Published online by Cambridge University Press: 12 February 2009
There are grounds for seeing an increasing sophistication in the development of a self-conscious perception of ‘English’ cultural unique-ness and individuality towards the end of the ninth century, at least in some quarters, and for crediting King Alfred's court circle with its expression. King Alfred was not, as Orderic Vitalis described him, ‘the first king to hold sway over the whole of England’, which tribute might rather be paid to his grandson Æthelstan. He was, however, as his obituary in the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle described him, ‘king over the whole English people except for that part which was under Danish rule’. Through his promotion of the term Angelcynn to reflect the common identity of his people in a variety of texts dating from the latter part of his reign, and his efforts in cultivating the shared memory of his West Mercian and West Saxon subjects, King Alfred might be credited with the invention of the English as a political community.
2 The Ecclesiastical History of Orderic Vitalis, ed. Chibnall, M. (6 vols., Oxford, 1968–1980), II. 241Google Scholar; quoted by Keynes, S. and Lapidge, M., Alfred the Great: Asser's ‘Life of King Alfred’ and Other Contemporary Sources (Harmondsworth, 1983), 46Google Scholar. For King Æthelstan (whose extended realm was a temporary creation, not surviving his death) see Dumville, D. N., Wessex and England from Alfred to Edgar (Woodbridge, 1992)Google Scholar, ch. 4. It was a foreign conqueror, the Danish king, Cnut, who described himself as ealles Engla landes cyning. I Cnut, prologue, ed. Iiebermann, F., Die Gesetze der Angelsachsen (3 vols., Halle, 1903–1916), 1. 278–307Google Scholar, at 278; transl. English Historical Documents, I, C.500–1042, ed. Whitelock, D. (2nd edn, London, 1979)Google Scholar [hereafter EHD], no. 49, 454. See Wormald, P., ‘Engla lond: The Making of an Allegiance’, Journal of Historical Sociology, VII (1994), 1–24, at 10CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
3 Anglo-Saxon Chronicle, s.a. 900: MS A, ed. Bately, J. (The Anglo-Saxon Chronicle: A Collaborative Edition, ed. Dumville, D. and Keynes, S., III (Cambridge, 1986) [hereafter ASC], 61Google Scholar; EHD, no. 1, 207.
4 On the adoption of collective names see Smith, A. D., The Ethnic Origins of Motions (Oxford, 1986), 22–4Google Scholar. See also Wormald, P., ‘Bede, the Brehwaldas and the Origins of the gens Anglorum’, in Ideal and Reality in Frankish and Anglo-Saxon Society, ed. Wormald, P. et al. (Oxford, 1983), 99–129, at 103–4Google Scholar.
5 For discussion in an Anglo-Saxon context of the relationship between a culture's ideas and the language in which they are expressed see Godden, M., ‘Anglo-Saxons on the Mind’, in Learning and Literature in Anglo-Saxon England, ed. Lapidge, M. and Gneuss, H. (Cambridge, 1985), 271–98Google Scholar, at 286. A helpful introduction to the wider issue of the role of language in the making of history is Partner, N., ‘The New Cornificius: Medieval History and the Artifice of Words’, in Classical Rhetoric and Medieval Historiography, ed. Breisach, E. (Kalamazoo, Mich., 1985), 5–59Google Scholar especially 25–40; also Partner, N., ‘Making up Lost Time: Writing on the Writing of History’, Speculum, LXI (1986), 90–117CrossRefGoogle Scholar, at 94–8.
6 ASC, s.a. 886, ed. Bately, 53: ‘рy ilcan geare gesette ælfred cyning Lundenburg, 7 him all Angelcyn to cirde, рæt buton Deniscra monna hæftniede was, 7 hie рa befæste рa burge æрerede aldormen to haldonne’. Transl. EIID, 199.
7 That London was recovered before 886 is suggested by the numismatic evidence, which has been interpreted to mean that Alfred was minting his London-monogram pennies earlier in the 88os than 886: Blackburn, M.A.S., ‘The London Mint in the Reign of Alfred’, in Kings, Currency and Alliances: The History and Coinage of Southern England, AD 840–900, ed. Blackburn, M.A.S. and Dumville, D.N. (Woodbridge, forthcoming)Google Scholar. For the significance of the ceremonies of 886 see Nelson, J., ‘The Political Ideas of Alfred of Wessex’, in Kings and Kingship in Medieval Europe, ed. Duggan, A. (London, 1993), 125–58Google Scholar, at 154–5.
