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Dimensions of Time in a Ritual Drama
A Historical Anthropology of a “Conquest Dance” in the Central Peruvian Sierra from the Sixteenth to the Twenty-first Century
Published online by Cambridge University Press: 14 February 2025
Abstract
Holding on precariously to their small steeds, the Spanish conquerors attempt to break through the ranks of Atahualpa’s army, whose men defend on foot the fate of the Inca Empire. The scene is messy, at once tense and playful owing to the performers’ advanced state of inebriation. This choreography, which plays out the tragic events of 1532, has been reenacted on various patronal festivals throughout the central Peruvian Sierra since the first half of the seventeenth century. Although nowadays these reenactments may vary in configuration from one place to the next, all are financed by lay volunteers and include masses, processions, drinking, banquets, collective dances, fights, musical entertainment, and occasionally a bullfight. These festive performances are part of a connected history of the circulation and reconfiguration of representations of moros y cristianos (Moors and Christians) in the Iberian world. This article attempts to grasp the institutional dynamics, at the intersection between politics and religion, that have ensured the success and longevity of these performances in the Andes. It also questions the texture of this long time-span and its articulation with other temporalities. Based on ethnographic fieldwork carried out in Chiquián (Áncash), the analysis focuses on the temporalities of the ritual: What past, present, and future horizons are woven into these performances’ frameworks of interaction?
En équilibre précaire sur de petits destriers, les conquérants espagnols tentent péniblement de transpercer les troupes du souverain Atahualpa qui défendent à pied le destin de l’Empire inca. La scène est désordonnée, tantôt tendue, tantôt enjouée, car la plupart de ses interprètes sont en état d’ébriété avancée. Renvoyant à l’épisode tragique survenu en 1532, cette séquence est rejouée depuis la première moitié du xviie siècle au cours de diverses fêtes votives de la Sierra centrale péruvienne. Aujourd’hui, si les modalités de cette reconstitution peuvent varier d’un endroit à l’autre, elles sont toujours financées par des laïcs bénévoles ; s’y mêlent messes, processions, beuveries, banquets, danses collectives, jeux de combat, divertissements musicaux et, parfois, un spectacle taurin. Ces pratiques festives s’inscrivent en cela dans une histoire connectée, celle de la circulation et des reconfigurations des représentations de Maures et chrétiens dans le monde ibérique. Cet article propose de saisir les dynamiques institutionnelles, à la croisée du politique et du religieux, qui ont participé au succès et à la stabilité de cette performance dans les Andes. Il interroge également la texture de cette longue durée et son articulation avec d’autres temporalités. À partir d’enquêtes ethnographiques effectuées à Chiquián (Áncash), l’étude s’attarde en dernier lieu sur les temporalités du rituel : quels passés, quels présents et quels horizons d’attente s’emboîtent dans les cadres d’interaction de cette représentation ?
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Footnotes
This article was originally published in French as “Le temps d’un rituel. Anthropologie historique d’une ‘danse de la conquête’ de la Sierra centrale péruvienne (xvie–xxie siècle),” in “Le fait religieux à l’épreuve du monde,” special issue, Annales HSS 78, no. 1 (2023): 73–108, doi: 10.1017/ahss.2023.39. It was translated by Edward Forman and edited by Chloe Morgan.
*
Many thanks to my colleagues from the Laboratoire d’anthropologie sociale, the Anthropology department of the University of Toulouse-Jean Jaurès, and the EREA (Enseignement et recherche en ethnologie amérindienne) of the University of Paris-Nanterre for their insightful comments following oral presentations of this paper. All my gratitude goes to the peer reviewers and editors of the Annales, whose suggestions have considerably improved the structure of the argument.
