43–55; M. Cocheril, 'Les ordres militaires cisterciens au Portugal,’ Bulletin des études portugaises 28–29 (1967–68) 41–54.Google Scholar
24 The Aragonese king Pedro II gave Alfama as the headquarters of San Jorge in 1201: J. M. Font Rius, Cartas de población y franquicia de Cataluña (Barcelona 1969 —) I 293–95 doc. 214; on Santa María, see J. Torres Fontes, 'La orden de Santa María de España,’ Miscelanea medieval murciana 3 (1977) 73–118. The thirteenth-century order of Mercy has often been regarded as a military order, but it was established for the ransoming of captives, and claims that it engaged in military activities cannot apparently be traced back further than the sixteenth century: J. W. Brodman, 'The Origins of the Mercedarian Order: A Reassessment,’ Studia monastica 19 (1977) 354. It has also been argued that the Teutonic order fought in Spain in the thirteenth century: J. Ferreiro Alemparte, 'Asentamiento y extinción de la orden teutónica en España. La encomienda de Santa María de Castellanos de la Mota de Toro (1222–1556),’ Boletín de la Real Academia de la Historia 168 (1971) 250; J. González, Reinado y diplomas de Fernando III (Córboda 1980 —) I 196; yet although it received grants of property in reconquered places, such as Sevilla, no specific reference to fighting appears to have survived. Google Scholar
25 Dufourcq, C. E., 'Un projet castillan du xiii e siècle: La “croisade d'Afrique”, Revue d'histoire et de civilisation du Maghreb 1 (1966) 40–47.Google Scholar
26 Fontes, Fontes, ‘Orden de Sta. María’ 96–97 docs. 1, 2.Google Scholar
27 Ibid. 88; Cortes de los antiguos reinos de León y de Castilla (Madrid 1861–1903) I 94.Google Scholar
28 The order of Sta. María did not, however, restrict its activities to maritime enterprises, for in 1279 Alfonso X gave it the castle of Medina Sidonia, ‘en que tengan el conuento mayor que esa orden ha de tener en esta frontera del regno de Seuilla': Torres Fontes, 'Orden de Sta. María’ 110–13 doc. 10; J. Menéndez Pidal, 'Noticias acerca de la orden militar de Santa María de España,’ Revista de archivos, bibliotecas y museos 17 (1907) 177–79 doc. 4. Google Scholar
29 Riley-Smith, J., The Knights of St. John in Jerusalem and Cyprus, 1050–1310 (London 1967) 330.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
30 Le Roulx, Delaville, Cartulaire I 141–43 doc. 181.Google Scholar
31 Forey, , Templars 326.Google Scholar
32 Bullarium ordinis militiae de Calatrava, edd. I. J. de Ortega y Cotes, J. F. Alvarez de Baquedano, and P. de Ortega Zúñiga y Aranda (Madrid 1761) 450–51; Delaville Le Roulx, Cartulaire II 433–34 doc. 2014.Google Scholar
33 Col. doc. inéd. IV 208–11 doc. 77; cf. Forey, Templars 26–28; J. M. Font Rius, 'La comarca de Tortosa a raíz de la reconquista cristiana (1148),’ Cuadernos de historia de España 19 (1953) 106–8.Google Scholar
34 Forey, , ‘Mountjoy’ 252–59; Bullarium de Calatrava 13–14.Google Scholar
35 Cartulario de la encomienda de Aliaga, ed. Esteban Mateo, L. (Zaragoza 1979) 14, 32, 36–38 docs. 2, 19, 23; Delaville Le Roulx, Cartulaire II 16–17, 54–55 docs. 1162, 1228; Forey, Templars 26–29; A. Ubieto Arteta, 'La creación de la frontera entre Aragón-Valencia y el espíritu fronterizo,’ Homenaje a Don José María Lacarra de Miguel (Zaragoza 1977) II 95–107.Google Scholar
36 Forey, , Templars 27, 29, 31, 34–35; R. I. Burns, The Crusader Kingdom of Valencia (Cambridge, Mass. 1967) I 183–96.Google Scholar
37 Ibid. I 177–79; Documentos de Jaime I de Aragón, edd. A. Huici Miranda and M. D. Cabanes Pecourt (Valencia 1976 —) II 175, 189 docs. 387, 399; R. Sáinz de la Maza Lasoli, La orden de Santiago en la Corona de Aragón: La encomienda de Montalbán (1210–1327) (Zaragoza 1980) 260–62 docs. 27, 29.Google Scholar
38 Azevedo, , Documentos I 344–45 doc. 271; Monumenta Henricina I 10–12, 44–45 docs. 4, 24.Google Scholar