8 The Chronicle reported for 825 that Ecgberht had defeated the Mercians at Wroughton, and for 829 that he conquered the kingdom of the Mercians and everything south of the Humber: ASC, s.a. 823, ed. Bately, 41; s.a. 827, ed. Bately, 42; transl. EHD, 185–6. Evidence for increased understanding between the two kingdoms is apparent in the reign of Æthelwulf (who married his daughter to the Mercian king, Burgred, and assisted him in an expedition against the Welsh in 853) and during the 84os when the West Saxon and Mercian coinages were closely related: Keynes, and Lapidge, , Alfred the Great, 12Google Scholar.
9 Keynes, and Lapidge, (Alfred the Great, 228Google Scholar n. 1) have argued that Æthelred accepted Alfred as his lord as early as 883, on the evidence of a Worcester charter S 218 [S = Sawyer, P.H., Anglo-Saxon Charters: An Annotated List and Bibliography (London, 1968)Google Scholar, but this could now be fitted into the new chronology for the taking of London in that year.
10 Asser, , Life of King Alfred, c. 83Google Scholar, ed. Stevenson, W.H., Asser's Life of King Alfred (Oxford, 1904; new impression, 1959), 69Google Scholar transl, Keynes, and Lapidge, , Alfred the Great, 98Google Scholar.
11 Nelson, , ‘The Political Ideas’, 134–5Google Scholar.
12 As Nelson has pointed out, although Asser described Alfred as ‘ruler of all the Christians of the island of Britain, king of the Anglo-Saxons’ in the preface to his Life of the king, he did not use that style again until describing events after the formal submission of 886: Nelson, , ‘The Political Ideas’, 155Google Scholar. For the adoption of the royal-title rex Angul-Saxonum in Alfred's charters see Stevenson, , Asser, 149–52Google Scholar; Whiteiock, , ‘Some Charters in the Name of King Alfred’, in Saints, Scholars and Heroes, ed. King, M.H. and Stevens, W.M. (2 vols., Collegeville, Minn., 1979), I. 77–98Google Scholar; Keynes, and Lapidge, , Alfred the Great, 227–8 n. 1Google Scholar;Nelson, , ‘The Political Ideas’, 134 n. 42Google Scholar.
13 Alfred-Guthrum treaty; ed. Liebermann, , Die Gesetze, I. 126–9Google Scholar; transl. in Keynes, and Lapidge, , Alfred the Great, 171–2Google Scholar. Alfred might alternatively have here been asserting his right to act on behalf of the Angles (namely the Mercians), not just the West Saxons for whom he already spoke as king, which message could have had a similar propaganda value. But the text of the treaty goes on to distinguish Danishmen (Deniscne) from Englishmen (Engliscne), and I understand the Angelcynn mentioned here to incorporate all those in Kent and Wessex as well as the Mercian Angles. The treaty is customarily dated to 886 (capture of London) x 890 (death of Guthrum): Keynes, and Lapidge, , Alfred the Great, 171Google Scholar. Dumville has, however, challenged this view and argued that the treaty should rather be dated to 878: Wessex, ch. 1.
14 Asser, Life of Alfred, ch. 80, ed. Stevenson, 66; transl. Keynes, and Lapidge, , Alfred the Great, 96Google Scholar.
15 Keynes, and Lapidge, , Alfred the Great, 38–41Google Scholar.
16 Important in shaping my ideas has been Reynolds, S., ‘What do we Mean by Anglo-Saxon and the Anglo-Saxons?’, Journal of British Studies, XXIV (1985), 395–414CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
17 The development before the Conquest of the notion of an English (as opposed to a Saxon, or Anglo-Saxon identiy) has been examined by Patrick Wormald in various articles: ‘Bede, the Bretwaldas’; ‘The Venerable Bede and the “Church of the English”’, in The English Religious Tradition and the Genius of Anglicanism, ed. Rowell, G. (1992), 13–32Google Scholar; ‘Engla Land: The Making of an Allegiance’, Journal of Historical Sociology, VII (1994), 1–24Google Scholar; ‘The Making of England’, History Today (February 1995), 26–32.
