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Published online by Cambridge University Press: 29 July 2016
Boniface VIII entered his pontificate with a single great ambition, to which he reverted at every opportunity during the troubled years of his reign. Repeatedly, he called for a new crusade to restore the foothold lost to Christendom in the Holy Land only four years before his accession. To accomplish this revitalization of the ancient ideal of the papacy, he persistently sought to use his authority to make himself arbiter of an overall European peace. The indispensable requirement in this plan was the establishment of some agreement between Edward I of England and Philip IV of France, whose confrontation in Aquitaine was steadily moving toward an open war which would involve their various allies throughout Europe. Accordingly, within two months of his election, Boniface appointed legates to both countries to negotiate a peace.
1 Les Registres de Boniface VIII, eds. Digard, G., et al. (4 vols. Bibliothèque des écoles françaises d'Athènes et de Rome: Paris 1907) n. 697–731.Google Scholar
2 Ibid. n. 1584.Google Scholar
3 The single outstanding exception is, of course, the maltôte; but that had already been revoked by Philip the Fair without the need of papal intervention: Ordonnances des Roys de France de la Troisième Race (12 vols.; Paris 1723–1777) 12. 333.Google Scholar
4 Parliamentary Writs and Writs of Military Summons, ed. Palgrave, F. (1827) 1. 47.Google Scholar
5 Ménard, , Histoire Civile, Écclésiastique et Littéraire de la ville de Nismes (2 vols.; Paris 1750), 1. xcviii (preuves).Google Scholar
6 Baumhauer, A., Philipp der Schöne und Bonifaz VIII. in ihrer Stellung zur franz. Kirche mit besonderer Berücksichtigung der Bischofswahlen (Freiburg 1920), provides an analysis of the relations between Philip the Fair and his clergy emphasizing their participation in the central government.Google Scholar
7 Le Livre de Guillaume Lemaire, ed. Port, C. (Collections des Documents Inédits, Vol. 11, Mélanges Historiques, pt. 2) 187–536.Google Scholar
8 Ménard, , op. cit. preuves, xci.Google Scholar
9 de Lettenhove, Kervyn, ‘Études sur l'histoire du xiiie siècle de la part que l'ordre de Citeaux et le Comte de Flandres prirent à la lutte de Boniface VIII et de Philippe le Bel,’ Mémoires de l'Académie des Sciences et Belles-Lettres de Bruxelles, 28 (1854) 13–17.Google Scholar
10 Alberic, Father, Compendium of the History of the Cistercian Order (Abbey of Gethsemane 1944) 151.Google Scholar
11 Marténe, E. and Durand, U., Thesaurus Novus Anecdotorum (4 vols.; Paris 1717) 4. 223–224,Google Scholar
12 The texts of their charges and countercharges were published by Finke, H., Aus den Tagen Bonifaz VIII. (Munster 1902) 3–7.Google Scholar
13 Höfler, C., ‘Rückblick auf P. Bonifacius VIII. und die Literatur seiner Geschichte,’ Abh. Akad. Vienna, 3 pt.3.69. The Abbot's account was confirmed by Cardinal Napoleon Orsini, Ibid., 50.Google Scholar
14 Reg. Boniface VIII, op. cit. n. 1584: ‘Verum quia non est fragilitatis humane prescire futura — intentionem nostram a vobis caute servandam presentibus aperimus, ut si dicti reges per treugas vel sufferentias voluntarias vel per viam alicujus concordie seu alias a bellicosis aparatibus et prosecutione cessabunt — et sic per consequens videritis quod non expediret ad treugarum hujusmodi publicationem procedi, discretioni vestre committimus ut in hoc casu treugarum presentatio differatur; ubi autem de congressu hujusmodi verisimiliter timeretur, presentatio et publicatio nullatenus omitatur.’ Google Scholar
15 Boase, T. S. R., Boniface VIII (London 1933) 136. This author does not, however, note the discrepancy in dates between Beaulieu's activities and the official release of the bull.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
16 Reg. Boniface VIII, n. 1585: ‘… Sollicite insuper vias decentes studeatis assumere in evitandis oneribus intolerabilibus ecclesiarum regnorum eorumdem quas ***intolerabilia prexerunt hactenus onera et pressure, in eis ecclesiastica libertate quasi totaliter enervata, ex quibus divinam non ambigimus potentiam fore graviter provocatam et nisi provocantes saniori ducti consilio ad ejus celeriter misericordiam revertantur, timeri potest et merito quod misericordiam ejus convertet in iram et ad vindictam vibrabit gladium contra eos.’ Google Scholar