References
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13. The inclusive nature of these festivities greatly facilitated my observation of and participation in them. An initial visit allowed me to conduct numerous interviews and to keep the company of one of the festival’s officeholders (Rumiñawi), whom I followed during dance and song rehearsals, costume fittings, meals, and public appearances. A second visit, staying with a local family, gave me access to their daily life and to the wealth of rumor and gossip surrounding those involved in the event. I warmly thank all the Chiquianos who patiently answered my questions, accepted me within the flow of the celebration, and shared with me at times their own perplexity in the face of the magnitude of an event whose continuity they nevertheless contribute to ensuring.
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20. The cycle was documented for the first time in Río de la Plata in 1536, barely fifteen years after the publication of its first translation into Spanish in Seville in the form of romances. See Yolando Pino Saavedra, “Historia de Carlo Magno y de los doce pares de Francia en Chile,” Folklore Americas 26, no. 2 (1966): 1–29. See also Jean-François Botrel, “Littérature et imprimés de cordel dans la péninsule Ibérique,” in Des conquêtes de Charlemagne au Brésil. Le Moyen Âge européen dans la littérature populaire brésilienne, exhibition catalog, ed. Maria Lemaire and Annick Moreau (Poitiers: Médiathèque François Mitterand, 2000), 21–29; Rafael M. Mérida Jiménez, “Los libros de caballerías en América: huellas culturales y cultura impresa (1492–1516),” Tirant: Butlletí informatiu i bibliographic 10 (2007): http://hdl.handle.net/10459.1/46930.
21. In his Historia verdadera de la conquista de la Nueva España (chap. 174), completed around 1575, Bernal Díaz del Castillo mentions a simulated combat between Moors and Christians put on to entertain the men of Hernán Cortés during their advance towards Nicaragua in 1524–1525. The earliest detailed description of such a staging, however, is unpublished and dates back to Vasco da Gama’s voyage along the Caribbean coast in 1532: Heather J. Paudler, “La Danza Bugabita: The History and Performance of Los Moros y Cristianos from Spain to the Municipality of Bugaba, Panamá” (PhD diss., Florida State University, 2015), 77–78. The performance of La conquista de Jerusalén (1538) in Tlaxcala is considered the first festivity of this type organized under the control of missionaries. See, in particular, Robert Ricard, “Contribution à l’étude des fêtes de ‘moros y cristianos’ au Mexique,” Journal de la société des américanistes 24, no. 1 (1932): 51–84.
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23. Joly Puthussery, “Chavittanātakam: Music-Drama in Kerala,” Comparative Drama 37, no. 3/4 (2003–2004): 321–41; Gilles Tarabout, “Charlemagne en pays malabar. Enjeux locaux,” in “Mémoire épique et Génie du lieu,” ed. Caroline Cazanave, special issue, Bien dire et bien aprandre, hors-série 2 (2017): 317–28.
24. Josie Espinoza de Luján, “Los Moros y Cristianos”: A Spectacular Historical Drama (Chimayó: New Mexico Quincentenary Commission, 1992); Max Harris, “The Arrival of the Europeans: Folk Dramatizations of Conquest and Conversion in New Mexico,” Comparative Drama 28, no. 1 (1994): 141–65.
25. Arturo Warman Gryj, La danza de Moros y Cristianos (Mexico City: Secretaria de educación pública, 1972); Héctor A. Pinto, Moros y cristianos en Chiquimula de la Sierra (Guatemala City: Departamento de arte folklórico nacional, 1983); Fernando Horcasitas, “El reto de caballería de los reyes moros,” Indiana 9 (1984): 59 – 68; Gisela Beutler, “Algunas observaciones sobre los textos de ‘Moros y Cristianos’ en México y Centroamérica,” in Actas del octavo Congreso de la Asociación Internacional de Hispanistas (Brown University, Providence, Rhode Island, 22–27 agosto 1983), ed. David Kossoff et al. (Madrid: Ediciones Istmo, 1986), 221–33; Carlos R. García Escobar, El Español: danzas de moros y cristianos en Guatemala (Guatemala City: Ministerio de cultura y deportes, 1990).