18 Godden, , ‘Anglo-Saxons on the Mind’, 286Google Scholar; Smith, , Ethnic Origins, 23Google Scholar.
19 Bartlett, R., The Making of Europe (London, 1993), 197Google Scholar. See also Geary, P., ‘Ethnic Identity as a Situational Construct in the Early Middle Ages’, Mitteilungen der Anthro-pologischen Gesellschaft in Wien, CXIII (1983), 15–26Google Scholar, at 18–20.
20 Regino, letter to Archbishop Hatto of Mainz (ed. Kurze, F., Regionis Prumiensis Chronicon, MGH, SRG (Hanover, 1890), xix–xxGoogle Scholar): ‘sicut diuersae nationes populorum inter se discrepant genere, moribus, lingua, legibus’. Kienast, W. (Die fränkische Vasallität (Frankfurt, 1990), 270–1 n. 900)Google Scholar has noted that Regino's definition of national characteristics is similar to the famous opening sentence of Caesar's Gallic War: ‘Gallia est omnis diuisa in partes tres … Hi omnes lingua, institutis, legibus inter se differunt’ (Gaul is a whole divided into three parts … All these differ from one another in language, institutions and laws): Caesar, , The Gallic War, I. i (ed. and transl. Edwards, H.J. (London, 1917))Google Scholar. I am grateful to Professor J.L. Nelson for drawing this reference to my attention.
21 Bartlettf, , The Making of Europe, 198–204Google Scholar.
22 Bede's Ecclesiastical History of the English People, ed. and transl. Colgrave, B. and Mynors, R.A.B. (Oxford, 1969)Google Scholar [hereafter HE], I. i, at 16–17. John Hines has commented on the significance of Bede's recognition of the existence of a single English language: ‘The Becoming of the English: Identity, Material Culture and Language in Early Anglo-Saxon England’, Anglo-Saxon Studies in Archaeology and History, VII (1994), 49–59Google Scholar, at 51. The extent to which Bede's language was at variance from that of other writers of his time is explored further below; see also Wormald, , ‘Bede, the Bretwaldas’, 120–3Google Scholar.
23 Alcuin: The Bishops, Kings and Saints of York, ed. and transl. Godman, P. (Oxford, 1982)Google Scholar, lines 501–2: ‘in se quod retinet famosa Britannia gentes / diuisas linguis, populis per nomina patrum’. Alcuin's statement owes something to HE, III.6 (ed. and transl. Colgrave and Mynors,230–1): ‘omnes nationes et prouincias Brittaniae, quae in quattuor linguas, id est Brettonum Pictorum Scottorum et Anglorum diuisae sunt’.
24 Alfred preface to the Old English Regula pastoralis, ed. Whitelock, D., Sweet's Anglo-Saxon Reader in Prose and Verse (rev. edn, Oxford, 1967), 4–7Google Scholar, at 5; transl. Keynes, and Lapidge, , Alfred the Great, 124–6Google Scholar, at 125: ‘So completely had learning decayed among the Angelcynn, that there were very few on this side of the Humber who could comprehend their services in Englisc.’
25 S 207, a charter of Burgred of Mercia dated 855 by which he granted the minster at Blockley to the church of Worcester, freeing it from various obligations including that of lodging all mounted men of the English race (& ealra angelcynnes monna) and foreigners, whether of noble or humble birth, which freedom was to be given for ever, as long as the Christian faith might last among the English (apud Anglos). That the term Angelcynn had been coined before Alfred's time (possibly long before its first recorded written usage) does not detract from my central argument that Alfred harnessed the word to his own particular ends.
