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The uses of stools in classical Athens: diphrophoroi in the Parthenon frieze, old comedy, Attic vases and beyond

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  29 April 2024

Bartłomiej Bednarek*
Affiliation:
Fakultät für Sprach- und Literaturwissenschaften, Ludwig-Maximilians-Universität, Munich, Germany Institute of History, University of Warsaw, Warsaw, Poland
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Abstract

The following article discusses the significance of a stool carried by persons referred to in ancient Greek sources (from Old Comedy to Plutarch) as diphrophoroi. As I argue, the iconography suggests that this piece of furniture was often used by attendants responsible for their mistresses’ outfit, make-up and hairstyle. By extension, the most famous representation of two girls with stools on their heads on the east Parthenon frieze can be interpreted as an allusion to the ritual dressing and embellishing of Athena's statue.

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Research Article
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Copyright © The Author(s), 2024. Published by Cambridge University Press on behalf of Cambridge Philological Society

Preliminaries

The meaning of the word diphro-phoros, in spite of its transparent structure, is far from self-evident. Its first component, the noun diphros, can refer to various objects, such as a chariot-board, chariot, litter, stool, or other similar items, most notably, a night-stool (Aristid. Or. 49.19).Footnote 1 Even more difficult is determining the ways in which carrying a diphros was related to the essence of diphrophoros. As I argue below, this relationship was less straightforward than it may seem. This is, I believe, the source of all the trouble scholars have with diphrophoroi.

In one case (Dinon's fr. 18), the word diphrophoros refers to a man who carried a stool that the king of Persia used when dismounting his chariot. All other extant occurrences of this word probably refer to a different cultural phenomenon. This much is evident because most of the diphrophoroi we hear of accompanied Greek girls who walked in festival processions. Thus, in the LSJ Lexicon, diphrophoros is defined as ‘carrying a camp-stool; esp. of the female μέτοικοι, who had to carry seats for the use of κανηφόροι’, and according to the Montanari Dictionary, it means: ‘bearing a seat or stool, usu. for the Kanephorai [sic!]’. These definitions result from a rather slippery consensus regarding the interpretation of several attestations of the word diphrophoros in Old Comedy and related texts. It does not, however, take into account the evidence of the visual arts.

From Michaelis (Reference Michaelis1871) 256 on, some scholars claim that diphrophoroi were not merely attendants of mortal females, but that they played an important ritual role. This seems to be indicated by the presence of two girls with stools on their heads depicted on the central slab of the east Parthenon frieze (Fig. 1). This scene is usually taken as an allusion to the ceremony of the peplos which Athenians offered to Athena at the Panathenaia festival. Given that it is hardly conceivable that she received it from the humble servants of kanephoroi, it might be concluded that either the meaning of the scene is completely different, or that there was no connection between the diphrophoroi and kanephoroi. However, as I argue below, there is another possibility. The iconography of Attic vase painting strongly suggests that stools could be taken as an attribute of the attendants of well-born girls, as well as of Athena's dressers. However, the practical purpose of a stool was different from what has usually been assumed. Understanding this purpose will allow us to reconcile the literary passages with the evidence of visual arts. What is more exciting, however, is that it suggests the way in which the allusion to Athena's peplos on the Parthenon frieze was activated.

Figure 1. Central part of the east Parthenon frieze (drawing by Adam Chmielewski)

1. Stools on pots

As I have already argued elsewhere,Footnote 2 several passages in ancient literature indicate that for ancient Greeks it was perfectly natural to think that stools were not only meant to be sat upon. Passages in the Odyssey (17.86; 17.179; 20.249), in the Homeric Hymn to Aphrodite (5.161–5) and in Herodotus (1.9) suggest that putting one's clothes on a stool or chair was such a common practice that poets and writers simply took it for granted as one of the most obvious ways of dealing with garments after removing them.

This motif is also common in the iconography. There are several thousand extant representations of stools and chairs in ancient Greek art.Footnote 3 Quite obviously, many of them are shown with human or divine figures sitting on them. There are, however, surprisingly many images of empty stools and chairs. To be more precise, having analysed the corpus of Attic pottery Beazley Archive Pottery Database, henceforth (BAPD), I was able to identify about 270 chairs and almost 600 stools on which no one is sitting. In some relatively rare cases, it is clear from the context of the representation that an empty seat is meant to be taken by someone.Footnote 4 Otherwise, they seem to fall into several overlapping categories:Footnote 5

  1. 1) Relatively early and widely attested are empty stools in the athletic context. The earliest extant specimen is a Siana cup by the Painter of Boston (Fig. 2; from the second quarter of the sixth century BCE, now in Bochum; BAPD 3881) with a group of nude runner and a stool with a bundle of clothes on it. As I have noted in another article,Footnote 6 the juxtaposition of naked bodies with unworn clothes seems to be a way of emphasising the athletic nudity of the runners.Footnote 7 This theme, with many variations, reappears on a number of vases in varying configurations: stools with or without clothes on them depicted next to the athletes who are fully or partially naked, or who are in the midst of dressing, undressing, washing, anointing, infibulating, exercising, etc. (e.g. Fig. 3).

  2. 2) A vast group includes warriors depicted in the act of arming. Stools and chairs shown in such a context may be empty, but there are often clothes or pieces of armour deposited on them (Fig. 4). A variant of this type is provided by departing warriors or ephebes, who leave an empty stool or a stool with clothes on it behind (Fig. 5).

  3. 3) Scenes with musicians and dancers, usually but not exclusively female, who perform next to stools and chairs with clothes on them. On some occasions the performer is completely naked, sometimes he or she has removed only the cloak. Sometimes an empty seat is clearly meant to suggest that the performance is on the point of commencing, as the performer is clearly meant to deposit his or her garments on it (Fig. 6).

  4. 4) Scenes with hetairai and possibly other women shown in situations that in real life were not meant to be seen by men (hence these images may arguably be considered pornographic or voyeuristic): they are depicted while washing, depilating or playing with dildos.Footnote 8 Stools and chairs with or without clothes are clearly meant to underline women's full or partial nakedness (e.g. Fig. 7).

  5. 5) Erotic scenes that juxtapose naked bodies with clothes on stools and chairs (e.g. Fig. 8). A particularly intriguing variant is represented by the seduction scenes in which empty stools and chairs are sometimes depicted next to dressed figures, as if to suggest further development of the situation.

  6. 6) A large category consists of gynaikeion scenes.Footnote 9 This partially results from the fact that women very often worked while seated.Footnote 10 Thus, the gynaikeion is often depicted as thronged by women, some sitting and some not. Next to them there are stools and chairs with objects on them, usually textiles. Some other stools may be completely empty, and it is often unclear whether they are meant to be sat upon, used for some other purpose or simply contribute to the characterisation of the space as a domestic one (e.g. Fig. 9).

