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Published online by Cambridge University Press: 30 October 2018
This is a study of an apocalyptic Latin letter (incipit “Ad flagellum humani generis”), surviving in manuscripts from the mid-thirteenth to fourteenth centuries, that describes an apparent aggressive invasion of an ascetic army in the distant East, led by a figure claiming to be Christ and bearing a new volume of scripture. This article offers the first comprehensive study of the letter's manuscript tradition and presents a new critical edition of the text. It argues that this letter was composed in the crusader Kingdom of Jerusalem sometime in the years 1235–36 as a response to intelligence brought by eastern Christian envoys (quite possibly from Georgia or Greater Armenia) concerning the second wave of Mongol invasions in Transcaucasia. These envoys had spent some time in the presence of a Mongol army, possibly that of the general Chormaghan, receiving an edict that probably demanded their submission and stated the Mongols’ divine right to universal domination. This edict, accompanied by other information, was ultimately translated into Latin for the benefit of the authorities of the Kingdom of Jerusalem. These authorities interpreted both the edict and the oral and/or written intelligence that the eastern Christian envoys delivered within the intellectual framework of Latin Christianity. This particular interpretation was then written into a letter that was sent to Western Europe, where it circulated probably quite widely for around a century. Crusade theorists’ need for intelligence about the Middle and Far East, together with the vogue of apocalyptic prophecy in the later Middle Ages, encouraged the continued copying of the text.
I am indebted to Mr. Allan Bicket and Dr. Zachary Chitwood for their remarks on earlier versions of this article, and to the anonymous reviewer and member of the Editorial Board of Traditio for their comments on the article and critical text respectively.
1 Warner, George F. and Gilson, Julius P., Catalogue of Western Manuscripts in the Old Royal and King's Collections (London, 1921), 2:27–28Google Scholar.
2 Since no proper noun is applied to the invaders at any point in the text, the identification of them as Mongols needs to be proven. Justifications for this identification are explored in the two central sections of this article, “Provenance: Intelligence, Diplomacy, Texts,” and “1235–36: An Otherwise Unattested Mongol Edict in Transcaucasia?,” both below.
3 de la Roncière, Charles Bourel and Dorez, Léon, “Lettres inédites et mémoires de Marino Sanudo l'ancien (1334–1337),” Bibliothèque de l’École des chartes 56 (1895): 21–44CrossRefGoogle Scholar. This is not the place for a comprehensive account of Sanudo's oeuvre, but some reference to his correspondence is necessary. His letters are not printed together in any one place: for this particular group of letters, see de la Roncière and Dorez, “Lettres inédites”; others are edited in Bongars, Jacques, Gesta Dei per Francos, sive Orientalium expeditionum historia 1095–1420 (Hanover, 1611), 2:289–316Google Scholar; Kunstmann, Friedrich, “Studien über Marino Sanudo den älteren mit einem Anhange seiner ungedruckten Briefe,” Abhandlungen der Historischen Klasse der Königlich Bayerischen Akademie der Wissenschaften, vol. 7 (Munich, 1855), 753–819Google Scholar; and Cerlini, Aldo, “Nuove lettere di Marino Sanudo il vecchio,” La Bibliofilia 42 (1940): 321–58Google Scholar. The letters have been translated by Sherman Roddy, “The Correspondence of Marino Sanudo Torsello” (PhD diss., University of Pennsylvania, 1971). A full study of all Sanudo's correspondence with a revised text and translation remains a major desideratum. See further n. 100 below.
4 See the section “Reception (2): Prophecy” below.
5 See chiefly n. 78 below.
6 Davidsohn, Robert, “Ein Briefkodex des dreizehnten und ein Urkundenbuch des fünfzehnten Jahrhunderts,” Quellen und Forschungen aus italienischen Archiven und Bibliotheken 19 (1927): 373–88Google Scholar, at 383–84; on the MS, see Giovanni Lazzi and Maura Rolih Scarlino, with a preface by Mosiici, Luciano and dal Poggetto, Maria Grazia Ciardi Duprè, I manoscritti Landau Finaly della Biblioteca Nazionale Centrale di Firenze: Catalogo (Milan, 1994), 1:55–61Google Scholar.
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8 “Quas litteras dominus patriarcha Ierosolimitanus scripsit domino pape. Epistola qua literas [sic] dominus patriarcha Ierosolimitanus scripsit domino pape” (fol. 67vb).
9 On this MS, see Pellegrin, Elisabeth, La Bibliothèque des Visconti et des Sforza Ducs de Milan, au XVe siècle (Paris, 1955), 154Google Scholar (no. 366).
10 Richard, Jean, “Une lettre concernant l'invasion mongole?,” Bibliothèque de l’École des chartes 119 (1961): 243–45CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
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14 James, Montague Rhodes, A Descriptive Catalogue of the Manuscripts in the Library of Gonville and Caius College (Cambridge, 1907), 1:186–88Google Scholar. Citation of MS G and the inclusion of it in the critical text are by kind permission of the Master and Fellows of Gonville and Caius College, Cambridge, who also generously supplied the relevant photographs.
15 See the section “Reception (1): Crusade Theory” below.
16 These paragraphs rely on Hathaway, Ernest John et al. , eds., Fouke le Fitz Waryn: Anglo-Norman Text Society Nos. XXVI–XXVIII (for 1968–70) (Oxford, 1975), xxxvii–liiGoogle Scholar; cf. also n. 1 above.
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19 On MS B: Wolfgang Kehr, ed., Kataloge der Universitätsbibliothek Freiburg im Breisgau, Band 1, Teil 4, ed. Hagenmaier, W., Die deutschen mittelalterlichen Handschriften der Universitätsbibliothek und die mittelalterlichen Handschriften anderer öffentlicher Sammlungen (Wiesbaden, 1988), 415–17Google Scholar. A microfilm image was kindly supplied by the Hill Museum and Manuscript Library, Saint John's Abbey and University, Collegeville, MN.
20 Lerner, Robert E., “Refreshment of the Saints: The Time after Antichrist as a Station for Earthly Progress in Medieval Thought,” Traditio 32 (1976): 97–144CrossRefGoogle Scholar, at 140.
21 See the section “1235–36: An Otherwise Unattested Mongol Edict in Transcaucasia?” below.
22 Cf. nn. 106–7 below.
23 Cf. n. 44 below.
24 Richard, “Une lettre”; “cf. also n. 11 above.” For the “Last Emperor,” see inter alia Alexander, P. J., “The Medieval Legend of the Last Roman Emperor and Its Messianic Origin,” Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld Institutes 41 (1978): 1–15CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
25 Claverie, “L'apparition des Mongols” (n. 12 above), 604.
26 Aigle, Denise, The Mongol Empire between Myth and Reality: Studies in Anthropological History (Leiden, 2015), 50–51Google Scholar.
27 See nn. 50–52 below.
28 The term “Tartarus,” first attested in the writings of Quilichinus of Spoleto, 1236, was a Latinization of the demonym “Tatar,” commonly found in Arabic historiography and still used today, among other places in the Republic of Tatarstan, Russian Federation. It later took on new, overwhelmingly negative meaning as it came to be fused with “Tartarus,” the term for the Roman underworld. Neither “Tatar” nor “Tartar,” nor any associated term, appears in the letter “Ad flagellum.” See Jackson, Peter, The Mongols and the West, 1221–1410 (Harlow, 2005)Google Scholar, at 59 and 139.
29 Hautala, Roman, “Latin Sources’ Information about the Mongols Related to Their Re-Conquest of Transcaucasia,” Golden Horde Review 3 (2015): 6–21Google Scholar, at 9–10.
