No CrossRef data available.
Article contents
Papal Legates against the Albigensians: The Debts of the Church of Valence (1215–1250)
Published online by Cambridge University Press: 27 January 2016
Extract
In 1232 Pope Gregory IX (r. 1227–41) imposed a tenth of episcopal revenues on prelates of Occitania to subsidize the church of Valence, which owed 10,000 pounds tournois to various bankers of Vienne, Rome, Lyons, and Siena. In 1865 B. Hauréau first noted the event when he edited one of the main documents in the Gallia christiana volume concerning the ecclesiastical province of Vienne. With the publication of Gregory IX's register from 1890–1908 most of the facts of the tax were more widely available. In 1910 Ulysse Chevalier briefly mentioned the tax in his monograph on the long tenure of John of Bernin, archbishop of Vienne (r. 1218–66). In 1913, Heinrich Zimmermann cited Hauréau's text in a note in his detailed treatment of early thirteenth-century papal legations. Recently Alain Marchandisse reviewed eight of the eleven papal letters pertaining to the tax in his study of William of Savoy (d. 1239) as bishop-elect of Liège. These scholars provided no reason for the debt or why the papacy would take such measures to ensure payment. Perhaps they did not study this tax further because a church indebted to moneylenders is not in itself surprising. It appears that the church of Valence acquired the debt, very large compared to the church's income, when bishop-elect William of Savoy (r. 1225–39) waged war against Adhémar II of Poitiers-Valentinois, count of the Valentinois (r. 1189–1239). Struggles between bishops and the local nobility occurred on a regular basis throughout the Middle Ages, so what in this unimportant Rhone-valley diocese interested the pope enough to impose taxes on prelates of Occitania over twenty years to ensure payment of this debt? Adhémar II faithfully supported Raymond VI (r. 1194–1222) and Raymond VII (r. 1222–49) of Saint-Gilles, counts of Toulouse, throughout their struggle with the papacy during and following the Albigensian crusades. Adhémar II was also their vassal for the Diois, which borders the Valentinois on the southeast and comprised the northern portion of the marquisate of Provence. These lands had been reserved for the church in the Treaty of Meaux-Paris (1229), which ended the Albigensian crusades. Thus William of Savoy as bishop-elect of Valence defended the papacy's claims on the marquisate of Provence, which the papacy deemed part of the larger struggle between the Roman church and the counts of Toulouse. The facts on the nature of the debts and the steps the papacy took to aid the diocese show that the local struggle between the bishop of Valence and the count of the Valentinois embodied a part of the larger struggle between the papacy and the counts of Toulouse over the marquisate of Provence, which began as early as 1215.
- Type
- Research Article
- Information
- Copyright
- Copyright © 2013 Fordham University
References
1 All subsequent references to money are in pounds tournois. The following abbreviations are used throughout: Auvray = Les Registres de Gregoire IX (1227–1241) , ed. Auvray, Lucien et al., Bibliothèque des Ecoles françaises d'Athènes et de Rome, 2nd ser. 9, 4 vols. (Paris, 1890–1955); Bernoulli = Johannes Bernoulli, Acta Pontificum Helvetica: Quellen schweizerischer Geschichte aus dem päpstlichen Archiv in Rom (Basel, 1891); Pressutti = Regesta Honorii papae III , ed. Pressutti, Petrus, 2 vols. (Rome, 1888–95); RD = Cyr Ulysse Joseph Chevalier, Regeste dauphinois, ou Répertoire chronologique & analytique des documents imprimés et manuscrits relatifs à l'histoire du Dauphiné, des origines chrétiennes à l'année 1349, 7 vols. (Valence, 1913–26). All references are to document numbers.Google Scholar