  7. 7) Given the close connection between the production, maintenance and use of textiles by women in ancient Greece, the scenes of feminine dressing-up may be taken as a subcategory of the former type (number 6 on my list). Indeed, images that combine women who produce textiles or work wool with those who are dressing are quite common. Nevertheless, for the purposes of the present article, it is particularly important to underline the existence of a group of images with women who, often in the context of bridal preparations, are being dressed by other women or Erotes. The bride or any other woman who is being attended to is frequently sitting on a stool or a chair. Next to her, there is often a seat with clothes or other items. Sometimes it is empty. On some occasions it is being carried by an attendant, or just about to be put down (e.g. Fig. 10). A striking example of a variation on this theme is provided by a red-figure hydria which depicts Andromeda's mock wedding procession, in which slaves carry a stool along with a mirror, jewellery box, unguent flask and the like (BAPD 213802; Fig. 11).Footnote 11 The inclusion of the stool in the category of objects related to female toilette may seem quite unexpected to us, but the image under discussion suggests that the painter and – presumably – his audience took its meaning for granted.

Figure 2. Attic Siana cup, attributed to the Painter of Boston, Bochum, BAPD 3881 (drawing by Adam Chmielewski)

Figure 3. Attic red-figure calyx-krater, attributed to Euphronios, Capua, BAPD 200063(drawing by Adam Chmielewski)

Figure 4. Attic black-figure neck-amphora, BAPD 9031264 (drawing by Adam Chmielewski)

Figure 5. Attic red-figure bell-krater, in a manner of the Villa Giulia Painter, Vienna, BAPD 2195 (drawing by Adam Chmielewski)

Figure 6. Attic red-figure oinochoe, attributed to the Phiale Painter, Paris, BAPD 214278 (drawing by Nicoletta Candurra)

Figure 7. Attic red-figure bell-krater, attributed to the Dinos Painter, Cambridge, MA, BAPD 44027 (drawing by Nicoletta Candurra)

Figure 8. Attic red-figure cup, attributed to the Triptolemos Painter, Tarquinia, BAPD 203886 (drawing by Nicoletta Candurra)

Figure 9. Attic red-figure stamnos, attributed to the Copenhagen Painter, BAPD 202936 (drawing by Adam Chmielewski)

Figure 10. Attic red-figure hydria, attributed to the Kadmos Painter, Athens, BAPD 215724 (drawing by Adam Chmielewski)

Figure 11. Attic red-figure hydria, London, BAPD 213802 (drawing by Adam Chmielewski)

In other words, a stool was often only a stool, but in a context evocative of dressing or beautifying women it assumed meanings related to this sphere. This observation is of paramount importance for our understanding of the Parthenon frieze, to which I return in section 4. In the following section, however, I examine some literary passages, which, as I argue, contain references to the use of stools in the dressing-up and beautifying process.

2. Diphrophoroi in literary sources

The most informative, and relatively widely discussed, source is the passage in Aristophanes’ Ecclesiazusae 730–7:

χώρɛι σὺ δɛῦρο, κιναχύρα, καλὴ καλῶς
τῶν χρημάτων θύραζɛ πρώτη τῶν ἐμῶν,
ὅπως ἂν ἐντɛτριμμένη κανηφορῆις,
πολλοὺς κάτω δὴ θυλάκους στρέψασ’ ἐμούς.
ποῦ ‘σθ’ ἡ διφροφόρος; ἡ χύτρα, δɛῦρ’ ἔξιθι.
νὴ Δία, μέλαινάFootnote 12 γ’ †οὐδ’ ἂν ɛι† τὸ φάρμακον
ἕψουσ' ἔτυχɛς, ὧι Λυσικράτης μɛλαίνɛται.
ἵστω παρ’ αὐτήν. δɛῦρ’ ἴθ’, ἡ κομμώτρια.

Come here, come out beautifully, you beautiful sieve, the first of my goods, like a basket-bearer covered with powder, as you've emptied so many of my bags. Where's the stool-bearer? Come out, pot! By Zeus, you're black, †even if† you've brewed the dye that Lysicrates uses for his hair! Stand beside her. Come here, the embellisher! Footnote 13

This passage most probably describes a mock Panathenaic procession involving household utensils instead of human participants.Footnote 14 According to virtually all commentators, a kanephoros, a beautiful and particularly richly dressed and embellished girl of an elevated status who carries a basket with sacrificial implements,Footnote 15 is followed here by two other females: a diphrophoros and a kommotria (‘dresser’). The lines that follow (738–45) mention some other participants of the procession, including: hydriaphoros (‘water-jug bearer’), kitharoidos (‘kithara player’), skaphephoros (‘tray-bearer’), thallophoroi (‘men with olive-shoots’) and a crowd of people with no particular function. In most cases, the text contains a piece of information about the utensil that plays the role of a given participant in the procession. Thus, for example, the kanephoros finds her counterpart in a sieve (or bran-sifter), the diphrophoros in a pot. This latter vessel is jokingly said to have had something to do with the preparation of a hair-dye for a certain Lysikrates. Αs Huber (Reference Huber1974) observed, such an alleged role is very close to that of a hairdresser mentioned in line 737. Given that the text does not contain explicit information as to which domestic utensil plays the role of kommotria,Footnote 16 it cannot be excluded that the comic hero thus addresses the same black pot he had previously called diphrophoros.Footnote 17 In other words, he might have used both nouns as synonyms. It is equally probable, however, that Aristophanes juxtaposed diphrophoros and kommotria, referring to two different persons (represented on stage by two different objects, only one of which, the pot, is mentioned explicitly) whose functions were similar, but perhaps not the same. Both interpretations might be difficult to accept as long as we fail to notice the iconography, which indicates that stools were often used by women's attendants, along with other beauty items. The seat carried about by such a stylist could become their iconic attribute, similar to the way in which a stool also happens to be associated with modern shoe-shiners.

This finds further confirmation in Plutarch's On the Fame of the Athenians (348d–e), in which the author juxtaposes the word diphrophoros with kommotes, which is almost the same term as kommotria, used by Aristophanes in the Ecclesiazusae. When describing what he considered a decadence of Attic tragedy, Plutarch used the following simile:

ἔνθɛν μὲν δὴ προσίτωσαν ὑπ’ αὐλοῖς καὶ λύραις ποιηταὶ λέγοντɛς καὶ ἄιδοντɛς … καὶ σκɛυὰς καὶ προσωπɛῖα καὶ βωμοὺς καὶ μηχανὰς ἀπὸ σκηνῆς καὶ πɛριάκτους καὶ τρίποδας ἐπινικίους κομίζοντɛς· τραγικοὶ δ’ αὐτοῖς ὑποκριταὶ καὶ Νικόστρατοι καὶ Καλλιππίδαι καὶ Μυννίσκοι καὶ Θɛόδωροι καὶ Πῶλοι συνίτωσαν, ὥσπɛρ γυναικὸς πολυτɛλοῦς τῆς τραγωιδίας κομμωταὶ καὶ διφροφόροι, μᾶλλον δ’ ὡς ἀγαλμάτων ἐγκαυταὶ καὶ χρυσωταὶ καὶ βαφɛῖς παρακολουθοῦντɛς.

Let the poets come forward speaking and singing to the tune of lyres and auloi …, let them bring along their attire, masks, altars, rotating stage machinery and victory tripods. Let them be accompanied by tragic actors, those Nicostratoses, Kallipideses, Mynniskoses, Theodoroses and Poloses, tragedy's diphrophoroi and dressers (kommotai) like those of a lavish woman, or rather like painters, gilders and dyers of sculptures.