39 Le Roulx, Delaville, Cartulaire I 610–11 doc. 963; Documentos de D. Sancho I (1174–1211), edd. R. de Azevedo, P. Avelino de Jesus da Costa, and M. Rodrigues Pereira (Coimbra 1979 —) I 112–13 doc. 73.Google Scholar
40 Dailliez, L., 'Essai historique sur l'ordre souverain de Saint-Jean de Jérusalem, de Rhodes et de Malte au Portugal, xii e–xv e s.,’ Arquivos do Centro cultural portuguěs I ( 1969) 33.Google Scholar
41 Gutiérrez de Arroyo, G., Privilegios reales de la orden de Santiago en la edad media (Madrid s.a.) 151, 156–57 nos. 300, 313, 317; A. L. Javierre Mur, 'Documentos para el estudio de la orden de Santiago en Portugal en la edad media,’ Bracara augusta 16–17 ( 1964) 412–13. On the geographical distribution of the orders in Portugal, see Lomax, Orden de Santiago 49; M. Cocheril, 'Essai sur l'origine des ordres militaires dans la péninsule ibérique,’ Collectanea ordinis Cisterciensis reformatorum 21 (1959) 324; A. H. de Oliveira Marques, History of Portugal (New York 1972) I 82.Google Scholar
42 González, González, Regesta de Fernando II (Madrid 1943) 376; idem, El reino de Castilla en la época de Alfonso VIII (Madrid 1960) II 321–24 docs. 194–95.Google Scholar
43 Guerrero Ventas, P., El gran priorato de San Juan en el Campo de la Mancha (Toledo 1969) 332–33 doc. 4; González, Alfonso VIII II 709–11 doc. 409. Alfonso VIII had, however, also given the Hospital several villages near the frontier in 1162. The Templars had received some strongholds in León in the 1160s, but most of these were soon lost to the Muslims: C. Estepa, 'Las encomiendas del Temple en Tierra de Campos,’ Archivos leoneses 52 (1972) 49 and 'La disolución de la orden del Temple en Castilla y León,’ Cuadernos de historia 6 (1975) 141–43.Google Scholar
44 Martín, , Orígenes 220–21, 225–26 docs. 47, 52; González, Alfonso VIII II 275–77, 284–86 docs. 162, 168.Google Scholar
45 Ibid. I 568–80.Google Scholar
46 Ibid. III 139–41 doc. 641. These were, however, lost to the Muslims very shortly afterwards.Google Scholar
47 Estepa, , 'Disolución' 150–51; Delaville Le Roulx, Cartulaire II 586–87 doc. 2269.Google Scholar
48 Rodríguez Molina, J., 'Las órdenes militares de Calatrava y Santiago en el Alto Guadalquivir (siglos xiii-xv ),’ Cuadernos de estudios medievales 2 (1974) 59–81; M. A. Ladero Quesada, 'La orden de Santiago en Andalucía. Bienes, rentas y vassallos a finales del siglo xv,’ Historia, instituciones, documentos 2 (1975) 332–33; E. Solano Ruiz, 'El señorío de la orden de Calatrava en Andalucía al termino de la edad media,’ Cuadernos de historia 7 (1977) 99–100; H. Mota Arévalo, 'La orden de Santiago en tierras de Extremadura,’ Revista de estudios extremeños 18 (1962) 26–30; D. W. Lomax, 'Las órdenes militares en León durante la edad media,’ León medieval — doce estudios (León 1978) 90.Google Scholar
49 Espejel, , for example, was described as a castellum heremum when it was given to Santiago by Alfonso VIII in 1185: González, Alfonso VIII II 749–50 doc. 435.Google Scholar
50 Le Roulx, Delaville, Cartulaire I 62–68 doc. 70; Les registres de Nicolas IV, ed. Langlois, E. (Paris 1886–93) 614 docs. 4204–6.Google Scholar
51 Finke, H., Papsttum und Untergang des Templerordens (Münster 1907) II 70–73 doc. 48.Google Scholar
52 On the amounts sent by the Aragonese Templars, see Forey, Templars 323–24. Google Scholar
53 Gutton, F., L'ordre de Santiago (Paris 1972) 138–56; E. Benito Ruano, 'La orden de Santiago en Francia,’ Hispania 37 (1977) 5–56, especially 29.Google Scholar
54 Lomax, , Orden de Santiago 204–5; Forey, Templars 319–20.Google Scholar
55 Lomax, , Orden de Santiago 206.Google Scholar
56 Lists of the order's Aragonese properties were made when these were surrendered to the Templars at the end of the century: Madrid, Archivo Histórico Nacional, Ordenes militares, Calatrava, signatura 1341-C 135–36. Google Scholar
57 Le Roulx, Delaville, Cartulaire I 141–43 doc. 181.Google Scholar
58 González, , Alfonso VIII III 139–41 doc. 641; cf. J. González, Alfonso IX (Madrid 1944) II 463–64 doc. 354.Google Scholar