26 Alfred, prose preface, ed. Whitelock, 5; transl. Keynes, and Lapidge, , Alfred the Great, 125Google Scholar. Compare also Alfred's preface to his translation of Psalm xiii, ed. Bright, J.W. and Ramsay, R.L., Liber Psahnorum: The West Saxon Psalms (Boston and London, 1907), 24Google Scholar; transl. Keynes, and Lapidge, , Alfred the Great, 158:Google Scholar ‘When David sang this thirteenth psalm, he lamented to the Lord in the psalm that in his time there should be so little faith, and so little wisdom should be found in the world. And so does every just man who sings it now: he laments the same thing in his own time’. See also Shippey, T.A., ‘Wealth and Wisdom in King Alfred's Preface to the Old English Pastoral Care’, EHR, XCIV (1979), 346–55CrossRefGoogle Scholar; for the interest taken in Alfred's prefatory letter by Anglican reformers and other scholars in the second half of the sixteenth century see Page, R.I., ‘The Sixteenth-Century Reception of Alfred the Great's Letter to his Bishops’, Anglia, CX (1992), 36–64, at 37–41Google Scholar.
27 Alfred, prose preface, ed. Whitelock 6; transl. Keynes, and Lapidge, , Alfred the Great, 126Google Scholar.
28 Compare Alfred's translation of Psalm ii:i2, ed. Bright and Ramsay, 3, transl. Keynes, and Lapidge, , Alfred the Great, 154:Google Scholar ‘Embrace learning lest you incur God's anger and lest you stray from the right path.’ Although in his life of the king Asser depicted Alfred's thirst for learning as driven primarily by personal aspiration (for example Life of Alfred, chs. 76–8, ed. Stevenson, , Asser, 59–63Google Scholar; transl. Keynes, and Lapidge, , Alfred the Great, 91–3Google Scholar), the final chapter of Asser's Life makes explicit the broader application Alfred envisaged: ch. 106, ed. Stevenson, , Asser, 92–5Google Scholar, transl. Keynes, and Lapidge, , Alfred the Great, 109–110Google Scholar. Keynes, S., ‘Royal Government and the Written Word in Late Anglo-Saxon England’, in The Uses of Literacy in Early Medieval Europe, ed. McKitterick, R. (Cambridge, 1990), 228–57, at 230–1Google Scholar.
29 Alfred, prose preface, ed. Whitelock, 6; transl. Keynes, and Lapidge, , Alfred the Great, 125Google Scholar.
30 Keynes, , ‘Royal Government’, 231–2Google Scholar.
31 Wallace-Hadrill, (‘The Franks and the English: Some Common Historical Interests’, in his Early Medieval History (Oxford, 1975), 201–16, at 216)Google Scholar noted the relevance to Alfred, of Bede's, statement(HE, II.5)Google Scholar that Æthelberht of Kent had established with the advice of his counsellors a code of laws after the Roman manner, which had been written down in English to be preserved and drew attention also to the example of ninth-century Frankish law collections.
32 Alfred, Laws, introduction §49.7–9; ed. Iiebermann, , Die Gesetze, I. 44–6Google Scholar; transl. Keynes, and Lapidge, , Alfred the Great, 163–4Google Scholar.
33 Nelson, J.L., ‘literacy in Carolingian Government’, in The Uses of Literacy, ed. McKitterick, , 258–96, at 263Google Scholar.
34 Wormald, , ‘The Venerable Bede’, 25Google Scholar. For the Franks' perception of themselves as a chosen people, a new Israel, see Nelson, J.L., ‘Kingship and Empire in the Carolingian World’, in Carolingian Culture: Emulation and Innovation, ed. McKitterick, R. (Cambridge, 1994), 52–87, at 55–6Google Scholar; for ninth-century Frankish use of the exemplary world of the Old Testament see Wallace-Hadrill, J.M., ‘History in the Mind of Archbishop Hincmar’, in The Writing of History in the Middle Ages, ed. Davis, R.H.C. and Wallace-Hadrill, J.M. (Oxford, 1981), 43–70, 49–51Google Scholar.
35 For Bede's conception see Wormald, , ‘The Venerable Bede’, 23–4Google Scholar. Alcuin had drawn a parallel between the sack of Lindisfarne in 793 and the sack of jerusalem and destruction of die Temple by the Chaldeans, which led to the Israelites’ Babylonian captivity: Epistoh 20, ed. Dümmler, MGH, Epistolae Karolini Aevi, II.57 transl. EHD, no. 194. I am grateful to Dr Judith Maltby for suggesting the parallel with die Babylonian captivity to me.