This passage contains the word diphrophoroi, which is usually interpreted in this context as ‘litter bearers’, as is made evident by its translations. For example, Babbit (Reference Babbitt1936) renders the phrase in question as ‘[those] who robe Tragedy and bear her litter, as though she were some woman of wealth’.Footnote 18 According to the TLG (s.v. διφροφόρος), this passage contains a unique occurrence of the word with the meaning qui sella lecticaria aliquem gestat (‘who carries someone in a litter’). This does not seem completely impossible, as far as the meaning of a composite word is supposed to result from the combination of its components.Footnote 19 However, even though the noun diphros is attested in the meaning ‘litter’ (Dio Cass. 60.2.), there are no other occurrences of diphrophoros in the meaning ‘litter bearer’, nor is there anything in Plutarch's passage to suggest that he had such a category of servants in mind. More likely, it should be understood as being no different from all the other instances in which the word diphrophoros is used; it always refers to a person who carries a stool.

Given that a stool could be taken as an attribute characteristic of a person responsible for a woman's look, and that in the phrase ὥσπɛρ γυναικὸς πολυτɛλοῦς τῆς τραγωιδίας κομμωταὶ καὶ διφροφόροι diphrophoroi stools are juxtaposed with dressers or, more specifically, hairdressers (kommotai), it seems reasonable to guess that they belong to a related category.Footnote 20 Thus, rather than referring to litter bearers, the word may be connected to the idea that rich and extravagant women in the time of Plutarch were attended to by (and possibly also accompanied in public by) various categories of servants, some of whom might have carried stools, among other beauty items. Thus, the phrase should be roughly translated as ‘tragedy's stylists and hairdressers like those of a lavish woman’.Footnote 21 In this respect, it is very similar to what can be deduced from Aristophanes’ Ecclesiazusae discussed above.

The passage in Plutarch is unique, given that (apart from scholia and lexica) it is the only occurrence of the word diphrophoros in a post-classical text. It is also the only one in which diphrophoros is clearly not associated with a kanephoros, which otherwise seems to be a rule.Footnote 22

The idea of connection between kanephoros and diphrophoros and the subordinate status of the latter finds support in Aristophanes’ Birds (1549–52), along with the scholia. In this comic passage, Prometheus is paying a visit to the comic hero, Peisetairos. While on stage, he tries to conceal his identity from Zeus, who may be potentially looking down from the sky. Thus, during the conversation, Peisetairos has held a parasol over Prometheus’ head, and now he is asked to hand it back:

ΠΡ   ἀλλ' ὡς ἂν ἀποτρέχω πάλιν

φέρɛ τὸ σκιάδɛιον, ἵνα μɛ κἂν ὁ घɛὺς ἴδηι

ἄνωθɛν, ἀκολουθɛῖν δοκῶ κανηφόρωι.

ΠΕΙ  καὶ τὸν δίφρον γɛ διφροφόρɛι τονδὶ λαβών.

Prometheus: Now, so that I can go back there, give me the parasol, so that even if Zeus spots me from above he will think that I'm accompanying a kanephoros.

Peisetairos: And take this stool as well so that you can act as a diphrophoros. Footnote 23

Schol. Ar. Av. 1551a:

ταῖς γὰρ κανηφόροις σκιάδɛιον καὶ δίφρον ἀκολουθɛῖ τις ἔχουσα.Footnote 24

Kanephoroi are followed by someone (feminine) with a parasol and a stool.

Sommerstein states in his commentary (1987) that ‘the Athenian maidens (kanēphoroi) who carried the ritual baskets in processions at the Panathenaea and other festivals were sometimes attended by girls (the daughters of non-citizen families, according to Aelian VH 6.1) carrying stools and parasols, presumably in order that kanēphoroi should not have to stand in the hot sun during the (often prolonged) sacrificial rites that followed the procession.’ Dunbar (Reference Dunbar1995), clearly in order to match the most commonly accepted reading of the passage in the Ecclesiazusae (quoted above), observed that it is not clear ‘whether the same metic's daughter would carry both parasol and stool’. Apart from this slight difference between them, both scholars subscribe to an old scholarly tradition. I was able to trace this idea as far back as 1619, when Johannes van Meurs published his Panathenaea, in which (on p. 39) he stated that diphrophoroi were metics’ daughters who carried parasols and stools for kanephoroi (sequebantur virgines has [κανηφόρους] pedissequae, quae vmbellam [sic!], et sellam, ferrent (‘these virgins [kanephoroi] were followed by servants who carried a parasol and a seat’).

The widely accepted notion of the non-citizen status of the diphrophoroi is a matter of guesswork; however, there is no way of excluding it.Footnote 25 What seems to be contrary to the evidence is the idea that stools carried by diphrophoroi were meant to be sat upon for mere comfort. As the iconography combined with the passage in the Ecclesiazusae and in Plutarch may suggest, the stool after which the diphrophoros was named was emblematic of her function as the stylist of a kanephoros or some other female. The stool could be used at various moments of the feast when the dress, make-up, or hairstyle of the girl required attention. Otherwise, the servant's presence would serve symbolic purposes as a means of displaying the status of the kanephoros’ family. The suggestion made by modern commentators, who claim that the stool was merely carried for the comfort of the kanephoros, is thus problematic. An additional point against this suggestion is that if the stool were used merely to seat the kanephoros, she would simply be less visible to other participants of the feast, when in fact her visibility seems to have been of paramount importance as a display of status.

3. Parthenon frieze

As I already mentioned, Michaelis (Reference Michaelis1871) 256 suggested that the word diphrophoroi could also refer to two girls represented on the east Parthenon frieze.Footnote 26 This part of the relief is located on the central slab, in the middle of the composition, just above the entrance to the temple. It depicts five human-sized (smaller than gods)Footnote 27 figures, oddly located in the middle of the assembly of gods (Fig. 1). On the viewer's right a bearded man in a priestly robe is folding or unfolding a large piece of cloth,Footnote 28 assisted by the smaller figure of a child.Footnote 29 To the viewer's left stands a woman, presumably a priestess,Footnote 30 engaged in some sort of interaction with two girls, both of whom are carrying some objects on their heads. One of the girls also holds something in her hand. Unfortunately, this part of the frieze is severely damaged and it is difficult to determine the nature of this object. Most probably it is a footstool.Footnote 31 What seems to be almost beyond doubt, however, is that the objects on the heads of the girls are stools.Footnote 32 This suggests that it would be correct to call them diphrophoroi.

As mentioned above, from the passage in the Ecclesiazusae scholars deduced that diphrophoroi took part in Panathenaic processions. From 1789 onwards, when Stuart and Revett published their Antiquities of Athens, it has been largely accepted that the frieze depicts some events of a Panathenaic procession.Footnote 33 By combining these pieces of information, Furtwängler (Reference Furtwängler1893) 186–90 concluded that diphrophoroi played such an important ritual role in the Panathenaia that they deserved their place in the most conspicuous part of the frieze.Footnote 34 According to him, the girls would carry stools that were used by gods in the ritual theoxenia, rather than by the mortal kanephoroi.