30 Cf. nn. 13–14 above.
31 Jackson, “The Testimony of the Russian ‘Archbishop’ Peter” (n. 13 above), 67–68.
32 The Christian Church of the East is usually (inaccurately) referred to as the “Nestorian” Church by western scholars. These Christians have historically referred to themselves as the Christian Church of the East, and, more recently, the Assyrian Church of the East. I am grateful to Dr. Zachary Chitwood for drawing this to my attention. On this point, see Brock, Sebastian P., “The ‘Nestorian’ Church: A Lamentable Misnomer,” Bulletin of the John Rylands Library 78 (1996): 23–35CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
33 See nn. 6 (MS F) and 19 (MS B) above and 78 (Innocent IV's mission) and 106–7 (distorted information) below.
34 The full implications of this are considered in the section “Reception (1): Crusade Theory” below.
35 Osipian, Alexandr, “Armenian Involvement in the Latin-Mongol Crusade: Uses of the Magi and Prester John in Constable Smbat's Letter and Hayton of Corycus’ ‘Flos historiarum terre orientis,’ 1248–1307,” Medieval Encounters 20 (2014): 66–100CrossRefGoogle Scholar. See crucially Dashdondog, Bayarsaikhan, The Mongols and the Armenians (Leiden, 2011)Google Scholar.
36 On this terminology, cf. n. 28 above. In this case, the term does apply to the people elsewhere in this article called Mongols, but the term “Tatar” cannot be assumed to have this same meaning in every Arabic source.
37 ʿIzz al-Dīn ibn al-Athīr, al-Kāmil fī’ l-taʾrīkh, s.a. AH 617 (ad 1220–1221), ed. ʿUmar al-Tadmurī (Beirut, 1997), 10:333; and Richards, Donald Sidney, trans., The Chronicle of Ibn al-Athīr for the Crusading Period from al-Kāmil fī’ l-taʾrīkh, Part 3: The Years 589–629/1193–1231, The Ayyūbids after Saladin and the Mongol Menace (Aldershot, 2008), 202Google Scholar.
38 See nn. 118–21 below.
39 Richard, Jean, “L'Extrême-Orient légendaire au Moyen Âge: Roi David et Prêtre Jean,” Annales d'Ethiopie 2 (1957): 225–44CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Beckingham, Charles Fraser, “Boyle Memorial Lecture: The Quest for Prester John,” Bulletin of the John Rylands Library 62 (1980): 290–310CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Morgan, David O., “Prester John and the Mongols,” in Beckingham, Charles Fraser and Hamilton, Bernard, eds., Prester John, the Mongols and the Ten Lost Tribes (Aldershot, 1996), 159–70Google Scholar (ch. 7); Aigle, Denise, “The Letters of Eljigidei, Hülegü and Abaqa: Mongol Overtures or Christian Ventriloquism?,” Inner Asia 7 (2005): 143–62CrossRefGoogle Scholar, at 157.
40 See nn. 69–70 below.
41 Gandzaketsʿi, Kirakos, History of the Armenians, chap. 11, trans. Bedrosian, Robert (New York, 1986), 186Google Scholar.
42 Aigle, Mongol Empire (n. 26 above), 48.
43 Osipian, “Armenian Involvement,” 83.
44 Zarncke, Friedrich Karl Theodor, ed., “Der Priester Johannes, zweite Abhandlung, enthaltend Capitel IV, V und VI,” Abhandlungen der philologisch-historischen Klasse der Königl. Sächsischen Gesellschaft der Wissenschaften, vol. 8 (Leipzig, 1876), 45–56Google Scholar (first Carta [Historia gestorum David regis Indorum]), 57–58 (second), and 58–59 (third). See Jean Richard, “The Relatio de Davide as a source for Mongol History and the Legend of Prester John,” in Beckingham and Hamilton, eds., Prester John, 139–58 (ch. 6); and Richard, “L'Extrême-Orient légendaire,” 233–36.
45 “Historia Damiatina” chaps. 35 and 56, in Hermann Hoogeweg, ed., Die Schriften des kölner Domscholasters, späteren Bischofs von Paderborn und Kardinal-Bischofs von S. Sabina Oliverus (Tübingen, 1894), 231–32 and 258–59; and Gavigan, Joseph J., trans., in Christian Society and the Crusades, 1198–1229: Sources in Translation, ed. Peters, Edward (Philadelphia, PA, 1971), 89–91Google Scholar and 113–14. Texts of the prophecies are printed in Röhricht, Reinhold, ed., Quinti Belli Sacri Scriptores Minores (Geneva, 1879), 205–13Google Scholar (“Le Prophétie de Hannan”) and 214–28 (“Prophetia Filii Agap”). On the significance of these letters, see Rossini, Carlo Conti, “Il Libro dello Pseudo-Clemente e la Crociata di Damietta,” Rivista degli studi orientali 9 (1921): 32–35Google Scholar.
46 “Historia Damiatina,” chap. 35, in Hoogeweg, Schriften des kölner Domscholasters, 232–34; and Gavigan, Christian Society and the Crusades, 91. Cf. 2 Kings 17:6.
47 See n. 101 below.
48 “Isti ergo Georgiani regem habent quem semper David uocant, et super omnes orientales sunt strenui bellatores, insatiabiliter sanguinem Sarracenorum sitientes, et supra modum passagium affectantes. Tales sunt ut numquam imperator Persidis uictoriam de Sarracenis habuit, nisi istorum potenti gladio mediante.” Guillelmus Ade, “Tractatus quomodo Sarraceni sunt expugnandi,” in How to Defeat the Saracens, ed. and trans. Giles Constable (Washington, DC, 2012), 58–59.
49 See the section “Reception (1): Crusade Theory” below.
50 Gandzaketsʿi, History of the Armenians, chap. 11: 165–67 (ad 1220), chap. 18: 187–90 (ad 1225), chap. 20: 196 (on Chormaghan), chap. 21: 199–203 (the destruction of Georgia “a few years after the destruction of Gandzak” [perhaps 1231, therefore a reference to the mid-1230s]). The sources are analyzed by Dashdondog, Mongols and the Armenians (n. 35 above), at 11–13 and 55–60.
51 For a comprehensive account, see Dashdondog, Mongols and the Armenians, 71–89, and her article “Submissions to the Mongol Empire by the Armenians,” Mongolian and Tibetan Quarterly 18.3 (2009): 76–103.
52 Gandzaketsʿi, History of the Armenians, chap. 26, 216–20; Dashdondog, Mongols and the Armenians, 72–74.
53 Paris, Matthew, Chronica Majora, ed. Luard, Henry Richards, 6 (London, 1882), 389–90Google Scholar (the Armenian capitulation); and 5 (1880), 340–41 (Armenians visit St. Albans); Saunders, John Joseph, “Matthew Paris and the Mongols,” in Sandquist, T. A. and Powicke, Michael R., eds., Essays in Medieval History Presented to Bertie Wilkinson (Toronto, 1969), 116–32Google Scholar.
54 Dashdondog, Mongols and the Armenians, 79.
55 Hetʿum's mission is introduced and the account of Gandzaketsʿi translated by Boyle, John Andrew, “The Journey of Hetʿum I, King of Little Armenia, to the Court of the Great Khan Möngke,” Central Asiatic Journal 9 (1964): 175–89Google Scholar; Housley, Norman, The Later Crusades: From Lyons to Alcazar, 1274–1580 (Oxford, 1992), 179Google Scholar; Dashdondog, Mongols and the Armenians, 79–89.