59 González, , Alfonso VIII III 164–66 doc. 658.Google Scholar
60 Ibid. III 246–47, 341–47 docs. 704, 769. Alfonso also bequeathed rents to the other military orders.Google Scholar
61 González, González, Repoblación de Castilla la Nueva (Madrid 1975) II 31, 198.Google Scholar
62 Bullarium equestris ordinis S. Iacobi de Spatha, edd. A. F. Aguado de Córdoba, A. A. Alemán y Rosales, and J. López Agurleta (Madrid 1719) 98–99, 103–4, 140, 181; Les registres de Grégoire IX, ed. Auvray, L. (Paris 1890–1955) I 1178 doc. 2195.Google Scholar
63 Le Roulx, Delaville, Cartulaire II 76–77, 691–93 docs. 1272, 2528; Documentos de Sigena, ed. Ubieto Arteta, A. (Valencia 1972—) I 82–84 doc. 46; Lomax, Orden de Santiago 80–83.Google Scholar
64 Fontes, Fontes, ‘Orden de Sta. Maria’ 94–95; Menéndez Pidal, ‘Noticias’ 169–70.Google Scholar
65 Delaville Le Roulx, J., 'L'ordre de Montjoye,’ Revue de l'orient latin 1 (1893) 54 doc. 2; R. Hiestand, Papsturkunden für Templer und Johanniter (Abh. Akad. Göttingen, Dritte Folge 77; Göttingen 1972) 319–21 doc. 126.Google Scholar
66 Bullarium S. Iacobi 140.Google Scholar
67 Ibid. 178.Google Scholar
68 In 1307 the Aragonese Templars told Jaime II that 'nos tots som vostres naturals': Finke, Papsttum II 70–73 doc. 48. Google Scholar
69 There is some evidence to suggest a decline in recruiting in the Temple at the turn of the fourteenth century: Forey, Templars 278. Google Scholar
70 Some fortifications were, of course, little more than watchtowers or places of refuge. Google Scholar
71 Col. doc. inéd. IV 208–11 doc. 77.Google Scholar
72 Forey, , Templars 92–93.Google Scholar
73 No commander of Gandesa is known before 1280.Google Scholar
74 Forey, , Templars 93–94.Google Scholar
76 Ibid. 94.Google Scholar
76 Ibid. 94–95.Google Scholar
77 References to commanders of Libros occur between 1212 and 1234.Google Scholar
78 Forey, , Templars 278.Google Scholar
79 Six brothers of Alfambra were arrested, and eight belonging to the convent of Gastel-lote: Barcelona, Archivo de la Corona de Aragón (henceforth cited as AG A), Cancillería real, registro 291 fols. 134,159 v, 164 v, 165 v. By 1308 these castles were, of course, no longer on the frontier.Google Scholar
80 Albon, , Cartulaire 308, 312 docs. 499, 505.Google Scholar
81 Mansilla, D., La documentación pontificia de Honorio III (1216–1227) (Rome 1965) 251 doc. 339. Innocent IV similarly offered indulgences in 1250 to those who fought with Santiago in resisting the Muslims: Bullarium S. Iacobi 181–82.Google Scholar
82 Kehr, P., Papsturkunden in Spanien. I. Katalonien (Abh. Gesell. Göttingen, Neue Folge 18; Göttingen 1926) 363–64 doc. 80.Google Scholar
83 The Moors of Chivert were in 1234 placed under the obligation of defending Chivert if it was attacked by either Christians or Muslims: M. Ferrandis, 'Rendición del castillo de Chivert a los Templarios,’ Homenaje a D. Francisco Codera (Zaragoza 1904) 31. Google Scholar
84 Lands were often given ad populandum: e.g., Delaville Le Roulx, Cartulaire II 54–55 doc. 1228. Google Scholar
86 Rius, Rius, Cartas de población I 365–67 doc. 256.Google Scholar
86 Forey, , Templars 212.Google Scholar
87 Ibid. Google Scholar
88 On the situation in northern Catalonia, see J. M. Font Rius, 'Franquicias locales en la comarca del alto Bergadá,’ Pirineos 10 (1954) 459–88 and 'Franquicias urbanas medievales de la Cataluña Vieja,’ Boletín de la Real Academia de Buenas Letras de Barcelona 29 (1962), 17–46.Google Scholar
80 González, González, Repartimiento de Sevilla (Madrid 1951) II 101, 107, 125; J. Torres Fontes, Repartimiento de Murcia (Madrid 1960) 123, 130, 154–55, 168; cf. Lomax, Orden de Santiago 127.Google Scholar
90 Forey, , Templars 221.Google Scholar
91 González, , Alfonso VIII III 697–98 doc. 983.Google Scholar
92 Rius, Rius, Cartas de población I 367–69, 383–84 docs. 257, 265.Google Scholar
93 Ibid. I 400–2 doc. 276. On similar action on Templar estates, see Forey, Templars 211.Google Scholar