2 Quia ecclesia Valentinenses, 21 August 1236; Auvray, 3301; RD, 7462; Bernoulli, 186; Böhmer, Johan Friedrich, Regesta Imperii V: Jüngere Staufer; 1198–1272 , ed. Ficker, J., Winkelmann, E., and Wilhelm, F., 3 vols. (Innsbruck, 1881–1901), no. 7153; Potthast, 10229; text in The Benedictines of the Congregation of St-Maur and B. Hauréau (vols. 14–16), ed., Gallia christiana in provincias ecclesiasticas distributa, 16 vols. (Paris, 1715–1865), 16, instrumenta, col. 113, no. 12.Google Scholar
3 Auvray, vol. 4, the index, was begun by Auvray, finished by others, and published in 1955.Google Scholar
4 Chevalier, Ulysse, Jean de Bernin, archevêque de Vienne (1218–1266): mémoire historique (Paris, 1910), 32. John was twenty-seven at his election, and his long reign is attested. Calendini, P., “Bernin (Jean de),” DHGE 8 (1935): 843–45, at 843.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
5 Zimmermann, Heinrich, Die päpstliche Legation in der ersten Hälfte des 13. Jahrhunderts , Görres-Gesellschaft, Veröffentlichungen der Sektion für Rechts- und Sozialwissenschaft 17 (Paderborn, 1913), 137, n. 4.Google Scholar
6 Marchandisse, Alain, “Guillaume de Savoie: Un monstrum spirituale et belua multorum sur le trône de saint Lambert?” Bulletin de la Société royale “Le Vieux-Liège” 13 (1997): 657–70, 681–700, at 662–63.Google Scholar
7 House of Poitiers-Valentinois. They took their name from their château on the mountain of Peytieux (dép. Drôme, commune of Châteauneuf-de-Bordette, near Nyons), Occitan Peitieu, modern French Poitiers, both rendered into Latin Pictavis, or Pictaviens; see de Ripert-Monclar, Le Mis, Cartulaire de la Commanderie de Richerenches de l'Ordre du Temple (1136–1214), Mémoires de l'Académie de Vaucluse, Documents inédits pour servir à l'histoire du département de Vaucluse 1 (Avignon, 1907), “Introduction,” 25, n. 1. Graham-Leigh, Elaine, The Southern French Nobility and the Albigensian Crusade (Woodbridge, UK, 2005), has an intriguing title, but chiefly concerns the twelfth-century Trenceval viscounts of Carcasonne and Béziers and does not mention Valence.Google Scholar
8 Recent works on the Albigensian crusades do mention the aborted campaign by the crusaders in the Valentinois-Diois in 1217, more a lengthy negotiation according to Marvin, Laurence W., The Occitan War: A Military and Political History of the Albigensian Crusade, 1209–1218 (Cambridge, 2008), 264–66; Pegg, Mark Gregory, A Most Holy War: The Albigensian Crusade and the Battle for Christendom (Oxford, 2008), 153–54.Google Scholar
9 Die (dép. Drôme, on the river of the same name). For a helpful map of the marquisate of Provence, see Baratier, Edouard, Duby, Georges, and Hildesheimer, Ernest, Atlas historique: Provence, Comtat Venaissin, Principauté de Monaco, Principauté d'Orange, Comté de Nice (Paris, 1969), plate no. 48, “Les grandes fiefs (XIIe siècle).” Google Scholar
10 William (Guillaume) of Puylaurens, Chronique / Chronica Magistri Guillelmi de Podio Laurentii , ed. and trans. Duvernoy, Jean (Paris, 1976), chap. 24, p. 99; William (Guillaume) of Tudela (first third of the text) and an anonymous continuator (remaining two-thirds of the text), La chanson de la croisade Albigeoise , ed. and trans. Martin-Chabot, Eugène, 3 vols., Les Classiques de l'histoire de France au Moyen Âge 13, 24, 25 (Paris, 1931–61), laisse 143, lines 6–11, 2:40–41; Peter of Vaux-Cernay, Petri Vallium Sarnaii monachi Hystoria Albigensis , ed. Guébin, Pascal and Lyon, Ernest, 3 vols., Société de l'histoire de France 412, 422, 442 (Paris, 1926–39), §571, 2:260–62.Google Scholar
11 “Approbante pro maiori ac saniori parte sacrosancto concilio in hunc modum ordinavit….” Peter of Vaux-Cernay, Hystoria Albigensis, §572, 2:262; only the prelates and barons directly concerned with the Toulouse question were invited to attend the closed debates.Google Scholar