56 Cf. n. 44 above.
57 Cf. n. 48 above.
58 In particular Rev. 21:23 (“et civitas non eget sole neque luna ut luceant in ea nam claritas Dei inluminavit eam et lucerna eius est agnus”) and 22:5 (“et nox ultra non erit et non egebunt lumine lucernae neque lumine solis quoniam Dominus Deus inluminat illos et regnabunt in saecula saeculorum”).
59 The Latin of the Vulgate is as follows: “Quia ecce ego suscitabo Chaldaeos, gentem amaram et velocem, ambulantem super latitudinem terrae, ut possideat tabernacula non sua. Horribilis et terribilis est: ex semetipsa iudicium et onus eius egredietur. Leviores pardis equi eius, et velociores lupis vespertinis: et diffundentur equites eius: equites namque eius de longe venient; volabunt quasi aquila festinans ad comedendum. Omnes ad praedam venient, facies eorum ventus urens; et congregabit quasi arenam captivitatem. Et ipse de regibus triumphabit, et tyranni ridiculi eius erunt; ipse super omnem munitionem ridebit, et comportabit aggerem, et capiet eam.”
60 Guilelmus de Rubruc, Itinerarium, in Sinica Franciscana: Itinera et Relationes Fratrum Minorum Saeculi XIII et XIV, ed. Anastaas van den Wyngaert (Florence, 1929) [hereafter WSF], 164–337; and Jackson, Peter, trans. and ed., The Mission of Friar William of Rubruck: His Journey to the Court of the Great Khan Möngke (London, 1990)Google Scholar.
61 Odoric, XXIV, 10, in WSF, 475–76; and Yule, Henry, trans., Cathay and the Way Thither: Being a Collection of Medieval Notices of China (London, 1866), 1:135Google Scholar.
62 “Ministri itaque Bati postulata ab eis receperunt munera, scilicet XL pelles castorum et LXXX pelles taxorum. Que munera portata sunt inter duos ignes sacratos ab eis et fratres coacti sunt sequi munera, quia sic mos est apud Thartaros expiare nuncios et munera per ignem. Post ignes stabat currus continens auream statuam Imperatoris, que similiter solet adorari, sed fratres omnino adorare renitentes, compulsi sunt tantum capita inclinare.” Benedict Polonus, 5, in WSF, 136–37; and Dawson, Christopher, trans., The Mongol Mission: Narratives and Letters of the Franciscan Missionaries in Mongolia and China in the Thirteenth and Fourteenth Centuries (New York, 1986), 80Google Scholar. See also Guzman, G., “European Clerical Envoys to the Mongols: Reports of Western Merchants in Eastern Europe and Central Asia, 1231–1255,” Journal of Medieval History 22 (1996): 53–67CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
63 I am grateful to Dr. Dimitri Kastritsis, Dr. Zachary Chitwood, and James Hill, each of whom made observations to me on this topic. On European knowledge of Buddhism in the Mongol period, see Scott, David A., “Medieval Christian Responses to Buddhism,” Journal of Religious History 15 (1988): 165–84CrossRefGoogle Scholar; on Mongol encounters with Buddhism and Taoism in the thirteenth century, see Jagchid, Sechin, “The Mongol Khans and Chinese Buddhism and Taoism,” Journal of the International Association of Buddhist Studies 2 (1979): 7–28Google Scholar.
64 Odoric, Relatio, chap. 18, in WSF, 456 (“Tunc sacerdos et ille cuius pater infirmatur accedunt ad ipsum ydolum, quod est de auro vel de argento, eique faciunt orationes”); translation in Yule, Cathay, 1:81–82. On western encounters with religious iconography in Asia during the Mongol period, see Bacci, Michele, “Cult-Images and Religious Ethnology: The European Exploration of Medieval Asia and the Discovery of New Iconic Religions,” Viator 36 (2005): 337–72CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
65 Rubruc, Itinerarium, 24.5, in WSF, 228–9.
66 Montecorvino, Epistola III, in WSF, 354; translation in Yule, Cathay, 1:208.
67 “Hii communiter sciunt artes magicas … non volauit, sed ambulabat iuxta terram et eam non tangebat, et quando videbatur sedere, nulla re solida sustentabatur.” Riccoldo de Monte Croce, Liber peregrinacionis §10, in Peregrinatores medii aevi quatuor, ed. Lobegott Friedrich Konstantin von Tischendorf and Titus Tobler (Leipzig, 1864), 102–41, at 117. Scott, “Responses to Buddhism,” 178–80, notes that the first of the psychic powers (siddhis) to be reached in the fourth state of meditation was levitation (dhyana). See also Ristuccia, Nathan J., “Eastern Religions and the West: The Making of an Image,” History of Religions 53 (2013): 170–204CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
68 See n. 39 above.
69 “Fur nec praedo invenitur apud nos, nec adulator habet ibi locum neque avaricia. Nulla divisio est apud nos. Homines nostri habundant in omnibus diviciis. Equos paucos habemus et viles. Neminem nobis habere credimus parem in diviciis nec in numero gentium.” Zarncke, ed., “Der Priester Johannes” (n. 44 above), 909–24, with critical remarks at 924–43, and §46 at 915. Cf. also the description of his gilded and bejeweled palace, described in §§88–89, at 921.
70 “Quando procedimus ad bella contra inimicos nostros, XIII cruces magnas et praecelsas, factas ex auro et lapidibus pretiosis, in singulis plaustris loco vexillorum ante faciem nostrum portari facimus, et unamquamque ipsarum secuntur X milia militum et C milia peditum armatorum, exceptis aliis, qui sarcinis et curribus et inducendis victualibus exercitus deputati sunt. Cum vero simpliciter equitamus, ante maiestatem nostram praecedit lignea crux, nulla pictura neque auro aut gemmis ornata, ut semper simus memores passionis nostri Iesu Christi, et vas unum aureum, plenum terra, ut cognoscamus, quia caro nostra in propriam redigetur originem in terram. Et aliut vas argenteum, plenum auro, portatur ante nos, ut omnes intelligant nos dominum esse dominantium. Omnibus diviciis, quae sunt in mundo, superhabundet et praecellit magnificentia nostra.” Zarncke, ed., “Der Priester Johannes erste Abhandlung,” §§47–50, at 916.
71 Ibn Bībī, al-Awāmer al-ʿalāʾīya fi'l-umūr al-ʿalāʾīya (the shorter of two versions compiled by the author), in Duda, Herbert Wilhelm, trans., Die Seltschukengeschichte des Ibn Bibi (Copenhagen, 1959), 193–97Google Scholar, especially 194–95. I am grateful for the assistance furnished by Paul Butcher in construing Duda's translation. I am much indebted to the analysis of Mongol political ideology of Voegelin, Eric, “The Mongol Orders of Submission to European Powers, 1245–1255,” Byzantion 15 (1940–41): 378–413Google Scholar; repr. in Sandoz, Ellis, ed., The Collected Works of Eric Voegelin, vol. 10, Published Essays, 1940–1952 (Columbia, MO, 2000), 76–125Google Scholar.
