Published online by Cambridge University Press: 12 February 2009
THE ‘history of ideologies’ is now very much the vogue since Professor Quentin Skinner's fine study on The foundations of modern political thought. Whether or not one agrees with all aspects of his interpretation of Bodin—and Dr Parker might argue that it fails to draw out sufficiently the moral philosopher inside the jurist, while Professor Rose might prefer to stress the Judaizing tendencies of the theorist as a central preoccupation—it is a testament to the decisive impact made by Skinner on the history of political thought that no-one has challenged his new and radical approach. It is no part of the purpose of this paper to do so. Indeed, an understanding both of Bodin's predecessors and of the ideological conflict of the 1570s which influenced the drafting of the Six bookes of a commonweale (the title given to the République by its first English translator, Richard Knolles) is fundamental before any appreciation of the theorist can be made free from distortion. It is no use at all asserting that Bodin started from scratch, even on the issue of sovereignty, where he made his most original contribution. Bodin himself minimized his originality, basing his commentary on the powers historically enjoyed by French kings. The French king had traditionally regarded his authority as that of princeps legibus solutus, as an absolute ruler above the law. If the French king had been unable to do those things described by Bodin, in the view of that author, ‘il n'estoit pas Prince souverain’. Bodin also noted the contribution of the canon lawyers of the Middle Ages to the development of his political theory and remarked that Pope Innocent IV was he who best understood the nature of sovereignty.
1 For his discussion of Bodin, , Skinner, , The foundations of modern political thought. II. The Age of Reformation (Cambridge, 1978), 284–301Google Scholar. A recent study of French political thought consciously adopts at least a history of ideologies veneer, but is disappointing on Bodin: Keohane, N.O., Philosophy and the state in France. The Renaissance to the enlightenment (Princeton, NJ 1980), 67–82CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
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4 See Bonney, R.J., L'absolutisme (Paris, 1989)Google Scholar, chapter one.
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7 Although King has made a start in considering Bodin's influence on Hobbes: King, P., The ideology of order. A comparative analysis of Jean Bodin and Thomas Hobbes (1974)Google Scholar.
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12 There is no mention of the provincial intendants in Parker, , ‘Sovereignty, absolutism and the law’. At p. 65Google Scholar, in the context of the grands jours of Auvergne, he comments that ‘justice by commission of this sort, cutting across all vested interests, was perhaps as near to absolutism in the popular sense as the crown ever got’.
13 There have been some exceptions, notably at the Munich conference on Bodin: Polin, R., ‘L'idée de République selon Jean Bodin’, Jean Bodin. Proceedings of the international conference on Bodin in Munich, ed. Denzer, H. (Munich, 1973), p. 349Google Scholar; also ibid., p. 469: in the discussion, Freund asserted that the development of the commission was ‘fondamental pour toute pensée politique postérieure’, while Derathé noted that the distínction between officier and souverain was ‘plus importante, plus développée dans la littérature postérieure que chez Bodin’.
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63 AN G7 118, 20 Aug. 1709.
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66 AN G7 127, 19 Jan. 1709. Foullé de Montargis, the new intendant, sent a draft decree with the appropriate power based on those granted to Montgeron, his predecessor, in the case, but with a simple substitution of names.
67 AN G7 127, 18 May 1707.
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