94 Ibid. 215–17; Font Rius, ‘Comarca de Tortosa’ 108–11.Google Scholar
95 González, , Alfonso VIII II 331–32 doc. 200; III 139–41 doc. 641; Delaville Le Roulx, Cartulaire II 125–27 doc. 1357; Forey, Templars 31.Google Scholar
96 González, , Alfonso VIII III 734–6 doc. 1008; Mansilla, Documentación de Honorio III 27–28 doc. 32; Javierre Mur, Calatrava en Portugal 19.Google Scholar
97 De rebus Hispaniae (henceforth De reb. Hisp.) 7.35 in Roderici Toletani antistitis opera (repr. Valencia 1968) 174.Google Scholar
98 Crónica latina de los reyes de Castilla, ed. Cabanes Pecourt, M. D. (Valencia 1964) 40–41; see also Anales toledanos I in España sagrada, edd. H. Flórez et al. (Madrid 1747–1879) XXIII 395; Ibn Abi Zar', Rawd al-Qirtas, trans. Huici Miranda, A. (Valencia 1964) 460–61, where it is claimed that the siege lasted eight months; al-Himyari, Kitab ar-Rawd al-Mi'tar, trans. Maestro González, P. (Valencia 1963) 223–25, 277, where the siege is said to have lasted fifty-one days; Abd el-Wah'id Merrakechi, Histoire des Almohades, trans. Fagnan, E. (Algiers 1893) 278; Lucas de Túy, Chronicon mundi, ed. Schott, A., Hispaniae illustratae (Frankfurt 1603–8) IV 110. The figure of 400 knightly defenders provided by the Anonymous of Copenhagen should not, however, be taken as an informed guide to the strength of the garrison: C. Sánchez-Albornoz, La España musulmana (Madrid 1974) II 358.Google Scholar
99 Crónica latina 31; Abd el-Wah'id, Histoire des Almohades 246; Ibn al-Athir, Annales du Maghreb et de l'Espagne, trans. Fagnan, E. (Algiers 1898) 611–12; al-Makkari, History of the Mohammedan Dynasties in Spain, trans. de Gayangos, P. (London 1840–3) II 322; al-Himyari, Kitab ar-Rawd al-Mi'tar 329; González, Alfonso VIII I 969.Google Scholar
100 Lévi-Provençal, Lévi-Provençal, 'Un recueil de lettres officielles almohades,’ Hespéris 28 (1941) 66–67 doc. 35; al-Himyari, Kitab ar-Rawd al-Mi'tar 39; Ibn Khaldoun, Histoire des Berbères, trans. de Slane, W. M. (Paris 1925–56) II 214.Google Scholar
101 Bullarium de Calatrava 40–41; O'Callaghan, ‘Affiliation’ 180.Google Scholar
102 González, , Alfonso VIII I 1060; III 566–72 doc. 897.Google Scholar
103 The wording of Ramón Berenguer IV's charter to the Templars in 1143 suggests that at the outset the Christian rulers were also concerned to involve the international orders in the reconquista as a means of ensuring that manpower was not lost through the dispatch of Spanish members of these orders to the Holy Land: Forey, Templars 22. Google Scholar
104 Le Roulx, Delaville, Cartulaire II 54–55 doc. 1228; Cartulario de Aliaga 36–38 doc. 23.Google Scholar
105 Jiménez de Rada, Rodrigo, De reb. Hisp. 7.14 in Opera 158–59.Google Scholar
106 Le Roulx, Delaville, ‘Montjoye’ 55–57 doc. 4.Google Scholar
107 Kehr, , Papsturkunden. Katalanien 560 doc. 254.Google Scholar
108 González, , Alfonso IX II 453–55 doc. 346; D. W. Lomax, 'The Order of Santiago and the Kings of León,’ Hispania 18 (1958) 21–23.Google Scholar
109 Finke, , Papsttum II 212–16 doc. 113.Google Scholar
110 Ibid. II 89–90 doc. 60.Google Scholar
111 de la Maza Lasoil, Sáinz, Santiago en Aragón 238–39 doc. 4. Guerrero Ventas, Gran priorato de San Juan 57–58 similarly suggests that Consuegra was given to the Hospitallers in order to check the growing power of the Spanish orders in the region. Minor orders, such as Mountjoy or San Jorge, would also be easy to control, but this might not be true of Santiago and Calatrava which had interests in various parts of the peninsula.Google Scholar
112 Lomax, , Orden de Santiago 29.Google Scholar
113 Lomax, D. W., 'Las milicias cistercienses en el reino de León,’ Hispania 23 (1963) 32.Google Scholar
114 Martín, , Orígenes 230–31 doc. 56; cf. Martín, 'La monarquía portuguesa y la orden de Santiago ( 1170–1195),’ Anuario de estudios medievales 8 (1972–3) 464.Google Scholar