72 “Ego, Chayn, nuntius regis celestis, cui dedit potentiam super terram subicientes mihi se exaltare et deprimere adversantes, miror de te, rex Ungarie, quod cum miserim ad te iam tricesima vice legatos, quare ad me nullum remittis ex eisdem; sed nec nuntios tuos vel litteras mihi remittis. Scio quod rex dives es et potens, et multos sub te habes milites, solusque gubernas magnum regnum. Ideoque difficile sponte tua te mihi subicis; melius tamen esset et salubrius, si te subiceres sponte mihi! Intellexi insuper quod Cumanos servos meos sub tua protectione detineas. Unde mando tibi quod eos de cetero apud te non teneas, et me adversarium non habeas propter ipsos! Facilius est enim eis evadere quam tibi, quia illi sine domibus cum tentoriis ambulantes possunt forsitan evadere. Tu autem in domibus habitans, habens castra et civitates, qualiter effugies manus meas?” Dörrie, “Drei Texte” (n. 13 above), 179.
73 “In hac Ungarorum terra dictus frater invenit Thartaros et nuntium ducis Thartarorum, qui sciebat Ungaricum Ruthenicum Cumanicum Theotonicum Sarracenicum et Thartaricum.” Dörrie, “Drei Texte,” 158. See also Guzman, “European Clerical Envoys” (n. 62 above), 57.
74 See nn. 44 (Relatio de Davide) and 45–46 (Oliver of Paderborn) above.
75 Hautala, “Re-Conquest of Transcaucasia” (n. 29 above), 9–10.
76 Jackson, Mongols and the West (n. 28 above), 45.
77 See nn. 5 and 62 above.
78 In Epistolae saeculi XIII e regestis pontificum Romanorum selectae, ed. Karl Rodenberg (Berlin, 1887), 2:72–73 (Dei Patris immensa) and 75 (Cum non solum); the texts are also printed in the useful compendium of Lupprian, Karl-Ernst, Die Beziehungen der Päpste zu islamischen und mongolischen Herrschern im 13. Jahrhundert anhand ihres Briefwechsels (Vatican City, 1981), 141–49Google Scholar (nos. 20 and 21). See the translation in Dawson, Mongol Mission (n. 62 above), 73–76.
79 Original text in Pelliot, Paul, ed., “Les Mongols et la Papauté: Documents nouveaux édités, traduits et commentés par M. Paul Pelliot, avec la collaboration de Mm. Borghezio, Massé et Tisserant,” Revue de L'Orient chrétien 23 (1922–23): 3–30Google Scholar, at 17–18. English translation in Dawson, Mongol Mission, 85–86.
80 Jackson, Mongols and the West, 46.
81 Pelliot, “Les Mongols et la Papauté,” 24; trans. Dawson, Mongol Mission, 86. Here I rely on Aigle, “Mongol Overtures or Christian Ventriloquism” (n. 39 above), 147 & 158 n. 18. I follow the orthography of Pelliot's transliteration.
82 This text has been edited and translated various times in recent years. I use the Latin transliteration of the Mongol text by Pelliot, Paul, Histoire Secrète des Mongols: Restitution du texte mongol et traduction française des chapitres I à VI (Paris, 1949), 45Google Scholar, and the translation of Cleaves, Francis Woodman, The Secret History of the Mongols, for the First Time Done into English out of the Original Tongue and Provided with an Exegetical Commentary (Cambridge, MA, 1982), 79Google Scholar.
83 “Per preceptum dei vivi chingiscam filius dei dulcis et venerabilis dicit. quia deus excelsus super omnia ipse deus immortalis. et super terram chingiscam solus dominus. Volumus istud ad audientiam omnium in omnem locum pervenire. provinciis nobis oboedientibus et provinciis nobis rebellantibus.” Vincent's inaccessible text is conveniently printed in Voegelin, “Mongol Orders of Submission” (n. 71 above), 389 (repr. 91–92).
84 MSS C, G, and B all have the reading “nobilis testamenti” (cf. the critical text in Appendix 1, n. 200). That this feature is shared by two distinct branches of transmission (CG and B) suggests that this curious change occurred in an early copy that was a common ancestor of both branches, which are otherwise really quite distinct. I cannot believe that nobilis was the original reading, both because the early text of F has the much more logical novi, and because nobilis makes no obvious sense.
85 Claverie, “L'apparition” (n. 12 above), 607–8.
86 Especially in the sections “Eastern Christianity and the Mythologizing of the Mongols,” “Provenance: Intelligence, Diplomacy, Texts,” and “1235–36: An Otherwise Unattested Mongol Edict in Transcaucasia?”
87 Jackson, Peter, “The Dissolution of the Mongol Empire,” Central Asiatic Journal 22 (1978): 186–244Google Scholar.
88 Favereau, Marie, “The Golden Horde and the Mamluks” (English version), in Khakimov, Rafail and Favereau, , eds., The Golden Horde in World History (Kazan, 2016), 329–46Google Scholar; Balard, Michel, La Romanie génoise (XIIe–début du XVe siècle), 2 vols. (Rome, 1978), 1:57–58Google Scholar, 75–76, and 2:456–61.
89 Matthew Paris, Chronica Majora (n. 53 above), 5:37–38.
90 Various Latin and French versions of the text are edited by P. Pelliot, “Les Mongols et la Papauté,” Revue de L'Orient chrétien 28 (1931–32): 3–84, at 23–26. See also Richard, “The Mongols and the Franks” (n. 11 above), 50; Jackson, Peter, “The Crisis in the Holy Land in 1260,” English Historical Review 95 (1980), 481–513CrossRefGoogle Scholar, at 483; and Aigle, “Mongol Overtures or Christian Ventriloquism?” (n. 39 above), 145.
91 “Flagellum irae celestis in manum immanium Tartarorum quasi ex abditis erumpentium inferi finibus, premit et contulit orbem terrae,” in Rymer, Thomas, ed., Foedera, conventiones, literae, et cujuscunque generis acta publica, ed. Holmes, George (The Hague, 1745), 2.2:60Google Scholar, col. 2. On the events of 1260, see Jackson, “Crisis in the Holy Land in 1260,” and Amitai, Reuven, “Mongol Raids into Palestine (a.d. 1260 and 1300),” Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society of Great Britain and Ireland 2 (1987): 236–55CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
92 Leopold, Anthony, How to Recover the Holy Land: The Crusade Proposals of the Late Thirteenth and Early Fourteenth Centuries (Aldershot and Burlington, VT, 2000), 119Google Scholar. The then-popular theme of disrupting Mamlūk trade is dealt with fully in Stantchev, Stefan K., Spiritual Rationality: Papal Embargo as Cultural Practice, 1150–1550 (Oxford, 2014)CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
93 On Il-Khanid diplomacy with European monarchs, see also Boyle, John Andrew, “Dynastic and Political History of the Il-Khāns,” in Cambridge History of Iran, vol. 5, The Saljuq and Mongol Periods, ed. Boyle, (Cambridge, 1968), 303–421Google Scholar, and Boyle, , “The Il-Khans of Persia and the Princes of Europe,” Central Asiatic Journal 20 (1976): 25–40Google Scholar; Jackson, Mongols and the West (n. 28 above), 165–95.
94 Stewart, Angus, “The Assassination of King Hetʿum II: The Conversion of the Ilkhans and the Armenians,” Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, 3.s., 15 (2005): 45–61CrossRefGoogle Scholar; see also nn. 51–55 above.
95 See the section “Eastern Christianity and the Mythologizing of the Mongols” above.
96 Edition in Recueil des Historiens des Croisades, Documents arméniens, 2 vols. (Paris, 1869–1906) (hereafter RHC Arm.), at 2:113–253 (French version) and 255–363 (Latin version); see esp. 160–61, 163–68, 170–74, 188–91, 355–58, and 361. Cf. Leopold, How to Recover the Holy Land, 113–17. I retain the “Frankish” spelling “Hayton,” rather than using the orthographically correct English transliteration “Hetʿum,” because the former is usually used in scholarship on his writings, and because it allows him to be readily distinguished from his contemporary, Hetʿum II, King of Cilician Armenia, who also features in the present article.