12 The decree: Quantum ecclesia laboraverit, 14 December 1215, Potthast, 5009; text in Layettes du Trésor des chartes , ed. Teulet, Alexandre M. et al., 5 vols. (Paris, 1863–1909), no. 1132, where it is inexplicably dated 15 December.Google Scholar
13 Ibid.; for the close reading of culpabilis , see Kuttner, Stephan and García, Antonio y García, , “A New Eyewitness Account of the Fourth Lateran Council,” Traditio 20 (1964): 115–78, at 141–42, reprinted with original pagination as article 9 in Kuttner, Stephan, Medieval Councils, Decretals, and Collections of Canon Law, 2nd ed., Collected Studies Series 126 (Aldershot, 1992).CrossRefGoogle Scholar
14 “Residua terra, que non fuit a crucesignatis obtenta, custodiatur ad mandatum Ecclesie per viros idoneos, qui negotium pacis et fidei manuteneant et defendant, ut provideri possit unico adolescenti filio prefati comitis Tolosani postquam ad legitimam etatem pervenerit, si talem se studuerit exhibere quod in toto vel in parte ipsi merito debeat provideri, prout magis videbitur expedire.” Quantum ecclesia laboraverit , 14 December 1215; Marvin, , Occitan War, 234; Pegg, , A Most Holy War, 146.Google Scholar
15 Peter of Vaux-Cernay, Hystoria Albigensis , §572, 2:263.Google Scholar
16 “Quamdam partem terrae quam idem pater tuus citra Rhodanum obtinebat.” Licet pater tuus , 29 December 1217, Potthast, 5645; Pressutti, 945; text in Recueil des historiens des Gaules et de la France; Rerum Gallicarum Francicarum scriptores , ed. Bouquet, Martin et al., 24 vols. (Paris, 1738–1904), 19:643; Devic, Claude and Vaissette, Joseph, Histoire générale de Languedoc, 3rd ed. (by Molinier, A. et al.), 16 vols. (Toulouse, 1872–1904), 6:513; Marvin, , Occitan War, 234, n. 61.Google Scholar
17 Bertrand had an extensive legation covering both sides of the Rhone and full powers (plena potestas) to act in the pope's name; Multo sudore laboratum, 19 January 1217; RD, 6372; Pressutti, 265; Potthast, 5425; text in Bouquet, Rec. hist. Gaules, 19:626–27; Zimmermann, , Die päpstliche Legation (n. 5 above), 72–73.Google Scholar
18 “Monemus igitur nobilitatem tuam attentius et hortamur, ut, consilia prava despiciens, quibus fuisti hactenus circumventus, et apostolicae sedis benignitatem potius quam austeritatem satagens experiri, terram ipsam sitam ultra Rhodanum per te vel per alios non perturbes, sed ita mandatis nostris te devotum exhibeas, quod effectu apostolicae sedis gratia non frauderis.” Licet pater tuus , 29 December 1217.Google Scholar
19 Cum Tolosa et , June 1220, Pressutti, 2512; Potthast, 6284; text in Bouquet, Rec. Hist. Gaules, 19:701; Ea que contra, 25 October 1221, Pressutti, 3555; Potthast, 6711; text in Bouquet, Rec. Hist. Gaules, 19:715.Google Scholar
20 Kay, Richard, The Council of Bourges, 1225: A Documentary History (Aldershot, 2002), 10–37, esp. 32, with most of the relevant documents; see also, more succinctly, Rist, Rebecca, The Papacy and Crusading in Europe, 1198–1245 (London, 2009), 92–97; she concludes that Honorius emphasized priority of crusade to the East, yet he continued to call for crusade against heresy in Occitania (ibid., 109).Google Scholar
21 Valence (dép. Drôme, principal place).Google Scholar
22 Fournier, Paul, Le royaume d'Arles et de Vienne (1138–1378): Étude sur la formation territoriale de la France dans l'est et le sud-est (Paris, 1891), 71–72, 517.Google Scholar
23 RD, 4036.Google Scholar
24 Adhémar I of Poitiers-Valentinois, father of William, first count of the Valentinois of the house of Poitiers-Valentinois (r. 1163–89), married Rixende, sister of Eustace (d. 1154–55), last surviving count-bishop of Valence of the original line.Google Scholar
25 Cox, Eugene L., The Eagles of Savoy: The History of Transalpine Savoy in Thirteenth-Century Europe (Princeton, 1967), 35; Chevalier, Jules, Quarante années de l'histoire des évêques de Valence au môyen âge (Guillaume et Philippe de Savoie) [1226 à 1267] (Paris, 1889), 6.Google Scholar