36 Keynes, S., ‘Changing Faces: Offa, King of Mercia’, History Today, XL (11 1990), 14–19Google Scholar. A small group of Worcester charters does give more grandiose titles to Æthelbald of Mercia: S 94, 101, 103, and S 89 (transl. EHD, no. 67) in which Jithelbald is called rex sutangli and in the witness list, rex Britanniae. Although this charter might be compared with the statement Bede made about the extent of Æthelbald's power south of the Humber (HE, V.23), these titles are not adopted by other scriptoria of the period and may reveal more of the aspirations of Worcester draftsmen than the Mercian king's own perceptions of his rule.
37 This point was noted by Gaimar, who in his Estoire des Engleis (written c. 1140) attributed to King Alfred the responsibility for making the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle as a history of the English: L'estoire des Engleis by Geffiei Gaimar (Anglo-Norman Text Society, 1960), vv. 3443–50Google Scholar. I am grateful to John Gillingham for drawing this point to my attention and for allowing me to see his forthcoming paper ‘Gaimar, the Prose Brut and the Making of English History.’
38 Alfred, , Laws, §1.2, ed. Liebermann, , Die Gesetze, I.46Google Scholar. Carolingian parallels are particularly apt here, for example Charlemagne's imposition of a general fidelity oath in 789 after the revolt of Hardrad, (Duplex legationis edictum, c. 18, MGH, Capitularia, I, no. 23, 63)Google Scholar and his insistence in 802 that all over the age of twelve should promise to him as emperor the fidelity which they had previously promised to him as king: MGH, Capitularia, I, no. 33, ch. 2, 92. See now Becher, M., Eid und Herrschqft: Untersuchungen zum Herrscherethos Karls der Groβen (Sigmaringen, 1993)Google Scholar, especially chs. ii and iv.
39 Gellner, E., Nations and Nationalism (Oxford, 1983)Google Scholar, at 1, and 53–62. More sympathetic to the idea that national sentiment might exist in pre-modern nations is Smith, A.D., National Identity (Harmondsworth, 1991)Google Scholar.
40 Sahlins, P., Boundaries: The Making of France and Spain in the Pyrenees (Berkeley and Los Angeles, 1989), 271Google Scholar. Hobsbawm, E. (Motions and Nationalism since 1780 (Cambridge, 1990), 91Google Scholar): ‘there is no more effective way of bonding together the disparate sections of restless peoples than to unite them against outsiders’. And Colley, L., ‘Britishness and Otherness: An Argument’, Journal of British Studies, XXXI (1992), 309–29CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
41 Wormald, ‘The Making of England’.
42 Asser, Life of King Alfred, ch. 76 (ed. Stevenson, 59); Nelson, J.L., ‘Wealth and Wisdom: The Politics of Alfred the Great’, in Kings and Kingship, ed. Rosenthal, J., Acta XI 1984 (Binghampton, N.Y., 1986), 31–52, at 44Google Scholar.
43 Keynes, and Lapidge, , Alfred the Great, 91Google Scholar. Compare Asser, life of Alfred, ch. 75 (ed. Stevenson, , Asser, 58Google Scholar, transl. Keynes, and Lapidge, , Alfred the Great, 90Google Scholar) which refers to the school established by the king where books were carefully read in both languages, in Latin and English: utriusque linguae libri, Latinae scilicet et Saxonitae. Nelson was also referring to the relevance to Kentishmen and Mercians of the wisdom which sought to foster: ‘Wealth’ 45.
44 Nelson, , ‘Wealth’, 45Google Scholar.
45 One is reminded here of Anthony Smith's definition of ethnic communities as ‘named populations with shared ancestry myths, histories and cultures, having an association with specific territory and a sense of solidarity’: The Ethnic Origins of Nations (Oxford, 1986), 32Google Scholar. Also Colley, , ‘Britishness’, p. 317Google Scholar.
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47 The Old English Version of Bede's Ecclesiastical History of the English People, at, for example, I.xiii, IV.ii, V.xxiii (ed. Miller, T., 4 vols., Early English Text Society, original series XCVXCVI and CX–CXI (London, 1890–1898)Google Scholar, part i, 54, 258, 478–80). The word Angelcynn occurs in a number of annals in the A manuscript of Anglo-Saxon Chronicle before 886, used in relation to the English people as a whole (s.a. 443, 597, 787 and 836, ed. Bately, 17, 25, 39, 43) and of the English school in Rome (j.a. 874, ed. Bately, 49).