97 This list is not exhaustive but includes only the more prominent proponents of crusader-Il-Khanid cooperation. For more detail, see Leopold, How to Recover the Holy Land, especially 111–19 (“The Search for Allies”), and Schein, Silvia, Fideles Crucis: The Papacy, the West, and the Recovery of the Holy Land, 1274–1314 (Oxford, 1991)Google Scholar, at 140–218 (“1292–1305: The Years of Transition,” and “1305–1308: In Search of a Project”).
98 Edition in Golubovich, Girolamo, Biblioteca bio-biografica della Terra Santa e dell’ Oriente francescano (Florence, 1913), 2:9–60Google Scholar, esp. 57; Leopold, How to Recover the Holy Land, 16–17 and 112.
99 Edition in Kohler, Charles, “Deux projets de croisades en Terre Sainte,” Revue de l'Orient latin 10 (1903–4): 406–57Google Scholar, at 425–34.
100 “Liber secretorum fidelium crucis,” in Gesta Dei per Francos, ed. Jacques Bongars (n. 3 above), 2:1–288. Translation in Lock, Peter, The Book of the Secrets of the Faithful of the Cross (Liber Secretorum Fidelium Crucis), Crusader Texts in Translation 21 (Farnham, 2011)Google Scholar; see also Leopold, How to Recover the Holy Land, 39–40 and 49–50.
101 Guillelmus Ade, “Tractatus quomodo Sarraceni sunt expugnandi,” in Constable, How to Defeat the Saracens (n. 48 above), esp. 44–49, 56–59, and 104–5; cf. Leopold, How to Recover the Holy Land, 106 and 112.
102 RHC Arm. 2:367–517, esp. 502–6; Beazley, Charles Raymond, “Directorium ad Faciendum Passagium Transmarinum,” American Historical Review 12 (1907): 810–57CrossRefGoogle Scholar; and 13 (1907): 66–115, esp. 107–9; Leopold, How to Recover the Holy Land, 42–45; and Constable, How to Defeat the Saracens, 7–8.
103 Cf. nn. 114 and 116 below. For another late proposal involving assumptions of cooperation, see Kedar, Benjamin Z. and Schein, Sylvia, “Un projet de ‘passage particulier’ proposé par l'ordre de l'Hôpital, 1306–1307,” Bibliothèque de l’école des chartes 137 (1979): 211–26CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
104 See n. 3 above.
105 See n. 6 above.
106 Dubois, Pierre, De Recuperatione Terre Sancte, ed. Victor, Charles (Paris, 1891), 70–74Google Scholar; cf. Leopold, How to Recover the Holy Land, 106.
107 “Et eo anno quidam David Iohannes rex Tarsiis et Tartarorum et gentis incluse intravit Hongariam, et eam destruxerunt pro maiore parte.” Annales Mantuani, s.a. 1285, ed. Georg Heinrich Pertz, MGH SS rer. Germ. 19 (Hanover, 1866), 29; cited in Richard, “Ultimatums mongols” (n. 11 above), 221. For the possible identifications of the “Tarsiis,” see Sinor, Denis, “Le Mongol vu par l'Occident,” in 1274, année charnière: Mutations et continuités; Colloque international du Centre National de la Recherche Scientifique, Lyon, Paris, 30 septembre–5 octobre 1974 (Paris, 1977), 55–72Google Scholar, at 58.
108 See nn. 13–14 above.
109 See n. 132 below; cf. n. 129.
110 This sketch lists only the earliest and latest diplomatic contacts between the two parties, to give some idea of their origins and longevity: there were many more, for which see Paviot, Jacques, “England and the Mongols (c. 1260–1330),” Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, 3.s., 10 (2000): 305–18CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Stewart, “Assassination of King Hetʿum II” (n. 94 above), 58; Lockhart, L., “The Relations between Edward I and Edward II of England and the Mongol Īl-Khāns of Persia,” Iran 6 (1968): 23–31CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
111 See nn. 13–14 above.
112 See n. 16 above.
113 See nn. 117–21 below.
114 Schein, Silvia, “Gesta Dei per Mongolos 1300: The Genesis of a Non-Event,” English Historical Review 94 (1979): 805–19CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Housley, Later Crusades (n. 55 above), 22.
115 Cf. n. 96 above.
116 Stewart, “Assassination of King Hetʿum II.” See also Schein, Fideles crucis (n. 97 above), 214, which incorrectly names Leo IV. For the Il-Khanid-Mamlūk rapprochement, see Behrens-Abouseif, Doris, Practising Diplomacy in the Mamluk Sultanate: Gifts and Material Culture in the Medieval Islamic World, rev. ed. (London and New York, 2016), 66–67Google Scholar.
117 Ciocîltan, Virgil, The Mongols and the Black Sea Trade in the Thirteenth and Fourteenth Centuries (Leiden, 2012), 150–240CrossRefGoogle Scholar (chap. 4.2, “Cooperation and Confrontation with the Italian Merchant Republics”); Petech, Luciano, “Les marchands italiens dans l'Empire Mongol,” Journal Asiatique 250 (1962): 549–74Google Scholar; Balard, La Romanie génoise (n. 88 above), 1:57–58, 75–76, and 2:456–61.
118 Jackson, Mongols and the West (n. 28 above), 242–47; for John's life and career, see Luttrell, Anthony, “Timur's Dominican Envoy,” in Heywood, Colin and Imber, Colin, eds., Studies in Ottoman History in Honour of Professor V. L. Ménage (Istanbul, 1994), 209–29Google Scholar. For Hayton, see n. 96 above.
119 On Tīmūr's relations with Latin Christendom, see Jackson, Mongols and the West, 235–55.
120 “Hiis diebus, filius et heres regis Persarum Aremirandine, Turcorum Babylonie soldanum, magnum timorem Christianitati incucientem ut ipsius fidem pervertere jacantem, in centum mille bellicosos Christianos, et presertim Hungaros, invadere solitum, in campestri bello per se devictum obtinuit; Jerusalemque funditus destruxit, et partes illas in magna pompa occupavit. Unde Christianorum peregrinacio ad illas partes jam extitit impedita.” Adam of Usk, Chronicon, ed. Edward Maunde Thompson (London, 1904), 62, s.a. 1402 (English trans., here slightly modified, at 227).
121 “Rex de Letto peremit in bello Balsak, filium Balthasardan illustris, quem ‘Admiratum’ vocant, destruxitque Hierusalem et in circuitu regionem; et quia gratiose vicit eum, et inopinabiliter, conversus est ad Christianitatis ritum, cum sexaginta millibus hominum sectae suae. Hiis auditis rumoribus, Imperator effectus laetior recessit ab Anglis, honoratus a Rege donariis pretiosis.” Walsingham, Thomas, Historia Anglicana, ed. Riley, Henry Thomas (London, 1864), 2:247Google Scholar, s.a. 1401. For another, very similar version of this story, see Walsingham, Thomas, “Annales Ricardi Secundi et Henrici Quarti,” in Johannis de Trokelowe et Henrici de Blandeforde monachorum S. Albani necnon quorundam anonymorum chronica et annales, ed. Riley, Henry Thomas (London, 1866), 336Google Scholar. The identification with Lithuania is found in Mickūnaitė, Giedrė, Making a Great Ruler: Grand Duke Vytautas of Lithuania (Budapest, 2006), 35Google Scholar, where she also suggests that this account may confuse reports of Tīmūr with news of Christianization in Lithuania. The passages quoted here are cited in Knobler, Adam, “Pseudo-Conversions and Patchwork Pedigrees: The Christianization of Muslim Princes and the Diplomacy of Holy War”, Journal of World History 7 (1996): 181–97CrossRefGoogle Scholar, at 191.