17 Ibid. n. 1643. Boniface stated that he was willing to delay any final settlement until he could confer with representatives from the two kings but insisted that the legates publish the truce with which they had been provided immediately to ensure that no fighting would break out before a conference could be arranged.Google Scholar
18 Ibid. n. 1644. This letter, for which the text was unfortunately not preserved, was sent to both legates on the same day.Google Scholar
19 Parliamentary Writs (see n. 4, supra) 1.47.Google Scholar
20 Ibid. 49.Google Scholar
21 Most of the English chroniclers have related the story of Winchelsey's fight in defence of Clericis laicos. One of the fullest is Walter of Gisburne, Chronicle, ed. Rothwell, H. (Camden Series, Royal Historical Society, London 1857) 285ff. Google Scholar
22 Dupuy, P., Histoire du Differends d'entre le Pape Boniface VIII et Philippe le Bel, Roy de France (Paris 1655) 13.Google Scholar
23 Höfler, , op. cit. 75ff. While none of the testimony given this commission can be trusted too far in clearing Philip of complicity in the later events at Anagni, Frédol is excellent for purposes of dating the appearance of Clericis laicos. He had no reason to distort the chronology since the date had no bearing on the rest of his story. Moreover, his evidence is supported by the order of succeeding events.Google Scholar
24 Martene, and Durand, , op. cit. 4.217–18. The editors ascribe this letter to ‘Aegidius of Bourges’ (Giles of Rome). However, since it was found in the archives of the Archbishop of Narbonne its author is more likely to have been Aegidius of Narbonne. The archbishop, a member of the royal council, urged his suffragans to support the king on the grounds that the danger of the invading army threatened the Gallican church as well as the king.Google Scholar
25 Höfler, (cf. n. 13 supra) 76.Google Scholar
26 This scene was described by the legates in a report to the pope published in Dupuy, op. cit. 27–28. The date 1297 is confirmed by the text ‘anno three of the pontificate’ and by the presence of de Got, who remained in England until the winter of 1296 when the quarrel over Clericis laicos there deprived him of further hope of completing his mission.Google Scholar
27 Ibid. 28.Google Scholar
28 Marténe, and Durand, , op. cit. 4.219–20. ‘… pro salubrius remediis exquirendis quibus ipsa ecclesia cui grandem videmus, proh dolor, imminere ruinam, auctore domino fulciatur.’ Google Scholar
29 Ibid., pp. 221–22: ‘… Decet ecclesiam Gallicanam in Christo, cujus sponsa noscitur, unam esse cui sponsus dedit annulum fidei pro sigillo, in tantae firmitatis praesidium, ut propulsans adversitas nulla posset hanc dissolvere firmitatem…. Cujus unitatis nos extimabilem considerantes affectum, nuper de illustrissimi regis et regni Francorum negotiis, et in ipsam ecclesiam Gallicanam extra pharetram jam in arcu positis ad sagittandum sagittis singulariter singuli multipliciter non absque cordis afflictione meditationibus continuis revolventes: imo perplexis mentis revolutionibus meditantes, perpendimus nihil posse ex hujusmodi singularibus meditantibus utilitatis consequi, convenientius et utilius arbitrantes omnes vos in unum convenire Parisius, tractaturi invicem, et exquisito reverendi patris et domini domini Simonis gratia Dei Praenestini episcopi cardinalis concilio, de vestris et remediis quibus ecclesia Gallicana in tanta perplexitate posita, possit cum Dei adjutorio perplexitatis scandalum et periculum obviare, dictique reverendi patris consilium provida sui deliberatione cum nostro resedit in unum, et quod esset consentaneum rationi ut commune ecclesiarum negotium communi omnium digito palparetur, et illa quae una est ecclesia in una petra fundata uno … consilio ac remedio contra parata jacula potiatur….’ Google Scholar
30 Höfler, , op. cit. 75.Google Scholar
31 Marténe and Durand, 4.223–24 have printed a letter on this subject from the Archbishop of Bourges to his suffragans describing the meeting: ‘… pungitivae compassionis oculo vigilantius intuentes dolores et onera, planctus, angustias excessum, fremitum scandalorum, quos, proh dolor, his diebus miserabiliter pati dinoscitur ecclesia Gallicana, inaudite varietate gravaminum et persecutiones acerbitate multiplicis, vulnerosius anxiata, quantoque gravioris incommodi et praeciti destructivi pericula mora remedii comminatur….’ Google Scholar
32 Reg. Boniface VIII, n. 1096.Google Scholar
33 Les Olims, ed. Beugnot, (3 vols.; Collection des Documents Inédits; Paris 1842) 2.397.Google Scholar
34 Reg. Boniface VIII, op. cit. n. 1645.Google Scholar