48 Contra Davis, R.H.C., ‘Alfred the Great: Propaganda and Truth’, History, LVI (1971), 169–82CrossRefGoogle Scholar; J.M. Wallace-Hadrill, who saw the Chronicle as ‘a reflection of urgent political need not of a people, but a dynasty’: ‘The Franks and the English in the Ninth Century: Some Common Historical Interests’, in Early Medieval History (Oxford, 1975), 201–16, 210–11Google Scholar.
49 I differ here from White, H. in his analysis of early medieval annals: The Content and the Form: Narrative Discourse and Historical Representation (Baltimore, Md., and London, 1987)Google Scholar, ch. 1. On medieval writers' use of linear narrative see also Partner, , ‘The New Cornificius’, 42–3Google Scholar. I am grateful to Michael Bentley for discussing these ideas with me at length; I intend to pursue some of these thoughts about the Chronicle in a forthcoming paper.
50 For consideration of the use of genealogy in the assertion of political unity in the early middle ages see Dumville, D.N., ‘Kingship, Genealogies and Regnal Lists’, in Early Medieval Kingship, ed. Sawyer, P.H. and Wood, I.N. (Leeds, 1977), 72–104Google Scholar (reprinted in Dumville's collected papers: Histories and Pseudo-Histories of the Insular Middle Ages (Aldershot, 1990), no. xv).
51 Amory, P., ‘Ethnographic Culture and the Construction of Community in Ostrogothic Italy, 489–554’ (Ph.D. thesis, University of Cambridge, 1994), 8–11Google Scholar; Geary, , ‘Ethnic Identity’, 24–6Google Scholar.
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53 In an East Frankish context one might compare here the promotion of the German vernacular by Louis the German: Wallace-Hadrill, J.M., The Frankish Church (Oxford, 1983). 333–4CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
54 Gildas had laboured this point in portraying the pagan attacks of Germanic peoples on Britain as a reflection of God's anger with the British, Christian: Gildas: The Ruin of Britain and Other Works, ed. and transl. Winterbottom, M. (London and Chichester, 1978)Google Scholar. See Hanning, R.W., The Vision of History in Early Britain (London, 1966)Google Scholar, chs. 2–3. For consideration of the same themes in the Second Viking Age see Godden, M., ‘Apocalypse and Invasion in Late Anglo-Saxon England’, in From Angb-Saxon to Early Middle English: Studies Presented to E.G. Stanley (Oxford, 1994), 130–62Google Scholar.
55 For example the letters written by Alcuin following the first Viking raid on Lindisfarne, in 06 793: Epistolae, 16–21Google Scholar, ed. Dummler, E., Epistolae Karolini Aevi II, MGH, Epistolae, IV (Berlin, 1895)Google Scholar; and see Bullough, D.A., ‘What Has Ingeld to do with Lindisfarne’, Anglo-Saxon England, XXII (1993), 93–125Google Scholar, especially 95–101. Among ninth-century texts see the Synod of Meaux and Paris, 845–6 (ed. Hartmann, W., MGH, Concilia, III (Hanover, 1984), 60–132 at 82)Google Scholar; quoted by Coupland, S., ‘The Rod of God's Wrath or the People of God's Wrath? The Carolingian Theology of the Viking Invasions’, Journal of Ecclesiastical History, XLII (1991), 535–54, at 537 n. 6CrossRefGoogle Scholar; and the Translatio et miracula S. Germani, chs. 2–4 (ed. Waitz, G., MGH, SS, xv.i (Hanover, 1887), at 10–11)Google Scholar. I owe this last reference to Janet Nelson.
56 Annaks de Saint-Benin, s.a. 839, ed. Grat, F. et al. (Paris, 1964), 29Google Scholar; transl. Nelson 43. The danger which Viking attacks presented to the continuance of the Christian faith in England was noted by various outsiders in the ninth century; see my ‘Violence against Christians? The Vikings and the Church in Ninth-Century England’, Medieval History, I.3 (1991), 3–16, especially 9–10Google Scholar.