122 Cf. n. 44 above (the Relatio de Davide).
123 See n. 48 above.
124 The basic sources are Sackur, Ernst, ed., Sibyllinische Texte und Forschungen: Pseudomethodius, Adso und die tiburtinische Sibylle (Halle, 1898, repr. Turin, 1963)Google Scholar.
125 On Joachism, see the many works of Reeves, Marjorie E., including The Influence of Prophecy in the Later Middle Ages: A Study in Joachism (Oxford, 1969)Google Scholar, Joachim of Fiore and the Prophetic Future (London, 1976)Google Scholar, and Reeves and Hirsch-Reich, Beatrice, The Figurae of Joachim of Fiore (Oxford, 1972)Google Scholar. The key distinctions between Joachite and Sibylline prophecy are summarized in Lerner, “Refreshment of the Saints” (n. 20 above), which also provides comprehensive bibliographic notes on the two subjects up to the time of writing.
126 Claverie, “L'apparition” (n. 12 above), 607–8.
127 Versions of these two prophecies, taken from the anonymous Excidium Acconis (written soon after the ejection of the Latins in 1291), are printed in Van den Gheyn, Joseph, “Note sur un manuscrit de l'Excidium Acconis, en 1291,” Revue de l'Orient latin 6 (1898): 550–56Google Scholar, at 555–56; summaries and an English translation of the “Vision” are given in Schein, Fideles crucis (n. 97 above), 117–20; see also Alexander, “The Medieval Legend of the Last Roman Emperor” (n. 24 above).
128 See n. 45 above.
129 “His quoque temporibus propter terribiles rumores hujusmodi celebriter hi versus, Antichrist adventum nuntiantes recitabantur: Cum fuerint anni transacti mille ducenti / Et quinquaginta post partum Virginis almae, / Tunc Antichristus nascetur daemone plenus.” Matthew Paris, Chronica Majora (n. 52 above), 6:80. Cf. Bloomfield, Morton W. and Reeves, Marjorie E., “The Penetration of Joachism into Northern Europe,” Speculum 29 (1954): 772–93CrossRefGoogle Scholar, at 787.
130 See nn. 6 (MS F) and 19 (MS B) above.
131 See the beginning of the section “Eastern Christianity and the Mythologizing of the Mongols” above.
132 On these prophecies, see Coote, Lesley A., Prophecy and Public Affairs in Later Medieval England (Woodbridge, 2000), 83–110Google Scholar (chap. 3). For the “correspondence” of Prester John, see nn. 44 and 69–70 above.
133 For Sanudo, see nn. 3 (letters) and 100 (Liber secretorum) above.
134 “Quidam hereticus captus est Narbone qui dicit terribiles errores, et facit se vocari Jesum Christum, et dicit quod est Paraclitus, Spiritus sanctus, de quo dicit filius Dei in evangelio: ‘Paraclitus autem Spiritus sanctus, quem mittet pater in nomine meo.’ Dicit enim quod est missus a Deo pro edocenda fide lucida veritatem [sic], et asserit se natum ex virgine et conceptum opere Spiritus sancti, sic quod religiosi sunt valde stupefacti. Ita quod de omnibus quibuscumque que sibi fiunt mirabiliter respondet vel visiones dat, et cum fuit requisitus per quemdam predicatorem quod faceret aliqua signa quibus crederetur sibi, respondit illa verba que vere filius Dei respondit Judeis, cum ab eis requisitus erat: ‘Mala et prava generacio querit signum et non dabitur vobis.’ Cum fuit interrogatus per quemdam inquisitorem quo ibat, respondit quod versus curiam pro eligendo illos in fide, et multa plena stupore, quasi nulla scriptura latet eum, cum est scientificus et demonis plenus; et dixit quod fuit canonicus et loquitur Guasconica litteraliter et vulgariter ornate valde; et quando irreverenter quis ei loquitur, tacet, et quando cum reverentia, respondet libenter ad interrogata.” Ed. de la Roncière and Dorez, “Lettres inédites” (n. 3 above), 38.
135 Ed. de la Roncière and Dorez, 38–39; trans. Roddy, “Correspondence” (n. 3 above), 306–7.
136 On MS L and its compilation, see nn. 1 and 17 above.
137 tit. add. nova pestis contra ecclesiam CG.
138 add. frater Ugo miseratione divina ec(clesie) sanctȩ Sabinȩ p(res)b(yte)r card(inalis) ap(os)t(ol)icȩ sedis legatus dilecto f(rat)ri suo Constantinensi ep(iscop)o salutem et amorem. noveritis dominum nostrum apostolicum ·a· patriarcha Jerosolimitano in hunc modum litteras recepisse. F.
139 add. quam epistolam dominus patriarcha Ierosolimitanus, scripsit domino pape. M.
140 in marg. et in a.m. add. at(tende) nova et mirabilia valde F.
141 flagellum] FLBM flagellandum CG.
142 humani generis] transp. B.
143 peccatis nostris exigentibus] FCGB [ins. s.l. peccatis G] peccatis exigentibus L exigentibus peccatis M.
144 add. ịṇṛịtis CG.
145 barbaricas] FLB barbaras CGM.
146 edidit] FCGB [ins. s.l. init. e F] fecit L {e} edidit M.
147 Ihesus Christus] FB dominus noster Ihesus Christus CGM dominus L.
148 pseudopropheta] L pseudo FM pseudo prophete CG suedo [sic] prophete B.
149 de] FCGBM ab L.
150 extremis] FCGLB extraneis M [corr. in nota extremis (Richard)].
151 add. et alii multi] L [lectio recentior est, sed verbum subiectum plurale requirit].
152 pellibus] FCLM perellibus G pelle B.
153 ovium] FCGLB obvium M [corr. in nota ovium (Richard)].
154 surrexerunt] LB surrexer(ạnt) F insurrexerunt CG subrexerunt M.
155 conieci quorum innumerabilis et inexpugnabilis multitudo] quorum mirabilis est et inexpugnabilis multitudo F quorum innumerabilis multitudo et expugnabilis C quorum innumerabilis multitudo et inexpugnabilis G quorum innumerabilis multitudo est L qụịṇ in numerabilis et qui in expugnabilis multitudo B quorum est pene irrevocabilis multitudo M.
156 parcunt hominibus] FCGLB transp. M.
157 personarum] FLBM personis CG.
158 et] FCGL om. B.
159 religiosarum] FL religios(ạrum) CG religiosorum B relligiosorum M.
160 sciciunt] CL sitiunt F sṭiciunt G g̣ḷục̣ịụṇṭ B sciciunt M [corr. in nota sitiunt (Richard)].
161 bella nutriunt] FCGB om. LM.
162 modo] FCGLB maxime M.
163 orientalibus degunt] FCGLM degunt origentalibus B.
164 scripsi et iam sibi regna xv subiugarunt] et iam sibi regna ·xv· subiugarunt F et iam sibi regna 15 subiugarunt CG et iam quinque regna sibi subiugarunt L et iam regna sibi quindeci(m) subiugạṛunt B et iam quinque regna sibi subiugaverunt M.
165 modo et] FCGLB om. M.
166 conversacione] CGB conversatione FLM.