115 Lomax, , Orden de Santiago 30; González, Alfonso VIII II 614–23, 701–8 docs. 362, 407. It has been argued by Lomax, ‘Santiago and the Kings of Leon’ 12–13 that the Portuguese king Afonso Henriques did not favour Santiago after 1179 because the order in that year gave its support to Fernando II and fought against the Portuguese at the battle of Argañal. But the only evidence for support of Leon is provided by a grant made by Fernando to Santiago in return for a horse 'de quo ductus ad campale bellum, per Dei misericordiam, regem Sancium [sic] Portugalensem devici iusta Civitatem Roderici'; there is no reference to participation by members of Santiago: Martín, Orígenes 282–83 doc. 100.Google Scholar
116 González, , Alfonso IX II 453–55, 478–79 docs. 346, 365.Google Scholar
117 O'Callaghan, , ‘Foundation of Alcántara’ 479–81.Google Scholar
118 The international character of an order did not, of course, guarantee its neutrality, as is apparent from the use made of the Templars and Hospitallers in wars between Christians towards the end of the thirteenth century. Google Scholar
119 Martín, , Orígenes 309–10 doc. 124.Google Scholar
120 González, , Alfonso IX II 336–38 doc. 248.Google Scholar
121 Lomax, , ‘Milicias cistercienses’ 35.Google Scholar
122 González, , Alfonso IX II 463–64 doc. 354.Google Scholar
123 Martín, , Orígenes 223–24 doc. 50.Google Scholar
124 Mur, Mur, Calatrava en Portugal 49–52 doc. 3.Google Scholar
125 González, , Alfonso VIII II 479–80 doc. 291; Martín, Orígenes 266–67 doc. 87.Google Scholar
126 Documentos de Jaime I I 312 doc 181.Google Scholar
127 Lévi-Provençal, , ‘Recueil de lettres’ 52–53 doc. 25 bis; Anales toledanos II in España sagrada XXIII 408; Forey, Templars 373–74 doc. 8. The wording of fueros issued by the military orders also points to independent action: in those issued by the Templars for the commandery of Cantavieja in southern Aragon during the thirteenth century the obligation of cabalgada was limited to once a year with the Templar provincial master and twice with the commander of Cantavieja. The latter obligation would seem to refer to localised raiding: Forey, Templars 203.Google Scholar
128 Chronicle of James I, King of Aragon caps. 185, 311, trans. Forster, J. (London 1883) 291, 424–25; cf. Bullarium de Calatrava 86.Google Scholar
129 González, , Alfonso VIII II 305–7 doc. 183.Google Scholar
130 Gazulla, F. D., 'La orden del Santo Redentor,’ Boletín de la Sociedad Castellonense de Cultura 9 (1928) 375; Delaville Le Roulx, Cartulaire II 16–17 doc. 1162; Cartulario de Aliaga 32 doc. 19; cf. González, Alfonso VIII II 915–17 doc. 534; III 83–85 doc. 610. Not all promises of territory still in Muslim hands, however, should be regarded as encouragements to independent action. The assigning of places still under Moorish rule was a very common practice in the twelfth and thirteenth centuries and was in some instances a way of rewarding an individual or institution at no immediate expense. The wording of charters often shows that the recipient was not himself expected to conquer the place in question: when Alfonso II of Aragon promised the Valencian castles of Chivert and Oropesa to the Temple in 1169 he stated that the grant was to take effect 'quandocumque ego vel successores mei predicta castra de manu sarracenorum per nos vel per nostros homines vel quolibet alio modo habere potuerimus,’ and the same king's gift of Montornés in 1181 to the same order was to be effective 'quandocumque dominus deus illud castrum in manus Christianorum pervenire concesserit': Col. doc. inéd. VIII 45–47 doc. 13; ACA, Gran Priorato de Cataluña, Cartulario de Gardeny fol. 89 r-v. By their timing these grants would seem to be related to Alfonso's own expeditions in the Teruel region rather than to any future Templar activity in Valencia.Google Scholar
131 González, , Alfonso VIII II 714–15 doc. 412.Google Scholar
132 See, for example, the agreement made between the Hospitallers and Bohemund III of Antioch in 1168: Delaville Le Roulx, Cartulaire I 266–68 doc. 391.Google Scholar