26 RD, 5119; text in Chevalier, Jules, Essai historique sur l'église et la ville de Die , 3 vols. (Montélimar, 1888–1909), 1:468–69, no. 16, where it is dated July.Google Scholar
27 Dilectus filius David , 6 May 1224, RD, 6738; Pressutti, 4963. No text printed.Google Scholar
28 Etsi venerabilem fratrem , 10 May 1225, RD, 6790; Pressutti, 5472. No text printed.Google Scholar
29 Etsi non immerito , 6 October 1225, RD, 6808; Pressutti, 5678. No text printed.Google Scholar
30 Ibid., RD, 6809. For a discussion of administratio and procurator , see Benson, Robert L., The Bishop-Elect: A Study in Medieval Ecclesiastical Office (Princeton, 1968), 82–83.Google Scholar
31 RD, 6839 (May 1226), 6867 (Valence, 13 March 1226, “dans la maison de l'évêque”); Chevalier, , Evêques , 5–6, 8; Cox, Eagles, 36. For money equivalents see Zupko, Ronald Edward, French Weights and Measures before the Revolution (Bloomington, IN, 1978), 100, 171.Google Scholar
32 Saint-Nazaire-en-Royans (dép. Drôme, a suburb of Valence), Bressieux (dép. Isère, near Grenoble), Montlaur (dép. Ardèche, near Largentière, west of the Rhone in the Vivarais).Google Scholar
33 RD, 6894; treaty text in Chevalier, , Evêques , 10–12; Cox, , Eagles, 36–37.Google Scholar
34 RD, 8129, 8132; treaty text in Chevalier, , Evêques , 53–57; Cox, , Eagles, 124–25.Google Scholar
35 Miribel, (dép. Drôme, near Romans).Google Scholar
36 RD, 7093; Böhmer, , Regesta Imperii V (n. 5 above), no. 13078; treaty text in Chevalier, Evêques, 18–21; Cox, , Eagles, 38–39.Google Scholar
37 RD, 7694; text in Teulet, , Layettes (n. 12 above), no. 2787.Google Scholar
38 RD, 7695; text in Chevalier, Jules, Mémoires pour servir à l'histoire des comtés de Valentinois et de Diois , 2 vols. (Paris, 1897–1906), 1:213–14.Google Scholar
39 Ibid. Google Scholar
40 Transcription of the audit dated 24 February 1267, conducted by James of Serène, archbishop of Embrun (r. 1263–86) at the resignation of Phillip of Savoy as bishop-elect of Valence (r. 1241–67), RD, 10499; text in Chevalier, Evêques, 102–7, at 104; Cox, , Eagles , 359–60.Google Scholar
41 Gravate debitorum oneribus , 28 July 1232; Auvray, 841; RD, 7152; Bernoulli, 154. No text printed.Google Scholar
42 Tanto venirabiles fratres , 30 August 1232, Auvray, 894–95; RD, 7154–55; Bernoulli, 155–56. No texts printed. Belley (dép. Ain). Odd that this letter is not addressed to Boniface, as Gregory had written the archbishop of Besançon in July to name Boniface bishop-elect if he was qualified and was at least twenty-six. Presentate nobis tue, 6 July 1232, RD, 7148; Potthast, 8960; text in Auvray, 802.Google Scholar
43 Dilectus filius W. [William of Savoy], 5 November 1232, to the archbishop of Lyons, RD, 7162; text in Auvray, 948.Google Scholar
44 Dilectus filius W. [William of Savoy], 5 November 1232, a slightly altered version to bishop-legate Walter of Marvi, RD, 7163; Auvray, 949, no text printed.Google Scholar
45 Volentes omnino per , 25 May 1239, RD 7715; text in Auvray, 4859.Google Scholar
46 Zimmermann, , Die päpstliche Legation (n. 5 above), 30, n. 5.Google Scholar
47 Atlas historique: Savoi, Savoie propre, Maurienne, Tarentaise, Bresse, Bugey, Dombes, Valromey, Chablais, Faucigny, Genevois, Genève , ed. Mariotte, Jean-Yves and Perret, André (Paris, 1979), plate 12, map no. 3.Google Scholar
48 Post, Gaines, “A Study in Romano-Canonical Procedure and the Rise of Representation, 1150–1325,” Traditio 1 (1943): 355–408, reprinted (slightly revised) in idem, Studies in Medieval Legal Thought: Public Law and the State, 1100–1322 (Princeton, 1964), 91–162, at 148, n. 183 (page citations are to the reprint edition).Google Scholar