To a certain degree following Furtwängler, most scholars who write about the Parthenon frieze state at some point that it would be tempting to call the girls with stools on their heads diphrophoroi. Almost all of them, however, immediately reject this interpretation,Footnote 35 given that from the passage in the Birds – together with its scholia, as well as, less directly, from the Ecclesiazusae – it can be deduced that the role of diphrophoroi was that of accompanying (akolouthein) kanephoroi. Admittedly, as far as the logic is concerned, it does not preclude that humble servants of mortal girls also played a particularly conspicuous ritual role. However, this would be quite unusual, especially in the context of a polis cult, and even more so if diphrophoroi were indeed of non-citizen birth.Footnote 36

Several scholars tried to bypass these problems by offering an unconventional reading of the material briefly discussed above. For example, Schäfer (Reference Schäfer1987) 194–9 suggested that the notion of the subordinate role of diphrophoroi may result from the misunderstanding of a joke that Aristophanes allegedly made in the Birds (1549–52) where the playwright, in a topsy-turvy fashion, presented them as attendants of kanephoroi. Such a joke, however, would have been particularly flat and difficult to grasp at the same time.Footnote 37

Some other scholars, rather than enquiring into the relationship between the comic diphrophoroi and the girls on the frieze, focused on alternative uses of stools. Given the context of the festival, of which a central part consisted of offering Athena a new peplos, it is quite natural to suspect that the central part of it inserted in the middle of the gods’ assembly, which depicts human-size figures handling textiles, was related to this rite. However, due the complete indifference of the gods – and especially of Athena, who literally turns her back on it – this scene hardly seems to represent the moment in which she receives the gift.Footnote 38 This fact has made scholars search for alternative interpretations. Some of them suggested radically different readings of the material, according to which the myths and/or rituals alluded to on the Parthenon frieze had nothing to do with Athena's peplos.Footnote 39 According to a more common and more moderate approach, the relief in question does not show the moment in which the peplos was handed to Athena, but rather alludes to it in some way. For example, Hill in Reference Hill1894 suggested that the scene might have been that of taking away the old peplos of the goddess for storage while the new one was being carried for her in the procession. The presence of the old garment would have been enough to suggest the existence of the new peplos even though it was not shown to the viewers on the frieze.Footnote 40 Von Heintze (Reference von Heintze1993) went one step further. She observed that old garments belonging to Athena and being brought away for storage might have been depicted as deposited on top of the stools carried by the girls shown on the central slab. The fact that not only a peplos but also some other garments were used could explain why more than one stool was needed.Footnote 41 Therefore, according to von Heintze, what had been usually interpreted as cushions on the stools might have represented folded clothes, especially when originally covered with paint.Footnote 42 This interpretation finds some support in some of the ancient images, which show that textiles were often deposited and sometimes carried on stools.Footnote 43 This, however, does not take due account of what can be really seen on the frieze. Even though the area of the frieze where the objects deposited on stools are depicted is damaged, comparison with artistic representations of folded clothes on the one hand, and of cushions on the other, leaves hardly any doubt that what was shown on the Parthenon frieze belongs to the latter category.Footnote 44

Yet, as a result of the analysis of the iconography presented above, an empty stool — with or without a cushion — is precisely what an Athenian of the Classical period would probably associate with the handling of clothes, dressing, undressing, attending to one's hairstyle, make-up and jewellery. What would a person familiar with the gynaikeion iconography, but not necessarily with the Athenian festival, gather from the central slab of the Parthenon frieze? There is a girl with a stool and a footstool. Clearly someone is about to sit down. Otherwise, there would be no need for the footstool.Footnote 45 There is another girl with a stool and no footstool. This could mean that another person is supposed to sit down on it. The presence of one footstool only may suggest that one of the two persons is shorter than the other. This might evoke, in turn, a male-female couple.Footnote 46 However, the presence of the clothes being handled in the immediate context activates another set of meanings less related to sitting, for example, at a table, as to the toilette scenes. The empty stool is clearly meant to be used by an attendant while dressing or attending to the make-up or hairstyle of the person seated on the other stool, who would have her legs supported on the footstool.

Someone who knew that the frieze reflected the festival at which Athena (the goddess shown as sitting next to the textile-handling scene) received a new peplos would probably recognise the allusion to it encoded in the ‘preparation for dressing’ scene on the central slab. What we do not know, however, is what a person profoundly familiar with all the ritual details would think. The crucial element that we are missing is how exactly the goddess received the peplos. What further complicates the issue is that, at least in a certain period of the historical development of the festival, there were two kinds of peploi: the Great Panathenaia probably featured a much bigger peplos than did the Lesser Panathenaia. This larger peplos, at least in the Roman period, was sizeable enough to be used as the sail of the processional ship.Footnote 47 It is not clear whether both kinds of peploi were meant to be draped around the goddess’ statue. The larger one could have been simply too big, provided that the statue in question was that of Athena Polias. Thus, the peplos could have been displayed in some other way: for example, hung on the temple wall.Footnote 48 Alternatively, the large peplos could be used for robing the statue of Athena Parthenos, while the smaller one could dress Athena Polias.Footnote 49 Briefly speaking, on the basis of the current evidence, we are confined to conjecture regarding the number and size of the peploi that were in use in the period when the frieze was executed.

It is also impossible to tell whether the statue (or statues) was dressed already at the Panathenaia. It seems more likely that the goddess received the gift more or less in the way described in the Iliad (6.271–3, 302–4), where the new robe was simply deposited on the statue's lap.Footnote 50 The actual act of dressing might have been reserved for another occasion, most likely the Plynteria and/or Kallynteria. Footnote 51 This may be deduced from the notion that the undressing of the statue was a highly inauspicious act,Footnote 52 and therefore probably not suitable as a part of the joyful polis festival. For similar reasons, the goddess’ toilette was probably not a good subject for representation in the place of her official cult. This may explain why it was alluded to rather than depicted. Yet, for an ancient Athenian familiar with the gynaikeion iconography, the way in which the central slab of the Parthenon frieze alludes to it would probably be taken as quite straightforward and unambiguous.

Unfortunately, it seems impossible to ascertain the identity of the girls with stools represented on the Parthenon frieze. The way in which they are juxtaposed on the frieze with the woman, who is almost certainly the priestess of Athena, strongly suggests that they could be considered her assistants. Most scholars quite plausibly claim that they may be the arrephoroi.Footnote 53 What makes this identification particularly attractive is that arrhephoroi were involved in the production of Athena's peplos.Footnote 54 There are no sources that claim explicitly that they also dressed the statue(s), but it cannot be excluded that they did. There is, however, some firm textual data regarding members of the genos Praxiergidai, who were supposed to dress the ‘old statue of Athena’ (Hsch. π 3205) at the Plynteria (Plut. Alc. 34.1). Also, the so-called loutrides or plyntrides were mentioned by Hesychius (λ 1277) and Photius (λ 408; with a reference to Aristophanes (fr. 849 K.-A.)) as two girls who attended to the statue of Athena. As Parker (Reference Parker1996) 307 observes, it is very likely that they were recruited from the Praxiergidai; however, this is not stated in the ancient texts. We also hear of an assistant to the priestess of Athena, called kommo Footnote 55 or kosmo,Footnote 56 responsible for Athena's adornment.Footnote 57 Even more shadowy remain the so-called kataniptes (Etym. Magn.: s.v.), who ‘washed off the dirt collecting under Athena's peplos’. All the above persons were involved in one way or another in the process of dressing, adorning, or cleaning Athena's statue and its clothes. What further complicates the situation is that some of the above-mentioned categories may overlap. Thus, even on the assumption that the girls with stools on the Parthenon frieze represented something we know from the textual sources (which itself cannot be taken for granted), the field for speculation remains wide.