133 González, , Alfonso IX II 453–55, 693–95, 717–18 docs. 346, 597, 620; Torres Fontes, ‘Orden de Sta. María’ 110–13 doc. 10; Gazulla, ‘Orden del Santo Redentor’ 370–71, 375; R. Serra Ruiz, 'La orden de San Juan de Jerusalén en el reino de Murcia (siglo xiii ),’ Anuario de historia del derecho español 38 (1968) 574–77 doc. 5; cf. H. Grassotti, 'El deber y el derecho de hacer guerra y paz en León y Castilla,’ in her Estudios medievales españoles (Madrid 1981) 43–132, especially 71–72.Google Scholar
134 Kehr, P., Papsturkunden in Spanien. II. Navarra und Aragon (Abh. Gesell. Göttingen, Neue Folge 22; Göttingen 1928) 554–57 docs. 200–1; Delaville Le Roulx, Cartulaire II 340–41 doc. 1819; Mansilla, Documentación de Honorio III 421–22 doc. 569.Google Scholar
135 Bullarium de Calatrava 683–85.Google Scholar
136 Mansilla, D., La documentación pontificia hasta Inocencio III (965-1216) (Rome 1955) 351, 366–67 docs. 321, 342.Google Scholar
137 Mansilla, , Documentación de Honorio III 251 doc. 340.Google Scholar
138 Bullarium de Calatrava 683–85.Google Scholar
139 Le Roulx, Delaville, Cartulaire II 31–40 doc. 1193; La règle du Temple, ed. de Curzon, H. (Paris 1886) 112–13 caps. 141, 143.Google Scholar
140 Bullarium S. Iacobi 181–82.Google Scholar
141 Lomax, D. W., 'Algunos estatutos primitivos de la orden de Calatrava,’ Hispania 21 (1961) 490 draws attention in this context to mercenarii mentioned in some early statutes of Calatrava; but the nature of their employment is uncertain.Google Scholar
142 Documentos de Jaime I II 43–44 doc. 277.Google Scholar
143 González, , Alfonso VIII III 566–72 doc. 897.Google Scholar
144 Recueil des historiens des Gaules et de la France, edd. M. Bouquet et al. (Paris 1738–1904) XIX 250–54.Google Scholar
145 8.3 in Opera 177–78. Google Scholar
146 Ibn Abi Zar', Rawd al-Qirtas 462; Lomax, Orden de Santiago 10. Google Scholar
147 Primera crónica general de España caps. 1081–1123, ed. Menéndez Pidal, R. (Madrid 1955) II 750–67; Lucas de Túy, Crónica de España caps. 97–100, ed. Puyol, J. (Madrid 1926) 433–43; D. W. Lomax, 'A Lost Medieval Biography: The Coránica del Maestre Pelayo Pérez,’ Bulletin of Hispanic Studies 38 (1961) 153–54.Google Scholar
148 De reb. Hisp. 8.11 in Opera 187.Google Scholar
149 Albon, , Cartulaire 204–5 doc. 314; Col. doc. inéd. IV 93–99 doc. 43; González, Alfonso VIII II 331–32 doc. 200.Google Scholar
150 Azevedo, , Documentos I 384–85 doc. 295; Col. doc. inéd. IV 243–45 doc. 94; Delaville Le Roulx, Cartulaire I 190–91 doc. 251.Google Scholar
151 González, , Alfonso VIII II 755–57 doc. 439; repeated in 1189: ibid. II 917–19 doc. 535.Google Scholar
152 Forey, , Templars 33; A. L. Javierre Mur, Privilegios reales de la orden de Montesa en la edad media (Madrid s.a.) 124 no. 35.Google Scholar
153 Col. doc. inéd. XI 37–39.Google Scholar
154 Ibid. XI 38; with the increase of Templar property on the island the figure was raised to seven, but then reduced to six: ACA, reg. 15 fol. 108.Google Scholar
155 ACA, reg. 307 fol. 96 r—v.Google Scholar
156 ACA, reg. 70 fol. 101%Google Scholar
157 ACA, reg. 307 fol. 96. The contributions of the Spanish orders were, of course, relatively more important in the centre of the peninsula; see, for example, the size of the rewards promised to the various orders by Fernando III during the siege of Sevilla: González, Repartimiento de Sevilla II 297–98. Google Scholar
158 González Antón, L., Las uniones aragonesas y las cortes del reino (1283–1301) (Zaragoza 1975) II 307, 316–18 docs. 137, 151–52. It could be objected that the comparison is unjust, because the summonses to the military orders would refer to brethren of the orders only, and these would be the equivalent merely of the household knights of secular lords: yet although most of the summonses refer just to equites or equi armati, in several the king uses the phrases ‘fratrum vestrorum et aliorum equitum comitiva’ and 'fratrum vestrorum et equitum comitiva': ACA, reg. 307 fols. 107, 128 v.Google Scholar
