Published online by Cambridge University Press: 04 November 2011
It is well known that the history of Byzantium does not fit comfortably with mainstream medieval history. This paper returns to the problem in the light of two recent, if opposing, historiographical trends: first, the emphasis on the Mediterranean as a unifying factor, and second, the turn towards the comparative history of western and eastern Eurasia. Neither emphasis accommodates Byzantium well, and it is argued that however difficult it may seem to some historians, any broad approach to medieval history will be inadequate if it does not make space for the history of Byzantium.
1 This is aided by the recent creation of an Oxford Centre for Late Antiquity and an Oxford Centre for Byzantine Research.
2 See Cormack, Robin and Vassilaki, Maria, eds., Byzantium 330–1453 (Royal Academy of Arts, London, 2008)Google Scholar.
3 Peter Brown, The World of Late Antiquity (1971).
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22 French scholarship is also readier to make Byzantium start with Constantine, and the majority of publications on Byzantine art in English also start there: see Cameron, The Byzantines, ch. 1; the first volume of Le monde byzantin, ed. Cécile Morrisson (Paris, 2004), is entitled L'Empire romain d'Orient 330–641, that is, from the dedication of Constantinople to the end of the reign of Heraclius.
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32 Niall Ferguson, Colossus: The Rise and Fall of the American Empire (2004).
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