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Published online by Cambridge University Press: 12 February 2009
In my previous paper I brought the story of Caesar down to the year when he returned home from the East after Sulla's death, and started a new double career—first as one of the college of pontiffs, and secondly as a tribune; the fact of his having had both a religious and secular status at this time no doubt greatly extended his influence and increased the number of useful people with whom he had personal ties. His appointment as a pontiff on the death of his maternal uncle was due, no doubt, to the antecedents of his mother's family, whose ancestral connection with priestly functions he inherited. The Aurelian ‘gens,’ which was plebeian in status, according to Festus professed to derive their family name from their sacerdotal duties, and particularly from the worship of the sun, which in the Sabine language was called ‘ausel,’ a word related to the ‘ozul’ of the Salian hymns and the Etruscan ‘Uzil,’ the god of light Festus argues that the Aurelii were at first called Auselii, like the Valerii and Papinii were respectively called Valesii and Papisii. It further seems to follow from these facts that Caesar, on his mother's side, belonged to a Sabine stock.
page 51 note 1 Bergk, , De Carm. Saliar. relig. p. ivGoogle Scholar. By an unaccountable aberration I gave this reference to Festus in my previous paper (page 54, note 2).
page 51 note 2 See Preller, , Römische Myth. p. 287Google Scholar, and Babelon, , Monnaies de la République Romaine, i. 234 and 235.Google Scholar
page 53 note 1 Cred. of Early Rom. Hist. i. 169 and 170.Google Scholar
page 53 note 2 There is considerable ambiguity in regard to it, and I venture to think the old authorities have made a mistake which has been followed by all modern historians. Caesar's two biographers, Plutarch and Suetonius, tell us that he was elected a military Tribune. Of the military Tribunes, twenty-four, being the Tribunes of the first four legions, were elected by the people; the rest were appointed by the consuls or dictators who commanded the armies. These elected officers were known as Tribuni Comitiales. As Polybius tells us, they were picked soldiers, and had to be qualified by a certain amount of distinguished service. They formed a kind of staff to the army, and were ranked among the magistrate (see the lex Acilia de repetundis, C.I.L. i. 198Google Scholarpassim), and wore a gold ring. That a young man who had virtually seen no service like Caesar should have been elected to a post like this seems incredible. It is equally incredible if he had been so that when his country was in such great military stress as that involved in the threefold campaigns of the Spanish, the Mithridatic and the Slave War (especially the last, when the supply of officers ran short), Caesar should have taken no part whatever in them, for no one ever accused him of being lax in his duties or of shirking them. There seems, therefore, an insuperable objection to the notion, generally accepted, that Caesar was elected a military Tribune, and very strong reason for supposing that both Plutarch and Suetonius were mistaken in so calling him, and it would seem that what he was in fact elected to was the College of Tribunes of the people, whose functions were entirely civil and not military. This is made almost certain when we turn to Suetonius, who, having said that Caesar was elected a military Tribune, proceeds to say that he utilised the position to help with all his power those who desired to restore the Tribunitian power to the ancient status which Sulla had curtailed, and he supported the Plotian law under which his brother-in-law, Lucius Cinna, with the rest who had attached themselves to the cause of Lepidus in the recent troubles, and who after his death had joined Sertorius, were recalled, and he made a speech on the subject (op. cit. Caesar, ch. v.). This is surely quite inconsistent with the rôle of a military Tribune, and quite consistent with the duties and functions of a civilian one, which I hold Caesar now really became. This conclusion is not certain, but it seems to be a very probable solution of the difficulty.
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page 62 note 1 Mommsen, , iv. 284.Google Scholar
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page 74 note 1 Quoque diutius armata iuventus sua viscera visceribus suis aleret, infelices cadaverum reliquias sallire non dubitavit.—Val. Max. vii. 6. 3.Google Scholar
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page 77 note 1 Flaccus is described by Cassius Dio as exceedingly avaricious, appropriating even a part of the soldiers' allowance for food, and Fimbria seems to have had reason to suspect that he had an intention to undo him. We must always remember that what we know of Fimbria is probably largely derived from the memoirs of his great enemy, Sulla.
page 80 note 1 Mith. Wars, 66.Google Scholar
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page 92 note 1 Plutarch, , op. cit.Google Scholar
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