57 The capitulary of Pitres, 862 (ed. Boretius, A. and Krause, V., MGH Capitularia II, no. 272)Google Scholar, for example describes how ‘tumults have arisen, wretchedly stirred up both by pagans and by those calling themselves Christians, and…terrible calamities have spread through this land’. Attention is drawn to the individual sins of the Franks for which reason ‘we have been exiled from the land of the living’. The remedy proposed is clear: ‘in the destruction around us God has revealed to us what we should understand about the devastation within us, so that, having understood, we should return to him and believe’. I am grateful to Dr Simon Coupland for allowing me to quote from his translation of this capitulary.
58 For the attribution of the Old English Bede to Alfred's reign see above n. 46 and Whitelock, D., ‘The Prose of Alfred's Reign’, in Continuations and Beginnings: Studies in Old English Literature, ed. Stanley, E.G. (London, 1966), 67–103, at 77–9Google Scholar (reprinted in her collected papers From Bede to Alfred, no. vi).
59 Wormald, , ‘The Venerable Bede’ 21, 24Google Scholar. Compare also Howe, N., Migration and Mythmaking in Anglo-Saxon England (New Haven and London, 1989), 49–71Google Scholar.
60 Bede, , HE, I.i, 16–17Google Scholar. For the significance of dialectal variants within Old English as markers for the separate identites of different Anglo-Saxon kingdoms see Hines, , ‘Identity’, 55–7Google Scholar
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62 Bede, , HE, IV.2, 332–3Google Scholar. The making of a single eccksia Anglorum had clearly been Pope Gregory's original intention; see for example his advice to Augustine about the consecration of new bishops: HE, I.27, 86.
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82 Boniface, , Epistola 46Google Scholar, ed. Tangl, , Die Briefe, 74Google Scholar.
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85 S 362, transl. EHD, 100. Discussed together with other instances of disloyalty to Alfred by Nelson, J.L., ‘“A King Across the Sea”: Alfred in Continental Perspective’, TRHS, 5th series, XXXVI (1986), 45–68, at 53Google Scholar; and by S. Keynes, ‘A Tale of Two Kings: Alfred the Great and Æthelred the Unready’, ibid. 195–217, at 206. For further evidence of reluctance to promote Alfred's plans see Asser, life of King Alfred, chs. 91 and 106, ed. Stevenson, , Asser, 77, 93–4Google Scholar; transl. Keynes, and Lapidge, , Alfred the Great, 101, 110Google Scholar.
86 The Chronicler reported not only that Essex submitted to Æthelwold, and that he was later joined by the East Anglian Vikings and a Mercian prince, but that Edward had some difficulty in holding his own army together, having to send seven messengers to the men of Kent who persisted in lingering behind against his command: Anglo-Saxon Chronicle 903. Æthelwold's revolt has been discussed by Dumville, , Wessex, 10Google Scholar.
87 This has been argued by Keynes, Simon on the basis of a group of charters issued in 903 and by references in S 396(EHD, 103)Google Scholar and S 397 issued in 926 to ‘the order of King Edward and also of Ealdorman Æthelred along with the other ealdormen and thegns’: ‘A Charter of Edward the Elder for Islington’, Historical Research, LXVI (1993), 303–16Google Scholar. In other charters, however, Æthelred and Æthelfted made grants without reference to Edward: S 221, 224–5; see Stafford, P., Unification and Conquest: A Political and Social History of England in the Tenth and Eleventh Centuries (London, 1989), 25–6Google Scholar.
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96 Numerous tenth-century royal charters style kings as ‘king of the English and of the people round about’, and the witness lists to these grants reveal the presence at the West Saxon court of Northumbrian and often Welsh princes. For the articulation of imperial pretensions in the charters of Æthelstan and his successors see Dumville, , Wessex, 149, 153–4Google Scholar, and Banton, N., ‘Monastic Reform and the Unification of Tenth-Century England’, in Religion and National Identity, ed. Mews, S. (Oxford, 1982), 71–85, at 72–3 and 80–1Google Scholar.
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100 I hope to pursue this further in a thematic consideration of the history of the English before the Norman Conquest.
101 Davies, R.R., Conquest, Coexistence and Change: Wales 1063–1415 (Oxford, 1987), 15–20Google Scholar.
102 Wormald, , ‘The Venerable Bede’, 24Google Scholar.
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