35 Ibid. n. 1646: ‘Celsitudinem ergo regiam monemus, rogamus, et hortamur attente ut, si ad viam hanc hujusmodi negotium deducatur, mittas nuntios providos fideles, bonos, tractabiles et suasibiles, non resistentes lumini, sed que veritati et rationibus acquiescant et tue plane sint conscii voluntatis, ita quod non oporteat super quolibet articulo sive verbo ad te habere recursum et tantum bonum periculose differri, in magnum christianitatis et fidei detrimentum.’ Google Scholar
36 Ibid., n. 1653: 'Ad quid enim venerabiles fratres nostros B. Albanensem et S. Penestrinum episcopos, nobilia utique Romane membra ecclesie, ad te ac Anglie regem et regna transmissimus? … Nonne pro tua et regni tui procuranda salute ac adversitate vitanda noctes insomnes duximus, et subivimus intollerabiles quasi labores, postquam ad apostolatus apicem celestis dispositio nos vocavit? Nonne cotidianis tractatibus et sollicitudinibus pro tuis agendis insistimus sine intermissione laborum?.Google Scholar
37 Ibid.: ‘Quod si forsan ad inique suggestionis instantiam assumpseris causam edende constitutionis ejusdem pretextu nostre constitutionis, quam nuper pro ecclesiastica edidimus libertate, talis profecto tam suggestorum, quam suggesti motus nullus fulcitur auxilio rationis. Constitutio enim nostra, si ad rivalem sensum, postposito congruo, non trahatur, id, si bene perpenditur, statuit, quod alias per sanctiones canonicas est statutum, licet penas contra transgressores adjecerit, nonnullis ex communi quasi vitio peccare desinentibus potius formidine pene, quam amore virtutis. Non enim precise statuimus, pro defensione ac necessitatibus tuis vel regni tui ab eisdem prelatis, ecclesiasticisve personis pecuniarium subsidium non prestari; sed adjecimus id non fieri sine nostra licentia speciali, adductis in considerationem nostram exactionibus intolerabilibus ecclesiis et personis ecclesiasticis, religiosis et secularibus dicti regni ab officialibus tuis auctoritate tua impositis atque factis; de futuris potius verisimiliter formidantes, cum ex preteritis certitudo presumi valeat de futuris. Sed te non novimus ad tales exactiones auctoritate fulcitum, cujus auctoritatis abusum in te ac quolibet principe seculari divina et humana jura, quinimmo judicia detestantur, cum tibi sit et eis talis penitus auctoritas interdicta, quod tibi pro tua et successorum tuorum salute ad perpetuam rei memoriam presentibus nuntiamus; nullique suggerenti contrarium fidem adhibeas, quinimmo nec prestes auditum.’ Google Scholar
38 Ibid. Google Scholar
39 The records of the meeting itself were not preserved beyond brief mention of Flotte's address but the substance of the speech is probably the famous Antequam essent clericis, found in the royal chancery by Dupuy, 21–23. Its authorship is convincingly attributed to Flotte or to someone working under him in the chancery by Scholz, R., Die Publizistik zur Zeit Philipps des Schönen und Bonifaz VIII. (Stuttgart 1903) 333. Entitled ‘Responsiones nomine Philippi Regis ad Bullam Bonifacii PP. VIII datam Anagniae II Kalend. Octobre Pontificatus anno secundo,’ the tract clearly purports to be an answer to Ineffabilis amoris. As shown by Langlois, C., Saint Louis — Philippe le Bel, 3 pt. 2, Histoire de France , ed. Lavisse, N. (Paris 1911) 134, this ‘answer’ could never have been sent to Rome or intended for the pope's eyes. Therefore, the most logical explanation for its composition is for use at the meeting of the Parlement of Paris.Google Scholar
40 The fullest description of the entire meeting comes from the Abbot's own testimony in 1309, Höfler, , 72, which is partially confirmed by Orsini, Napoleon, ibid. 50 and John Lemoine, 52.Google Scholar
41 Digard, G., Philippe le Bel et le Saint Siège de 1304 à 1304 (2 vols.; Paris 1936) 1.272.Google Scholar
42 Reg. Boniface VIII, n. 2311, 9 February 1297.Google Scholar
43 The letter from the clergy of Reims (Dupuy, 26), was established by Langlois, 135, as issuing from the February meeting. Kervyn de Lettenhove, 20, provided evidence that 22 other French prelates wrote similar letters, which is corroborated by the pope's answer, Reg. Boniface VIII, 2333.Google Scholar
44 Ibid. n. 2308.Google Scholar
45 Ibid. n. 2312.Google Scholar
46 Ibid. n. 2333, 28 February 1297.Google Scholar
47 Records of these arrangements appear in Marténe, and Durand, , op. cit., I, 1277–80. The editors date the documents ‘1296’ but the text is dated ‘third year of the pontificate’ or 1297, new style.Google Scholar