167 vobis aliquantulum presentibus aperitur] B aliquantulum vobis presentibus aperitur F nobis aliquantulum aperitur CG vobis aperiam aliquantulum presentibus L vobis aliquantulum p(resentibus) apperitur M.
168 et profundius in libro presentibus colligato] CG profundius autem in libro incluso presentibus colligatis F s(e)c(un)d(u)m quod findatur in libro presentibus allegato L et in libro presentibus colligato B sed supletur in libro p(resentibus) alligato M.
169 Ihesum enim predicant nazarenum, prout in simbolo nostre fidei continentur] FCB Iesum … continentur G Christum predicantes nazarenum prout in nostro fidei simbolo continentur L Christum enim predicat naçarenum, et alia que fidei catholice simbolo continentur M [corr. predicant (Richard; Claverie)].
170 eum] FCGLB Christum M.
171 habere dicunt] CGLBM transp. F.
172 quem in curru deferunt] CGB quem deferunt F quem in curru L quem curru M.
173 auro contexto purissimo] B aureo texto purissimo F auro contexto durissimo CG aureo purissimo texto L aureo purissimo M.
174 et lapidibus preciosis] CGB et lapidibus preciosissimis involutum F gemmis et lapidibus preciosis deferunt L et preciosis lapidibus tectum deferunt M.
175 nunquam autem] FCGB qui nunquam LM.
176 cibariis] FCGB cibis L.
177 add. publicis M.
178 sed] F set L et B om. CG et ideo M.
179 qui sunt in exercitu] FCGB qui in ex{c}ercitu sunt L de exercitu M.
180 add. adoratur et B.
181 add. esse L.
182 inmortalis] CGLB immortalis F i(ṃ)mortalis M.
183 dicunt] FCGLM p̣ṛẹḍịc̣ạṇṭ B.
184 autem] FCGBM enim L.
185 quod currum tenebre nunquam comprehendunt] CG quod eum tenebre comprehendunt F quod currum tenebre nunquam comprehenderunt neque comprehendent L currum nunquam tenebre comprehendunt B quod currum nunquam tenebre comprehendunt M.
186 sed sicut sol omni tempore resplendescit] FCG set lucet o(mn)i tempore sicut sol L set sicut sol omni tempore replandesscit [sic] B sed sic omni tempore splendet M.
187 ita quod circumstantes, qui sunt in exercitu, non possunt noctis tenebris obscurari] FB [corr. possint (Davidsohn)] ita quod circumstantes in exercitu non possunt noctis tenebris obfuscari CG ita quod circumstantes qui sunt in ex{c}ercitu non possunt tenebris noctis comprehendi L itaque circumstantes semper videntur in lumine esse M.
188 autem] FCGLB ille M.
189 add. predicto M.
190 conieci librum gestat in manibus scriptum idiomatibus tripartite lingue] librum gestat in manibus subscriptum ideomatibus tripartite lingue F librum gestat manibus scriptum ẏdiomatibus trium linguarum CG librum gerit in manibus scriptum tripartite lingue L librum gestat in manibus conscriptum ydeomatibus tripartite lingue B manibus librum gerit scriptum dogmatibus M.
191 ebraice] FB hebraice CG hebrayce L ebrayce M.
192 videlicet] F om. CGLM scilicet B.
193 conieci eorum venturis prophecie debent consummari] errorum venturis prophete asserunt consumari F venturis proph(ec)ia debent consummari CG eorumdem venturas propheticas dicunt consummari L eorum venturis prophecie continentur, dies eciam expẹṛịụntur, in quibus debent prophecie consumari B futuris eorum dicunt prophecias consumari M.
194 quorum nonnulli numero quasi innumerabiles accidunt] F quorum nonnulli numero quasi innumerabilis multitudo ṃịṛạ dicunt CG quorum nonnulli nimium innumerabilem asserunt L quarum non nulle numero quasi innumerabiles acciderunt B.
195 que] F quod CGB qui L.
196 timorem ingerunt et pavorem] F stuporem ingerunt atque pavorem CG timorem ingerunt et tremorem L stuborem ingerunt et pavorem B.
197 om. quorum nonnulli … pavorem] M.
198 liber autem ita incipit] FB om. CG liber enim incipit sic L liber autem prefactus sic incipit M.
199 executionis] FLM execucionis CG exsecucionis B.
200 novi] FLM nobilis CGB.
201 ad refrenandam rebellium potestatem] F ad refrenandum rebellium pṛạṿitatem C ad refrenand(ụ)m rebellium pṛạṿitatem G ad refrenandam rebellium partem L ad refrenandam rebellium pṛạṿitatem B ad rebellium po(tes)tatem refrenandam M.
202 iusticiam] CGLBM iustitiam F.
203 cuius omnibus nunciis ad eos directis copiam faciunt, dicentes per interpretes quos habent omnium linguarum] B cuius omnibus [[omnibus]] nuntiis ad eos directis, copiam faciunt. dicentes quod interpretes quos habent omnium linguarum F qui omnibus nunciis ad eos directis copiam faciunt dicentes per interpretes quod habent omnium linguarum C qui omnibus nunciis ad eos directis copiam faciunt dicentes per interpretes quos habent omnium linguarum G cuius libri omnibus nunciis ad eos directis copiam ṭṛịḅụụṃ et interpretes quos secum habent L cuius libri copiam omnibus locis faciunt. et omnium nationum interpretos habent. ut nuncii nostri referunt. M [corr. interpretes (Claverie)].
204 add. Quas litteras dominus patriarcha Ierosolimitanus scripsit domino pape. Epistola qua literas [sic] dominus patriarcha Ierosolimitanus scripsit domino pape [posterior sententia in a.m.] et hic fin. M.
205 quod] CGB dicunt F et dicunt quod L.
206 oportet] CGB oportere F debent L.
207 celeriter] CGLB celitus F.
208 ad vos dirigimus] LB om. F debent dirigimus C vobis dirigimus qui G.
209 nostri nuncii] LB nostri nuntii F nuncii nostri CG.
210 et] CGB om. F.
211 dominacio] CGB devotio F.
212 vobis] FCG nobis B.
213 scripsit] FB scribit CG.
214 nostri nuncii predicti] C predicti nuntii nostri F nostri {nostri} nuncii predicti G nostri nuncii B.
215 qui fuerunt in pro receperunt … eorum L.
216 exercitu] FCGB ex{c}ercitu L.
217 mensem] FCGB unum mensem L.
218 et] FCGB om. L.
219 add. et receperunt L.
220 inopinata] FCGL ịṇọpịṇạṃ B.
221 que] CL q(uẹ) FB quibus G.
222 predictus] FCGB dictus L.
223 coram omnibus faciebat] FCGB faciebat coram omnibus L.
224 add. et nunciarunt nobis quod L.
225 conieci illi autem qui] et qui F populi autem qui C ipsi autem qui G illi qui L isti autem B.
226 exercitu] FCGB ex{c}ercitu L.
227 dulcissimi sunt] CG sunt ditissimi F sunt dịṿẹṛsissimi homines L ditissimi sunt B [lectionem recentiorem malim].
228 facies pulcherrimas] CGLB transp. F.
229 et] FCGL om. B.
230 delectabiles ad videndum] FLB transp. CG.
231 conieci staturam autem eorum comuni cetu hominum uno cubito habent longiorem] statura autem eorum est uno cubitu longior statura co(mmun)i F staturam autem coram co(mmun)i ho(m)i(nu)m cetu uno cubitum habent longiorem C staturam a(utem) coram co(mmun)i hominum cetu numero cubitum habent longiorem G staturam habent a(utem) co(mmun)i cetu hominum uno cubito longiorem L staturis autem corporis omni cetu hominum *** [ceterum deest] B.