49 Dossat, Yves, “Rémarques sur la légation de l'évêque Gautier de Tournai dans le Midi de la France (1232–1233),” Annales du Midi 75 (1963): 77–85, at 82, reprinted with original pagination as article 4 in idem, Eglise et hérésie en France au XIIIe siècle, Collected Studies Series 147 (London, 1982); Cabié, Edmond, “Date du concile de Béziers, tenu par Gautier, légat de Saint-Siège, et itineraire de ce légat de 1231–1233,” Annales du Midi 16 (1904): 349–57, at 350–51.Google Scholar
50 Dossat, , “Rémarques,” 78.Google Scholar
51 “Literas, quas pro dilecto filio nobili viro comite Tolosano super terra, quam Romana ecclesia citra Rodanum ad manus suas retinuit…. Verum quia nobis quid super hoc magis expediat negotio memorato, fieri non potuit plena fides, venerabili fratri nostro episcopo Tornacensi, apostolicae sedis legato, nostris damus litteris in mandatis, ut vocatis archiopiscopis, episcopis, abbatibus, et aliis ecclesiarum praelatis, qui in sua legatione consistunt, et cum eis super praemissis et eorum circumstantiis universis deliberatione habita diligenti, consilium quod super his datum fuerit, nobis studeat suis litteris fideliter intimare, ut procedamus exinde prout secundum deum videbimus expedire melius.” Litteras quas pro, 4 March 1232, Potthast, 8888; text in Luc d'Achery, Spicelegium, sive Collectio veterum aliquot scriptorum qui in Galliae bibliothecis delituerant, 2nd ed., 3 vols. (Paris, 1723), 3:604–5, no. 7, from the letter to King Louis. A slightly altered version to Blanche, Litteras quas pro, 4 March 1232, Potthast, 8889; text in Achery, Spicelegium, 3:605, no. 8; and Non est de, 4 March 1232, Potthast, 8890; text in Achery, Spicelegium, 3:605, no. 9, to Raymond VII.Google Scholar
52 Mansi, 23:269–78, dated 1233. For Romanus's legation to France, see Kay, , Bourges (n. 20 above), chap. 2.Google Scholar
53 “Creditores quoque usque ad quinquennium sola sorte, quam probaverit in utilitatem ecclesiae esse conversam, appelatione remota, facias manere contentos.” Quia ecclesia Valentinenses , 21 August 1236 (n. 2 above). Documents of this time employ the terms sors or capital, but, as in this case, interest was still charged.Google Scholar
54 Olim intellecto quod , 25 June 1238, RD, 7625; Bernoulli, 197; text in Auvray, 4446.Google Scholar
55 Ibid. Archbishop-legate John's actions indicate the pope's poor choice for this mission. Not only was Valence in John's own province, but bishop-elect William was at the same time John's own cathedral dean of Vienne. The papacy had earlier difficulty collecting taxes with officials drawn from the local hierarchy, as there were always “local feuds and rivalries which retarded the process.” Kay, Richard, “The Albigensian Twentieth of 1221–3,” Journal of Medieval History 6 (1980): 307–15, at 311.Google Scholar
56 Kay, , Bourges (n. 20 above), chaps. 4 and 5.Google Scholar
57 Olim intellecto quod , 25 June 1238.Google Scholar
58 Olim, ecclesie Valentine , 17 May 1239, RD, 7709; Bernoulli, 205; text in Auvray, 4857.Google Scholar
59 Olim, ecclesie Valentine , 17 May 1239, RD, 7710; text in Auvray, 4858.Google Scholar
60 Volentes omnino per , 18 May 1239, Potthast, 10743; RD, 7712; Bernoulli, 206; La Société d'histoire et d'archéologie de Genève, Régeste genevois, ou Répertoire chronologique et analytique des documents imprimés relatifs à l'histoire de la ville et du diocèse de Genève avant l'anée 1312 (Geneva, 1866), 436, no. 730 bis; text in Auvray, 4860. The two letters to the other agents are: 25 May 1239, RD, 7715; text in Auvray, 4859, to the abbot of Saint-Loup of Troyes and master Steven of Sens, canon of Troyes; and 17 May 1239, RD, 7711; text in Auvray, 4861, to the abbot of Saint Genevieve of Paris.Google Scholar
61 Audit of Phillip of Savoy's administration upon his resignation as bishop-elect of Valence, dated 24 February 1267, text in Chevalier, Evêques (n. 25 above), 105–6.Google Scholar
62 Ibid., 105.Google Scholar