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27. Humberto Olea Montero, “La ‘historia de Carlo Magno’ en el desarrollo del romancero a la décima espinela,” Revista chilena de literature 78 (2011): https://revistaliteratura. uchile.cl/index.php/RCL/article/view/11021.
28. Robert Ricard, “Maures et Chrétiens au Brésil,” Bulletin hispanique 51, no. 3 (1949): 334–38; Marlyse Meyer, “Charlemagne, roi du Congo. Notes sur la présence carolingienne dans la culture populaire brésilienne,” Cahiers du Brésil contemporain 5 (1988): 59–76; José Rivair Macedo, “Mouros e cristãos: a ritualização da conquista no velho e no Novo Mundo,” in “Le Moyen Âge vu d’ailleurs,” ed. Eliana Magnani, special issue, Bucema, hors-série 2 (2008): https://doi.org/10.4000/cem.8632; Kevin Dawson, “Moros e Christianos Ritualized Naval Battles: Baptizing American Waters with African Spiritual Meaning,” in Afro-Catholic Festivals in the Americas: Performance, Representation, and the Making of Black Atlantic Tradition, ed. Cécile Fromont (University Park: Pennsylvania State University Press, 2019), 42–58.
29. Opinions differ on the origin of this form of popular theater, which is an adaptation of the Auto da Floripès. For some scholars, its importation dates back to the sixteenth century, with the arrival of sugar traders from Madeira. For others, it dates from the nineteenth century, when cheap editions of the Carolingian cycle were mass distributed in São Tomé and Príncipe. See Françoise Gründ, “Le tchiloli de São Tomé (inventer un territoire pour exister),” in La scène et la terre. Questions d’ethnoscénologie I (Paris: Babel, 1996), 159–76; Caroline Shaw, “Oral Literature and Popular Culture in Cape Verde and in São Tomé and Príncipe,” in The Postcolonial Literature of Lusophone Africa, ed. Patrick Chabal et al. (Evanston: Northwestern University Press, 1996), 248–73; Paulo Valverde, “Carlos Magno e as artes da morte: estudo sobre o Tchiloli da ihla de São Tomé,” Etnográfica 2, no. 2 (1998): 221–50.
30. Mercedes Díaz Roig, “La danza de la Conquista,” Nueva revista de filología hispánica 32, no. 1 (1983): 176–95; Jeffrey H. Cohen, “Danza de la Pluma: Symbols of Submission and Separation in a Mexican Fiesta,” Anthropological Quarterly 66, no. 3 (1993): 149–58; Demetrio Brisset, “Cortés derrotado: la visión indígena de la conquista,” in Las danzas de conquista, vol. 1, México contemporáneo, ed. Jésus Jáuregui and Carlo Bonfiglioli (Mexico City: Fondo de cultura económica, 1996), 69–90; Max Harris, Aztecs, Moors and Christians: Festivals of Reconquest in Mexico and Spain (Austin: University of Texas Press, 2000); Barbara Bode, “The Dance of the Conquest of Guatemala,” in The Native Theater in Middle America, ed. Margaret A. L. Harrison and Robert Wauchope (New Orleans: Middle American Research Institute/Tulane University of Louisiana, 1961), 203–98.
31. There is considerable literature on the ideological, political, and doctrinal issues raised by baroque festivals in the Hispanic world. The main references relevant to our subject are cited below. For a more comprehensive historiographical overview, see Santiago Martínez Hernández, “Cultura festiva y poder en la monarquía hispánica y su mundo. Convergencias historiográficas y perspectivas de análisis,” Studia historica. Historia moderna 31 (2009): 127–52.
32. For an overview of studies on this topic, see Patricio Hidalgo Nuchera, “De cortes y fiestas cortesanas en la América hispana: una aproximación bibliográfica,” Libros de la Corte 16 (2018): 26–85.