232 fortissima] FL robustissima CG.
233 et] FCG om. L.
234 arcus habent fortissimos] L arctus [ins. s.l. c] habent fortissimos F habent arcus fortissimos CG.
235 et] CGL om. F.
236 scripsi duplo melius sagittare sciunt] duplo melius sagitare sciunt F sciunt duplo melius sagittare CG melius sagittare sciunt L.
237 alii] FCG ceteri L.
238 eciam] CGL enim F.
239 eorum] FCG suis L.
240 sagittis] FL sagitte [a.c. sagitta] C sagitta G.
241 totum mundum subiugabunt] L sibi subiicient totum mundum F penitus mundum subiugabunt C penitus totum mundum subiugabunt G.
242 ita autem] FCG et ita L.
243 se habent] FL transp. CG.
244 preliis] FL proeliis CG.
245 vel] FCG nec L.
246 si] F qụạṇḍọ CG cum L.
247 ex illis] CG om. F eorum L.
248 moriatur] F moritur CGL.
249 salvacionis] CG salvationis FL.
250 et glorie] FL om. CG.
251 aere] FL aera CG.
252 scripsi imputrescibile reservato] imputrescibili reservato F [corr. imputrescibile (Davidsohn)] reservato CG imputrefactibili conservato L.
253 lanam et linum] F lanum et linum CG lanum et lynum L.
254 sed] s(eḍ) FCG set L.
255 vestiuntur] FL utuntur CG.
256 add. autem F.
257 de corticibus] L corticibus F ex coriis siccis CG.
258 contexta] FCG texta L.
259 ab aliquibus] ab aliq(uịḅụṣ) CG ab aliis F om. L.
260 conieci et pontificem superstitem ecclesiasticum non permittunt, plebe que ad eorum legem convertitur reservata] et pontificem superstitem ecclesiasticum non permittunt, eo qui ad legem convertitur reservato F et potentes et personam ecclesiasticam superstitem non relinquunt, plebe tum humilique ad eorum legem convertitur reservata CG et potentem ac substitem ecclesiasticum non dimittunt, reservata plebe que ad eorum ritum convertitur L.
261 et] FL om. CG.
262 mulos] CGL mullos F.
263 non equitant nec iumenta] FL ut iumenta non equitant CG.
264 sed] s(eḍ) FCG set L.
265 habent] FL om. CG.
266 et] CG a F [corr. et (Davidson)] om. L.
267 et per] CG et F om. L.
268 plana] FCG plane L.
269 add. et silvas L.
270 ipsis] F aliis CG istis L.
271 add. equaliter CG.
272 deferuntur] FCG perṃọṇentur L.
273 add. ut per eas aquas transeant F.
274 add. habent F.
275 ad modum composita piscium] F admodum piscium composita] CG om. L.
276 levissimo genere constructa lignorum F levissimo genere lignorum constructa CG levissima lignorum genere composita L.
277 infrangabilia] F inpenetrabilia CG inpugnabilia L.
278 et ea] FCG om. L.
279 plaustris] F plaustro CG castris L.
280 deferunt] FL vehunt CG.
281 et] CGL ut F.
282 ad aquas deveniunt] F veniunt ad aquas CG.
283 possint de facili] F de facili [[non]] possunt C de facili possunt G.
284 pertransire] F pertụạssire CG.
285 marinam tempestatem non metuunt] CG marinam autem tempestatem predicta vasa non metuunt F.
286 om. quando ad aquas … sed] L.
287 volitant sicut aves] F sicut aves volant CG volutant sicut aves L.
288 nec vas apud nos invenitur, quod possit eorum impetibus obviare] F [corr. impetus (Davidsohn)] nec apud nos ịṃịc̣ịṇṭụṛ quod posset eorum impetui obviare L om. CG.
289 non] FCL autem G.
290 sicut ceteri homines] CG ut ceteri homines F om. L.
291 conieci et tempore necessitatis et famis corticibus et foliis arborum satiantur] tempore enim necessitatis et famis corticibus et foliis arborum satiantur F et tempore necessitatis et famis corticibus et foliis arborum saturantur CG set tempore famis et necessitatis corticibus arborum et herbarum floribus saciantur L.
292 turpissime] L nobilissime CGF [lectionem recentiorem malim].
293 add. vero F.
294 add. et CG.
295 immunda comedunt] F transp. CG om. L.
296 add. tum CG.
297 vinum non bibunt sed aquam. et si [ins. s.l. si] contingeret aliquem de conversis ad eos vinum bibere] F vinum non bibunt s(eḍ) aquam, et si vinum aliq(uẹṃ) contigit bibere aut degustare, et de illis qui ad eos convertuntur CG vinum non bibunt set aquam tantummodo. et si aliquis attemptaverit conmedere vel bibere, que ab ipsis prohibentur L.
298 capite amputato] F amputato capite CG capite L.
299 legem non habent nisi illam quam precipit Ihesus] CG legem non habent nisi illud quod precipit Ihesus eis F legem non habent nisi illam quam ille Ihesus dat L.
300 ecclesiastica reprobant sacramenta] F ọ(ṃṇ)ia ecclesiastica sacramenta reprobant CG reprobant autem sacramenta ecclesiastica L.
301 legem nostram amplius sustineri non debere] L legem nostram amplius sufficere non debere F legem nostram sustinere non posse CG [ins. s.l. posse G]
302 status alios] L status autem F [corr. statum (Davidsohn)]
303 directo] F misso L.
304 continetur] F videbitis contineri L.
305 status … continetur] om. CG.
306 quare] F quare tantam CG istam L.
307 nimiam] F nimis L om. CG.
308 scripsi in nos breviter infligendam] in nos breviter infigendam F in nos breviter infixuram CG breviter nobis infligendam L.
309 cum per terram] F ut pote cum CG et L.
310 per] FCG om. L.
311 xx] CGL ·xv·ti F [legit XXti (Davidsohn)]
312 dietas tantummodo] F dietas CG dietarum termino L.
313 in] FCG om. L.
314 hic fin. CG.
315 scripsi et stragem fecerint mirabilem paganorum, et minentur eciam christianis] et stragem … etiam christianis F et strages fecerunt ac faciunt paganis, minantur enim christianis L.
316 add. vestram sanctitatem duximus obsecrandam, quat(enus) pro nobis qui sumus signum positi ad sagitam, preces ad Dominum effundatis, ut sibi placeat hanc pestem a populo catholico revocare. ne christiana confundatur religio et christiane fidei firmaculum dirimatur. preces autem, quas a vobis exigimus, pro nobis ab omnibus fidelibus exigatis. F.
317 add. prima patefacta sunt hec in estate [ins. s.l. in estate], anno domini milesimo trescentesimo tricesimo quinto L.
318 This is a loose translation, since all of the MSS’ readings at this point are quite obscure.
319 This refers to the author of the letter, who received intelligence, which he is now communicating.
320 Though the reading ditissimi, the basic meaning of which is “very rich,” appears to be the older reading, the reading dulcissimi (“very sweet”), given by later MSS, makes far more sense in this context. See the apparatus criticus to the text in Appendix 1, n. 227.
321 Though the earlier reading seems to have been “nobilissime” (most nobly), this sits at odds with the use of “immunda” (filthy things) in the next clause, hence I have preferred here the later reading of “turpissime” (most foully) found only in the late MS L. See further the critical apparatus, n. 292.