In spite of these difficulties, the iconographic data presented above – as well as the position of the representation on the central slab of the frieze above the temple entrance, and in the middle of the assembly of gods – permit some confidence regarding the message transmitted by this image. It is clear that the relief reflects the girls’ paradoxically prestigious role of humble servants and dressers of Athena and/or her statues. As Sourvinou-Inwood (Reference Sourvinou-Inwood2011) 305 emphasised, they acted on behalf of the whole city, ensuring that the gift from the community was received by the goddess in order to win her favourable disposition.

4. Conclusions

What is clear from the material gathered above is that the word diphrophoros was used in reference to persons (usually, if not always, females)Footnote 58 who would appear in public and private spaces with a stool they carried on their head. Quite unexpectedly, the stool was not carried for the comfort of the personFootnote 59 to whom a diphrophoros attended, or, at least, it was not only for this purpose. The crucial part of her function consisted of attending to her mistress’ dress, make-up, jewellery and hairstyle. The stool to which diphrophoroi owed their name was instrumental to their activities in a way similar to that of a modern shoe-shiner's stool. This latter item may be taken as an iconic attribute of the whole profession. At the same time, however, letting customers sit on a stool is not the essence of a shoe-shiner's work. By the same token, a stool might have been so characteristic for a certain class of ancient Greek stylists that they could be named after it, perhaps with a humorous intention.

The word diphrophoros appears primarily in Old Comedy,Footnote 60 in the majority of, if not in all, cases in reference to a girl who followed kanephoros in a Panathenaic or some other procession.Footnote 61 Apart from this, it is attested in lexica and scholia that always quote from comedy or are likely to depend on comic passages.Footnote 62 The only exception is provided by Plutarch (348d–e), who makes it clear that his diphrophoros is not the attendant of a kanephoros. Instead, the lavish woman she follows is probably supposed to be a figure known to Plutarch and his readers from their contemporary world. This does not necessarily mean that the word itself was in common use in the time of Plutarch. Given that its occurrences are otherwise restricted to a very short period (late fifth- and early fourth-century BCE), to one particular dialect (Attic) and to one literary genre (comedy), Plutarch might have consciously or unconsciously used it as a bookish word.Footnote 63 It is interesting to note that in spite of there being some differences, the context in which Plutarch uses the word seems to be similar to that in the comedy (at least as far as the passage in the Ecclesiazusae is concerned), as he clearly takes being followed by diphrophoroi as an index of women's vanity.

More common and more long-lived than the word is the iconographic motif of a female attendant with a stool. However, its particular popularity in the gynaikeion scenes and the most famous occurrence in the Parthenon frieze fall roughly in the same period when the word diphrophoros was in use in comedy. It would be tempting to think that the girls on its central slab were called diphrophoroi, given that this is what they clearly are: female beauty attendants with stools as an attribute of their role. It has to be borne in mind, however, that this word is never attested in reference to them. Almost certainly, as may be deduced from its proliferation in comedy and absence from other genres, it was not a technical term or official title. It is likely, however, that the iconography of the Parthenon frieze inspired this comic invention. At any rate, the visual evidence indicates that the contexts in which attendants with stools were seen were not limited to processions. On the contrary, as can be deduced from the iconography, they played an important role in the domestic sphere as well as in the secret or half-secret services that girls paid to Athena. It may be a matter of a conservative, chauvinist or anti-elitist bias – which is otherwise typical for the Attic Old Comedy – that made comic poets turn their attention to the fact that some girls and/or women were occasionally seen in public followed by their diphrophoroi, which could be interpreted as an excessive means of displaying the status of their family.

Acknowledgments

I would like to thank Douglas Olson, Ioanna Patera and Paul Jarvis, the first readers of this article, as well as Rebecca Flemming and two anonymous reviewers of the CCJ. The research presented here is a product of several years of work, whose partial effects I presented and discussed, among others, during the EAA Annual Meeting (Barcelona 2018; at the panel organised by C. Brøns, S. Harris and M. Żuchowska), at the ‘Sex and the Ancient City’ conference (Nikosia 2019), as well as with my friends and colleagues, most notably Vasso Zachari, Eleonora Colangelo, Iwona Krawczyk, Marek Węcowski, Anna Ledzińska, Michał Rzepiela and Nicoletta Candurra. The publication of this research was made possible thanks to the financial support from the National Centre of Science in Poland (grant number 2018/31/D/HS3/00128).

Footnotes

1 For night-stools, see Olson (Reference Olson2016) 282–4.

2 Bednarek (forthcoming).

3 I use the word ‘stool’ in reference to all seats with legs and without a back (excluding longer pieces of furniture on which one can also lay down, such as beds and couches). They are referred to in ancient Greek texts as diphroi. Oklasias, a camp-stool, was considered a subcategory of stools. By the word ‘chair’ I refer to similar seats with backs, usually referred to in ancient sources as klismoi and thronoi. On these categories, see especially Richter (Reference Richter1926) and Andrianou (Reference Andrianou2009), who, unfortunately, does not discuss the terminology.

4 For example, on the red-figure Attic lekythos with the judgement of Paris (BAPD 10770, now in Copenhagen), the Trojan prince is just about to sit down on the throne, which is shown as empty.

5 The following discussion does not include empty stools and chairs used in two different (though, probably related) types of religious rituals. There is a small group of images with satyrs carrying chairs for Dionysus, which seems to reflect a ritual whose nature is difficult to determine (see Isler-Kerényi (Reference Isler-Kérenyi2015) 135–52). There is also a group of images related to the rite of thronosis, which has been a part of some mystery cults (see especially Vollmer (Reference Vollmer2014)).

7 On athletic nudity as a custom and a costume, see Bonfante (Reference Bonfante1989); McDonnell (Reference McDonnell1991); Christesen (Reference Christesen2002), (Reference Christesen2007): 353–9, (2014) 227; Kyle (Reference Kyle2007) 85–90.

8 See Lewis (Reference Lewis2002) 101–12 and Sutton (Reference Sutton, Oakley and Palagia2009) with further references on pp. 270–1.

9 On the iconography of gynaikeion, see Barringer (Reference Barringer1998) 121–37; Lissarague in Veyne, Lissarague, Frontisi-Ducroux (Reference Veyne, Lissarague and Frontisi-Ducroux1998) 149–70.

10 See e.g. Barber (Reference Barber1994); Reuthner (Reference Reuthner2006). The connection between the sitting posture and women's work was so strong that on some occasions (e.g. BAPD 213987; 216367) a stool with a kalathos was depicted on top of a grave stele, clearly bearing an allusion to the identity, status and virtue of the deceased. See Giudice (Reference Giudice2015) 127–95.