159 ACA, reg. 307 fols. 96 r-v, 107, 120, 128 v, 131 v.Google Scholar
160 Vincke, J., Documenta selecta mutuas civitatis Arago-Cathalaunicae et ecclesiae relationes illustrantia (Barcelona 1936) 302–3, 381–82 docs. 419, 516.Google Scholar
161 Finke, H., Acta aragonensia (Berlin 1908–22) III 193–97 doc. 90.Google Scholar
162 Vincke, , Documenta 302–3 doc. 419.Google Scholar
163 Benito Ruano, E., 'Balduino II de Constantinopla y la orden de Santiago,’ Hispania 12 (1952) 30–34.Google Scholar
164 Chronicle of James I cap. 480 (trans. Forster 598–99); F. Carreras y Candi, 'La creuada a Terra Santa (1269–1270),’ Congreso de historia de la Corona de Aragón (Barcelona 1909–13) I 121, 126, 131–32, 134.Google Scholar
165 Chronicle of James I cap. 255 (trans. Forster 369).Google Scholar
166 Caps. 1081, 1117 (ed. Menéndez Pidal II 750–51, 765). Google Scholar
167 Forey, , Templars 32.Google Scholar
168 Chronicle of James I cap. 95 (trans. Forster 183).Google Scholar
169 de Morales, A., Opúsculos castellanos (Madrid 1793) II 25–26.Google Scholar
170 Crónica de Alfonso X cap. 74, ed. Rosell, C. (Biblioteca de autores españoles 66; Madrid 1953) 58.Google Scholar
171 Chronica collecta a Magno presbytero in MGH SS 17.507; Annales de Burton in Annales monastici, ed. Luard, H. R. (Rolls Series 36; London 1864–69) I 260–61; Cronica fratris Salimbene de Adam in MGH SS 32.177. The patriarch claimed that only thirty-six Templars and twenty-five Hospitallers escaped.Google Scholar
172 Prawer, J., The Latin Kingdom of Jerusalem (London 1972) 261.Google Scholar
173 See, for example, Kohler, C., 'Deux projets de croisade en Terre-Sainte, composés à la fin du xiii e siècle et au début du xiv e,’ Revue de l'orient latin 10 (1903–4) 442.Google Scholar
174 Crónica de Alfonso X cap. 74 (ed. Rosell 58).Google Scholar
175 In the later thirteenth century the Templar grand master Guillaume de Beaujeu was opposed by young Templar knights, 'gueram appetentes,’ who did not understand his friendly attitude towards the Mameluk sultan: J. Michelet, Procès des Templiers (Paris 1841–51) I 44–45. Google Scholar
176 Chronicle of James I caps. 98, 199 (trans. Forster 187–88, 305–6).Google Scholar
177 Finke, , Acta aragonensia III 122–24 doc. 54; A. Giménez Soler, 'Caballeros españoles en Africa y africanos en España,’ Revue hispanique 12 (1905) 365–69.Google Scholar
178 Crónica latina 86–87.Google Scholar
179 Le Roulx, Delaville, Cartulaire IV 103–5 doc. 4680; G. Lizerand, Le dossier de l'affaire des Templiers (Paris 1964) 2–14.Google Scholar
180 Martín, , Orígenes 272–73 doc. 92; Hiestand, Papsturkunden 425–26.Google Scholar
181 Jiménez de Rada, Rodrigo, De reb. Hisp. 8.5 in Opera 179.Google Scholar
182 Ibid. 8.9 in Opera 184–85.Google Scholar
183 Chronicle of James I cap. 60 (trans. Forster 122).Google Scholar
184 Ibid. cap. 424 (trans. Forster 546–47).Google Scholar
185 That the criticisms were exaggerated has been argued by M. L. Bulst-Thiele, Sacrae domus mililiae Templi Hierosolymitani magistri: Untersuchungen zur Geschichte des Templerordens 1118/19–1314 (Göttingen 1974).Google Scholar
186 Bullarium de Calatrava 683–85.Google Scholar
187 O'Callaghan, J. F., 'Hermandades between the Military Orders of Calatrava and Santiago during the Castilian Reconquest, 1158–1252,’ Speculum 44 (1969) 617–18.Google Scholar
188 Bullarium de Calatrava 685–86.Google Scholar
189 Jiménez de Rada, Rodrigo, De reb. Hisp. 8.9 in Opera 184.Google Scholar
190 Huici Miranda, A., Las grandes batallas de la reconquista durante las invasiones africanas (Madrid 1956) 213; Crónica latina 40.Google Scholar
191 Chronicle of James I caps. 153–57 (trans. Forster 253–59). The siege was over when the townsmen of Zaragoza arrived.Google Scholar
192 Ibid. caps. 255–60 (trans. Forster 369–74).Google Scholar