33. Casta is a colonial system of categories which designates individuals from different degrees of interracial parentage.
34. Solange Alberro, “Modèles et modalités: les fêtes vice-royales au Mexique et au Pérou, xvie–xviie siècle,” Annales HSS 62, no. 3 (2007): 607–35.
35. Iain Fenlon, “Lepanto and the Arts of Celebration,” History Today 45, no. 9 (1995): 24–30; Carlo Campana and Marie Viallon, “Les célébrations de la victoire de Lépante,” in La Fête au XVI e siècle. Actes du X e colloque du Puy-en-Velay (octobre 2002), ed. Marie F. Viallon (Saint-Étienne: Presses universitaires de Saint-Étienne, 2003), 55–78; Víctor Mínguez, “Lepanto en los virreinatos americanos,” in América: cultura visual y relaciones artísticas, ed. Rafael López Guzmán et al. (Grenada: Universidad de Granada, 2015), 175–82.
36. José López de Toro, “Lepanto en América. Relación de las fiestas que se hicieron en la ciudad del Cuzco por la nueva de la batalla naval,” Cuadernos Hispanoamericanos 10 (1949): 93–102.
37. Hernán Taboada, La sombra del Islam en la conquista de América (Mexico City: Universidad nacional autónoma de Mexico, 2004); Ramón Mujica Pinilla, “Apuntes sobre moros y turcos en el imaginario andino virreinal,” Anuario de historia de la Iglesia 16 (2007): 169–79; Lucila Iglesias, “Moros en la costa (del Pacífico). Imágenes e ideas sobre el Musulmán en el virreinato del Perú,” Diálogo andino 45 (2014): 5–15.
38. Inca Garcilaso de la Vega, Historia general del Perú (Cordoba: por la viuda de Andres Barrera, 1617), vol. 2, chap 25, p. 180.
39. Rafael Heliodoro Valle, Santiago en América (Mexico City: Editorial Santiago, 1946), coined the title Santiago mataindio to describe the figure of Saint James defeating the Indians. Numerous studies are now devoted to this tradition which highlight the adaptations of this representation across time and space. See Emilio Choy, De Santiago matamoros a Santiago mataindios (Lima: CIP, 1958); Teresa Gisbert, Iconografía y mitos indígenas en el arte (La Paz: Gisbert, 1980), 196–99; Javier Domínguez García, “Santiago Mata: la continuación de un discurso medieval en la Nueva España,” Nueva revista de filología hispánica 54, no. 1 (2006): 33–56.
40. Tom R. Zuidema, “Batallas rituales en el Cuzco colonial,” in Andes et Meso-Amérique. Cultures et sociétés. Études en hommage à Pierre Duviols, ed. Raquel Thiercelin, 2 vols. (Aixen-Provence: Publications de l’Université de Provence, 1991), 2:811–834; Berta Ares Queija, “Representaciones dramáticas de la conquista: el pasado al servicio del presente,” Revista de Indias 52, no. 195/196 (1992): 231–50; Carolyn Dean, Inka Bodies and the Body of Christ: Corpus Christi in Colonial Cuzco, Peru (Durham: Duke University Press, 2003), 40–44. Contrary to what Bartolomé Martínez Arzans de Orsúa y Vela states in his late chronicle (Historia de la Villa imperial de Potosí, 1705–1736), the first staging of the capture of Atahualpa probably did not take place in 1555. In this secondhand account, the author claims that the civil powers of Potosí organized a series of comedias in honor of Saint James and the Immaculate Conception, which recounted the history of the Inca dynasty. The final tableau, according to his account, depicted the capture and execution of the last Inca sovereign by the Spaniards. Analysis of this text, however, shows that the scenes described more likely correspond to a later genre and scenography: see Pierre Duviols “Las representaciones andinas de ‘La muerte de Atahualpa.’ Sus orígenes culturales y sus fuentes,” in La formación de la cultura virreinal, vol. 1, La etapa inicial, ed. Karl Kohut and Sonia V. Rose (Frankfurt am Main/Madrid: Vervuert/Iberoamericana, 2000), 213–48.