11 See also BAPD 276098. On this kind of mock bridal procession, see Woodward (Reference Woodward1937) 84; Barringer (Reference Barringer1998) 118–19.

12 The text is corrupt, but its overall sense remains clear. The pot brought on stage might have been black from scorching. Rogers (Reference Rogers1902) comments: ‘if the part [of διφροφόρος] could be taken by a slave (which, however, is hardly probable) it might be conjectured that there is an allusion here to Ethiopian slaves, who (some years later at least) were considered very fashionable at Athens. In the Characters of Theophrastus, xxi, one example of ‘ambition in trifles’ is for a man ἐπιμɛληθῆναι ὅπως αὐτῶι ὁ ἀκόλουθος Αἰθίοψ ἔσται. According to Jebb (Reference Jebb1909) and Ussher (Reference Ussher1960), the fashion for black slaves originated in the period after Alexander's conquest of Egypt (see also Diggle (Reference Diggle2004) with further references to Roman sources). In the time of Aristophanes, there seems to have been no association between blackness (in terms of colour or race) and slavery (see Snowden (Reference Snowden1983)). Yet, a dark complexion could have been associated with someone's non-Athenian origins (Isaac (Reference Isaac2004), (Reference Isaac, Eliav-Feldon, Isaac and Ziegler2009); Goldenberg (Reference Goldenberg, Eliav-Feldon, Isaac and Ziegler2009)), which seems to make sense, given that diphrophoroi were supposed to be metics’ daughters (see p.00). However, metics formed a heterogeneous group in terms of their ethnic and racial backgrounds. The majority of them were of Greek origin, whereas a visible minority of metics were of ‘barbarian’ descent, mostly from places like Lydia, Phoenicia, Syria, Egypt and the Black Sea region (Whitehead (Reference Whitehead1977) 109–14; Garland (Reference Garland1987) 62–7; Wijma (Reference Wijma2014) 27–8). According to Snowden's plausible reconstruction ((Reference Snowden1970) 184–5), some ‘Ethiopians’ could have also lived in Attica, at least from the time of Xerxes’ invasion. This is not enough, however, to think that the blackness of the pot was intended as an allusion to some stereotypical racial otherness of metics. Perhaps it may be taken as an allusion to some notorious individual rather than to the whole class.

13 All translations, unless stated otherwise, are mine.

14 Blaydes (Reference Blaydes1881) 734; Van Leeuwen (Reference van Leeuwen1905) 734; Ussher (Reference Ussher1973) 730–45; Huber (Reference Huber1974) 730–45; Rotroff (Reference Rotroff1977) 379–82; Sommerstein (Reference Sommerstein1998) 730–45; Vetta and Del Corno (Reference Vetta and Del Corno2000) 730–45. It should be emphasised that it is irrelevant for my purposes here if Aristophanes alluded specifically to the Panathenaia or if he had some other, perhaps generic, festival in mind.

15 On the elevated status of κανηφόρος at the Panathenaia, see Roccos (Reference Roccos1995); Lefkovitz (Reference Lefkovitz and Neils1996) 79–80; Dillon (Reference Dillon2002) 37–42; Gebauer (Reference Gebauer2002) 169–71. As van Straten (Reference van Straten1995) 11–12 observes, kanephoroi did not necessarily take part in private sacrifices. On the use of cosmetics alluded to in the passage, see Lee (Reference Lee2015) 66–9.

16 Sommerstein (Reference Sommerstein1998) ad loc. and Vetta and Del Corno (Reference Vetta and Del Corno2000) ad loc. suggest that it could be suitably played by a ladle due to its resemblance to a parasol referred to in Ar. Av. 1549–52.

17 Instructions given to the diphrophoros/pot in line 734 (δɛῦρ’ ἔξιθι) presuppose that the object was still inside the house when the line was spoken. The words addressed to the hairdresser in line 737 (δɛῦρ’ ἴθι) allow for her to be already outside, perhaps hesitating to step forward. If the diphrophoros and the hairdresser were the same person or object, this distinction between two subsequent commands could correspond to the scenic movement of the procession members leaving the house.

18 Wyttenbach (Reference Wyttenbach1796): tragoediae tanquam sumptuosae mulieris comptores et gestatores (‘dressers and carriers of tragedy like those of a lavish woman’). Frazier and Froidefond (Reference Frazier and Froidefond1990): ‘ces serviteurs de la tragédie qui la pomponnent et la promènent en litière comme une femme dépensière’.

19 A cognate word, διφροφορέω (carry in a litter), is attested as early as Herodotus (3.146).

20 The phrase that follows (μᾶλλον δ’ ὡς ἀγαλμάτων ἐγκαυταὶ καὶ χρυσωταὶ καὶ βαφɛῖς παρακολουθοῦντɛς) contains a list of three kinds of artisans who embellished statues. It seems therefore natural that the phrase in question balanced it with two kinds of attendants who dealt with the female body and wardrobe, rather than mentioning two heterogenic categories – that of dressers and sedan bearers.

21 An anonymous referee stated that they would rather interpret κομμωταὶ καὶ διφροφόροι as a hendiadys. This is certainly possible and perfectly in line with my argument.

22 With the exception of Dinon fr. 18, in which diphrophoros carries a stool for the king of Persia.

23 The line seems to contain a pun, whose nature is difficult to grasp. According to Kakridis (Reference Kakridis1974), Peisetairos uttered it while kicking Prometheus’ buttocks, given that the word diphros might possibly have referred to this sort of slapstick aggression. However, as Zanetto (in Zanetto and Del Corno (Reference Zanetto and Del Corno2000)) observes, there is no evidence to such effect. More plausibly, Sommerstein (Reference Sommerstein1987) suggested that the comic hero might have handed his night-stool to Prometheus, which finds support in Aristid. Or. 49.19 and Poll. Onom. 10.45, where the word diphros meaning ‘night-stool’ is attested.

24 In what follows, the scholiast quotes two further passages from comedy: Hermippus’ Theoi (fr. 25) and Nicophon's Enkheirogastores (fr. 7). Both are quite difficult because of textual problems, and none of them, at least in the form in which they are preserved, offer anything new regarding the role of diphrophoros. On these passages, see Pellegrino (Reference Pellegrino2013) 43–5; Comentale (Reference Comentale2017) 111–16.

25 Pace Furtwängler (Reference Furtwängler1893) 187, who called it ‘eine moderne Fabel’. According to Harpocration (Keaney Σ 21, citing Demetrius of Phaleron and Theophrastus) metic men at processions would carry trays whereas their daughters carried hydriae and parasols. As Wilamowitz (Reference Wilamowitz-Moellendorff1887) 220 observed, it is tempting to think that all these implements had a ritual meaning. However, Aelian (VH 6.1) explicitly states that metic women carried parasols for citizen women and metic girls for citizen girls. Combined with Ar. Av. 1549–52 and its scholia, these passages suggest that the diphrophoroi, who followed citizen girls with a stool and a parasol, were metic girls. See especially Wijma (Reference Wijma2014) 49–51 with further references.