63 Ibid., 104.Google Scholar
64 “Anc non ui tan fals coronat / Nuls hom qe tenges terra, / Q'el no tem far tort ni peccat / Et mescla tot l'an gerra, / Els sieus baissa en terra, / E·ls pren souen / Per son fol sen / E·ls enclaus e·ls enserra. / Ueiatz del fals com erra, / Qe per aver / Ueda e solu e soterra…. Google Scholar “Jamais on n'a vu un prêtre aussi faux posséder un pays, car il ne craint de commettre ni injustices ni péchés; pendant toute l'année, il soulève des querelles, il humilie ses sujets, et souvent, dans sa folie, il les enferme et les met en prison. Voyez comment ce perfide se conduit mal, puisqu'il met en interdit, absout et enterre pour l'argent.” Salverda de Grave, J.-J., Le troubadour Bertran d'Alamanon, Bibliothèque méridionale, 1st ser. 7 (Toulouse, 1902), 18–26, at 19, 26.Google Scholar
65 Petra, suffragan of the Patriarchate of Jerusalem, in the Holy Land.Google Scholar
66 Cum venerabiles frater , 28 July 1250, and Cum dilectus filius, 3 September 1250, and finally, a note in archbishop John's register containing the text of Cum dilectus filius, and that bishop Lawrence received the pope's letter on 23 September 1250 (about a three-weeks journey from the papal curia at Lyons), and that he had executed it, RD, 8657, 8672, and 8678; texts in Gallia christiana novissima: Histoire des archevêchés, évêchés et abbayes de France accompagnée des documents authentiques recueillis dans les registres du Vatican et les archives locales , ed. Albanès, J. H. and Chevalier, Ulysse, 7 vols. (Montbéliard and Valence, 1899–1920), vol. 4, Saint-Paul-Trois-Châteaux, nos. 173–75. Salon (dép. Bouches-du-Rhône, near Aix).Google Scholar
67 Around this time, 1232–35, the Sienese became the mercatores or campsores of the papacy. Jordan, E., De mercatoribus camerae apostolicae saeculo XIII (Rennes, 1909), 9–10.Google Scholar
68 “Archives d'Etat de Sienne, Arch. gen. dei Contratti del commune, 1242: lettre du podestat de Sienne à Ranieri Baldinotti et Dietisalvi Guadagnoli, consules mercatorum Senensium in Francia,” quoted in Bautier, Robert-Henri, “Les foires de Champagne: recherches sur une évolution historique,” in La foire, Recueils de la Société Jean Bodin 5 (Brussels, 1953), 93–147, at 126, n. 1, reprinted with original pagination as article 7 in idem, Sur l'histoire économique de la France médiévale: la route, le fleuve, la foire , ed. Guyotjeannin, Olivier, Collected Studies Series 340 (Aldershot, 1991).Google Scholar
69 “De statu in quo prefatus electus recipit ecclesiam Valentinam, talem, in eorumdem canicorum presentia, reddidit rationem. Dicit enim, et omnes unanimiter confitentes, quod ecclesia ipsa tunc temporis variis guerrarum discriminibus vexabatur, multorum ac multiplicatorum premebatur onere debitorum, nonnullis insuper subjacebat insidiis ac multorum et potentium patebat incursibus vicinorum. Guerris igitur non sine sumptu vix explicabili per se et suos ad honorem et manifestam utilitatem ecclesie laudabiliter consummatis.” Audit of Phillip of Savoy's administration, dated 24 February 1267; text in Chevalier, Evêques , 104.Google Scholar
70 “Item, mille septingentas marcas argenti militibus qui fuerunt in exercitu cum domino electo Guillelmo.” Ibid., 106; for money equivalents see Zupko, , French Weights (n. 31 above), 100, 103.Google Scholar
71 Jordan, William Chester, Louis IX and the Challenge of the Crusade: A Study in Rulership (Princeton, 1979), 67–68.Google Scholar
72 E.g., Faure, Claude, Etude sur l'administration et l'histoire du comtat-Venaissin du XIIIe au XVe siècle (1229–1417) (Paris, 1909); David, Marcel, De l'organisation administrative financière et judiciaire du Comtat-Venaissin sous la domination des papes (1229–1791) (Aix, 1912); Dubled, Henri, Histoire du comtat Venaissin (Carpentras, 1981) is detailed but lacks documentation.Google Scholar