193 Palomeque Torres, A., 'Contribución al estudio del ejército en los estados de la reconquista,’ Anuario de historia del derecho español 15 (1944) 218, 234–37, 280–81, 285–86, 303–4; C. Pescador, 'La caballería popular en León y Castilla,’ Cuadernos de historia de España 35–36 (1962) 127, 130, 135–36.Google Scholar
194 The importance of booty is apparent from the arrangements for the division of spoils included in numerous fueros: see, for example, Pescador, ‘Caballería popular’ 172–89. Google Scholar
195 Chronicle of James I cap. 166 (trans. Forster 269–70); Crónica latina 107.Google Scholar
196 Chronicle of James I cap. 179 (trans. Forster 283–84).Google Scholar
197 Crónica latina 86–87; Chronicle of James I cap. 295 (trans. Forster 408).Google Scholar
198 Finke, , Papsttum II 70–73 doc. 48.Google Scholar
199 Le Roulx, Delaville, Cartulaire II 686 doc. 2517; H. Prutz, Entwicklung und Untergang des Tempelherrenordens (Berlin 1888) 283 doc. 7. S. A. García Larragueta, 'La orden de San Juan en la crisis del imperio hispánico del siglo xii,’ Hispania 12 (1952) 483–524 argues that even before the middle of the thirteenth century the Hospitallers had participated little in the reconquista; but his argument relies heavily on the absence of evidence, and his interpretation of some documents is to be questioned.Google Scholar
200 ACA, reg. 70 fol. 93. Google Scholar
201 Ibid. fol. 106. Already at the beginning of January Alfonso had reminded the Templars that they had been given property on the understanding that they would always be ready to fight, and he had threatened to seize enough Templar lands to be able to make good any deficiency: Forey, Templars 403 doc. 31.Google Scholar
202 ACA, reg. 307 fol. 96 v.Google Scholar
203 Finke, , Acta aragonensia I 146–47 doc. 99.Google Scholar
204 ACA, reg. 307 fol. 97. Google Scholar
205 Ibid. fol. 107; ACA, Cartas reales diplomáticas, Templarios no. 383.Google Scholar
206 Jean XXII (1316–1334): Lettres communes, ed. Mollat, G. (Paris 1904–47) III 359–60 docs. 14214–15.Google Scholar
207 ACA, reg. 307 fols. 96 v-97; Cartas reales diplomáticas. Templarios no. 84 (partially transcribed by Finke, Acta aragonensia I 146–47 doc. 99).Google Scholar
208 ACA, Cartas reales diplomáticas, Templarios no. 383. In October the master was complaining to the king again about costs: ACA, reg. 307 fol. 131 v.Google Scholar
209 ACA, pergaminos de Pedro III no. 26; E. Benito Ruano, 'Deudas y pagos del maestre de Santiago Don Pelay Pérez Correa,’ Hispania 22 (1962) 36–37 doc. 6. Google Scholar
210 Forey, , Templars 120–26, 324.Google Scholar
211 Ibid. 57–62; M. L. Ledesma Rubio, La encomienda de Zaragoza de la orden de San Juan de Jerusalén en los siglos XII y XIII (Zaragoza 1967) 110; A. Ubieto Arteta, 'La documentación eclesial aragonesa de los siglos xi al xiii, dentro del contexto socio-económico de la época,’ Aragón en la edad media 2 (1979) 23–71.Google Scholar
212 Finke, , Acta aragonensia I 157–58 doc. 108; V. Salavert y Roca, Cerdeña y la expansión mediterránea de la Corona de Aragón, 1297–1314 (Madrid 1956) II 102 doc. 72. After the dissolution of the Temple further attempts were made by the Aragonese kings to reduce or cancel altogether the responsion which the Hospitallers sent to the East: A. T. Luttrell, 'The Aragonese Crown and the Knights Hospitallers of Rhodes: 1291–1350,’ English Historical Review 76 (1961) 10.Google Scholar
213 Registres de Boniface VIII, edd. G. Digard et al. (Paris 1884–1939) II 542–43 doc. 3334.Google Scholar
214 Crónica de Alfonso X cap. 76 (ed. Rosell 61–62), 'Documentos de la época de D. Alfonso el Sabio,’ Memorial histórico español 2 (1851) 83–87 docs. 212–13; Gallego Blanco, Rule of St. James 22–24.Google Scholar
215 Forey, , Templars 133–37; González Antón, Uniones aragonesas I 377.Google Scholar
216 ACA, Cartas reales diplomáticas, Templarios no. 383; Finke, Acta aragonensia I 146–47 doc. 99. Google Scholar
217 Bullarium de Calatrava 38–39.Google Scholar
University of Durham