26 The bibliography on the Parthenon frieze is vast. This results from the uniqueness of its artistic design and iconography which, combined with the scarcity of reliable written sources and imperfect state of preservation of the frieze, leaves much space for discussion and speculation. It has been addressed at book length by, among others, Brommer (Reference Brommer1977), Neils (Reference Neils2001) and Fehr (Reference Fehr2011). For the most recent bibliography, see Meyer (Reference Meyer2017) 99–107; Shear (Reference Shear2021) 344–50.

27 For the size of the figures, see e.g. Neils (Reference Neils2001) 161.

28 Among more recent scholars the prevailing opinion seems to be that the man is folding the piece of cloth. See Neils (Reference Neils2001) 67–8; Nagy (Reference Nagy1978) 138; Smith (Reference Smith1910) 53.

29 There is no consensus regarding the gender of the child (see Neils (Reference Neils2001) 168–71) or whether the man is receiving the object, handing it to the child, or is merely assisted by them (see e.g. Waldstein (Reference Waldstein1885) 20–1).

30 For the discussion, see Sourvinou-Inwood (Reference Sourvinou-Inwood2011) 294.

31 Petersen (Reference Petersen1873) 247; Boardman (Reference Boardman, Höckmann and Krug1977) 41; (Reference Boardman1999) 307–9; Meyer (Reference Meyer2017) 238. Quite recently, Simon (Reference Simon1983) 67 suggested that it may be an incense box, which does not seem very plausible.

32 See Michaelis (Reference Michaelis1871) 256, with references to previous discussion; Boardman (Reference Boardman1999) 309–12; Meyer (Reference Meyer2017) 236–7 with further bibliography in notes 1880 and 1886.

33 See the new edition: Stuart and Revett (Reference Stuart and Revett2008). For a brief discussion of some alternative theories, see Boardman (Reference Boardman and Berger1984).

34 On the importance of the position of the slab, see Waldstein (Reference Waldstein1885) 244; Nagy (Reference Nagy1978) 137; Neils (Reference Neils and Cosmopoulos2004) 57; Sourvinou-Inwood (Reference Sourvinou-Inwood2011) 265; Fehr (Reference Fehr2011) 106. Neils (Reference Neils2001) 67 turns attention to the exceptional length of the marble slab on which the central scene was sculpted, which indicates that the design of the whole composition might have begun from this piece.

35 To give just a few examples: Mommsen (Reference Mommsen1898) 114; Deubner (Reference Deubner1932) 31–2 no. 14; Parke (Reference Parke1977) 44; Simon (Reference Simon1983) 63; Maurizio (Reference Maurizio, Boedeker and Raaflaub1998) 302; Neils (Reference Neils2001) 168, 186; Shear (Reference Shear2001) 1.138; Dillon (Reference Dillon2002) 38; Parker (Reference Parker2005) 258; Sourvinou-Inwood (Reference Sourvinou-Inwood2011) 301; Larson (Reference Larson2016) 145. Those few scholars (Smith (Reference Smith1910) 53; Collignon (Reference Collignon1914) 188; Elderkin (Reference Elderkin1936) 98; Hurwit (Reference Hurwit2004) 224–36; Thompson (Reference Thompson and Weinberg1956) 289–90; Rotroff (Reference Rotroff1977); DeVries (Reference DeVries1994)) who allow for the possibility that the girls on the frieze are diphrophoroi do not engage closely with the literary evidence. See also the tremendously helpful table in Berger and Gisler-Huwiler (Reference Berger and Gisler-Huwiler1996) 172–4.

36 Pace Wijma (Reference Wijma2014) 49–51, who argues (perhaps not compellingly) that diphrophoroi carried only parasols for the comfort of the kanephoroi, whereas the stools could have had a ritual function.

37 For the polemics against Schäfer, see Vollmer (Reference Vollmer2014) 293.

38 On the meaning of this gift, see among others Jenkins (Reference Jenkins1994) 39–40; Neils (Reference Neils and Neils1996) 185; Sourvinou-Inwood (Reference Sourvinou-Inwood2011) 292, 305.

39 Especially Connelly (Reference Connelly1996); (Reference Connelly2014); Fehr (Reference Fehr2011) 104–11; Vollmer (Reference Vollmer2014) 415–50.

40 See also Robertson (Reference Robertson and Hooker1963) 56; Robertson and Frantz (Reference Robertson and France1975) 11; Nagy (Reference Nagy1978).

41 On the various types of clothes of Athena Polias, see Mansfield (Reference Mansfield1989) 144–9.

42 A similar point was made, and subsequently defended, by Connelly (Reference Connelly1996) 63–4; (Reference Connelly2014) 177. See also Schäfer (Reference Schäfer1987) 210 and Michaelis (Reference Michaelis1871) 256.

43 The example most often cited is the black-figure Attic amphora by Exekias, Museo Gregoriano Etrusco, Vatican Museums 344 (BAPD 310395).

44 See especially Boardman (Reference Boardman1999) 312–13 with superb reproductions.

45 Thus Meyer (Reference Meyer2017) 238; Boardman (Reference Boardman1999) 308, 13, 21.

46 Interestingly, on Athenian funerary reliefs, women on stools (but not chairs) are almost always represented with their feet on footstools; men almost always without footstools. This rule does not apply to the case of the gods’ assembly on the Parthenon frieze, where none of the divinities is shown with a footstool.

47 Reuthner (Reference Reuthner2006) 312–13 claims that the processional ship at the Panathenaia was a relatively late invention, not attested before the Hellenistic period. According to Shear (Reference Shear2021) 131–4, it was not introduced before the second century CE; however, this is based entirely on the lack of straightforward evidence from earlier periods.

48 Thus Mansfield (Reference Mansfield1989) 2–50. As far as I can tell, the majority of scholars (an exception being Aleshire and Lambert Reference Aleshire and Lambert2003: 72, where Mansfield's theory is simply called not compelling) agree with the general statement that there were two kinds of peploi and disagree when it comes to details. For example, according to Shear (Reference Shear2001) 97–103, 174–86; (Reference Shear2021) 99–103, both peploi were designed as robes for Athena; however the introduction of the annual peplos, offered at the Lesser Panathenaia, was a later innovation dating from a period after 140 BCE. For the most recent bibliography, see also Brøns (Reference Brøns2017) 365–92.

49 Thus Sourvinou-Inwood (Reference Sourvinou-Inwood2011) 267–8.

50 Thus Simon (Reference Simon1983) 66. On the relationship between gods and their statues, see Bremmer (Reference Bremmer2013); Pirenne-Delforge (Reference Pirenne-Delforge and Mylonopoulos2010); Mylonopoulos (Reference Mylonopoulos and Mylonopoulos2010) with further bibliography.

51 On the Plynteria, see e.g. Mansfield (Reference Mansfield1989) 371–9; Brulé (Reference Brulé1987) 105–10; Robertson (Reference Robertson and Neils1996) 48–52; (Reference Robertson and Cosmopoulos2004) 96–102; Parker (Reference Parker1996) 307–8; (Reference Parker2005) 478–9. The name of the festival suggests that at least some of Athena's clothes were washed on that day, which does not exclude the possibility that she was dressed in the new peplos. Such a view was expressed by Shapiro (Reference Shapiro1989) 30; Neils (Reference Neils and Neils1996) 186, (Reference Neils and Cosmopoulos2004) 58; Hurwit (Reference Hurwit1999) 333 no. 63. The opposite view: e.g. Parke (Reference Parke1977) 153; Robertson (Reference Robertson and Neils1996) 49. Sourvinou-Inwood (Reference Sourvinou-Inwood2011) 307–11 devoted much space to the argument that the statue was dressed in the new peplos on the Panathenaia rather than on the Plynteria; however, she supported this claim mostly on (otherwise interesting) speculation. The sources do not actually allow for a more confident statement than that of Parker (Reference Parker2005) 478 ‘the relation between this ritual [scil. the Plynteria] and the presentation of a new peplos at the Greater Panathenaea is unclear’.

52 X. HG 1.4.12; Plut. Alc. 34.2. On the female nakedness, see Lee (Reference Lee2015) 182–90.

53 Simon (Reference Simon1983) 67; Wesenberg (Reference Wesenberg1990) 158–64; Harrison (Reference Harrison and Neils1996) 205; Neils (Reference Neils2001) 168, (Reference Neils, Neils and Oakley2003) 159; Dillon (Reference Dillon2002) 45–8; Sourvinou-Inwood (Reference Sourvinou-Inwood2011) 298–306.

54 Ancient girls and women worked the wool and wove while sitting (on the distinction between these two activities, see Mansfield (Reference Mansfield1989) 279; Parker (Reference Parker2005) 227). Thus, it would be tempting to think that the stools the girls carry were meant to allude to this part of their ritual role. However, from the fact that on the frieze there are two stools and one footstool only, it can be deduced that these pieces of furniture are not supposed to be used by girls for sitting.

55 AB I 273: ἡ κοσμοῦσα τὸ ἕδος τῆς Ἀθηνᾶς ἱέρɛια.

56 Harp. s.v. τραπɛζοφόρος: αὕτη τɛ καὶ ἡ κοσμὼ συνδιέπουσι πάντα τῆι τῆς Ἀθηνᾶς ἱɛρɛίαι.

57 Although from the linguistic point of view the relationship between two forms so similar to one another as κομμώ and κοσμώ may be a little more complex than it seems (Solmsen (Reference Solmsen1901) 501–7; Frisk (Reference Frisk1960) s.v.; Chantraine (Reference Chantraine1968) s.v.; Beekes (Reference Beekes2010) s.v.), there can be little doubt that the two words referred to the same sacred function, because it is hard to imagine that at the Athenian Acropolis there were two different officials that bore almost the same title and whose roles overlapped. On this rather obscure figure, see Conomis (Reference Conomis1961) 118–19; Georgoudi (Reference Georgoudi and Loraux2003) 200; Sourvinou-Inwood (Reference Sourvinou-Inwood2011) 264. See also Harrison (Reference Harrison1889); Waldstein (Reference Waldstein1890); Murray (Reference Murray1903): 102; Mantis (Reference Mantis1990): 80. Robertson (Reference Robertson and Cosmopoulos2004) 96 suggested that the girls on the East frieze can be identified as κοσμώ and τραπɛζώ; however, there is nothing to confirm this.

58 The only exceptions are provided by Cratinus’ fragment 32, in which a male plays the role of a diphrophoros. This may result from the comic convention, and two vases with Andromeda (BAPD 213802 discussed above and BAPD 276098) with black youths carrying stools. These images are hardly representative of Greek real-life conventions, given that a gender-role reversal may be taken as an index of exoticism. There are thus no unambiguous instances of male diphrophoroi that can be taken as typical for Greek customs.

59 In Cratinus’ fragment 32 Lycurgus as a diphrophoros seems to be following males, whereas the pot in Aristophanes’ Ecclesiazusae 735–6 is said to have made cosmetics for Lysistrates. Both instances are hardly relevant, given that they may reflect the comic convention rather than reality.

60 The most likely candidate for the oldest attestation is Hermippus’ fragment 25 of Gods, dated to 429 by Wilamowitz (Reference Wilamowitz-Moellendorff1873) 140, without, however, any certainty (see Comentale (Reference Comentale2017) 104–5). Next comes Cratinus’ fragment 32 of Deliades, a comedy that most likely was produced after 426/5 (see Bianchi (Reference Bianchi2016) 149).

61 It is unclear whom a diphrophoros is supposed to follow in Cratinus’ fr. 32 (see Bianchi (Reference Bianchi2016) ad loc.). Apart from this, according to Photius (δ 672) and the Suda (δ 1295) Strattis (fr. 7) was supposed to use the word diphrophoros, but the context is not specified. This attestation may be the latest one, but it cannot be dated with any precision (Strattis was a younger contemporary of Aristophanes). The last datable attestation is that in the Ecclesiazusae (391 BCE). A case apart is an attestation of a homonymous word diphrophoros in Dinon's fragment 18, in which it refers to a servant who carried a stool that the king of Persia used when dismounting his chariot.

62 Apart from the comic passages, diphrophoroi are mentioned in the scholia to Aristophanes (Ar. Eccl. 734; Ar. Av. 1551); (7) Suda δ 1294 (=Phot. δ 672), δ 1295; Hsch. δ 200. Only this latter source (διφροφόροι· αἳ ταῖς κανηφόροις ɛἵποντο, δίφρους ἐπιφɛρόμɛναι) does not contain a reference to a comedy. This is hardly meaningful, given how laconic it is.

63 On Plutarch's Atticism, see Jażdżewska (Reference Jażdżewska, Xenophontos and Oikonomopoulou2019).

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Figure 0

Figure 1. Central part of the east Parthenon frieze (drawing by Adam Chmielewski)

Figure 1

Figure 2. Attic Siana cup, attributed to the Painter of Boston, Bochum, BAPD 3881 (drawing by Adam Chmielewski)

Figure 2

Figure 3. Attic red-figure calyx-krater, attributed to Euphronios, Capua, BAPD 200063(drawing by Adam Chmielewski)

Figure 3

Figure 4. Attic black-figure neck-amphora, BAPD 9031264 (drawing by Adam Chmielewski)

Figure 4

Figure 5. Attic red-figure bell-krater, in a manner of the Villa Giulia Painter, Vienna, BAPD 2195 (drawing by Adam Chmielewski)

Figure 5

Figure 6. Attic red-figure oinochoe, attributed to the Phiale Painter, Paris, BAPD 214278 (drawing by Nicoletta Candurra)

Figure 6

Figure 7. Attic red-figure bell-krater, attributed to the Dinos Painter, Cambridge, MA, BAPD 44027 (drawing by Nicoletta Candurra)

Figure 7

Figure 8. Attic red-figure cup, attributed to the Triptolemos Painter, Tarquinia, BAPD 203886 (drawing by Nicoletta Candurra)

Figure 8

Figure 9. Attic red-figure stamnos, attributed to the Copenhagen Painter, BAPD 202936 (drawing by Adam Chmielewski)

Figure 9

Figure 10. Attic red-figure hydria, attributed to the Kadmos Painter, Athens, BAPD 215724 (drawing by Adam Chmielewski)

Figure 10

Figure 11. Attic red-figure hydria, London, BAPD 213802 (drawing by Adam Chmielewski)