41. Amédée François Frézier, Relation du voyage de la mer du Sud aux côtes du Chily et du Pérou, fait pendant les années 1712, 1713 & 1714 (Paris: Chez Jean-Geoffroy Nyon et al., 1716), 249.
42. Pablo Ortemberg, Rituels du pouvoir à Lima. De la Monarchie à la République (1735–1828) (Paris: Éd. de l’EHESS, 2012).
43. Karine Périssat, “Les festivités dynastiques à Lima: la célébration d’une histoire locale,” Caravelle 73 (1999): 71–93.
44. Jaime Valenzuela Márquez, “Les voies persuasives du politique. Pivots et enjeux des fêtes du pouvoir dans l’Amérique espagnole coloniale: le cas de Santiago du Chili (xviie–xviiie siècles),” Genèses 3, no. 72 (2008): 82–101.
45. Thierry Saignes, “¿Es posible una historia ‘chola’ del Perú? Acerca del Nacimiento de una utopía de Manuel Burga,” Allpanchis 22, no. 35/36 (1990): 635–57, here p. 640.
46. The doctrinas or “parishes” of Indians (Indios) were the result of a policy of regrouping the originally dispersed indigenous populations to facilitate their evangelization.
47. Contrary to what was claimed by Manuel Burga in Nacimiento de una utopía. Muerte y resurección de los Incas (Lima: Instituto de apoyo agrario, 1988), the idolatry trial of the cacique of Mangas was not focused on the mock combat between Incas and Spaniards. On the contrary, he was accused of acts of ritual deviance (drunkenness, consumption of coca, pagan dances) and worship of idols. His defense proves that the confrontation between the Incas and the Spaniards was considered a celebration of the triumph of Catholicism. For the transcription of the trial, see “Causa de ydolatría contra los yndios echiseros del pueblo de señor San Francisco de Mangas, 9 de agosto–21 de octubre de 1662,” in Procesos y visitas de idolatrías. Cajatambo, siglo XVII, ed. Pierre Duviols (Lima: French Institute of Andean Studies, 2003), 579–656.
48. In rural areas, “reductions” (reducciones de indios) were forced regroupings of autochthonous populations in villages managed by indigenous authorities with the aim of facilitating the collection of colonial taxes and the mobilization of labor.
49. Nelson Manrique, Yawar Mayu, sociedades terratenientes serranas, 1879–1910 (Lima: Institut français d’études andines, 1988), 44–45.
50. Ibid., 45.
51. Ortemberg, Rituels du pouvoir à Lima, 110ff.
52. A growing literature notes the central role played by married, single, and widowed women in the colonial confraternities, “the only institution Indian women could join and possibly exert some influence”: Paul Charney, “A Sense of Belonging: Colonial Indian Cofradías and Ethnicity in the Valley of Lima, Peru,” Americas 54, no. 3 (1998): 379–407, here p. 393. See also Luis Rodríguez Toledo, “‘Hermanas 24 y mayordomas’: la participación femenina en las cofradías de prestigio de Lima, siglo xviii,” Revista del archivo general de la nación 34, no. 1 (2019): 101–24.
53. Olinda Celestino and Albert Meyers, “La dinámica socio-económica del patrimonio cofradial en el Perú colonial: Jauja en el siglo xvii,” Revista española de antropología Americana 11 (1981): 183–206; Olinda Celestino, “Les confréries religieuses à Lima,” Archives de sciences sociales des religions 80 (1992): 167–91; Beatriz Garland Ponce, “Las cofradías en Lima durante la colonia. Una primera aproximación,” in La venida del reino. Religión, evangelización y cultura en América, siglos XVI–XX, ed. Gabriela Ramos (Cuzco: Centro de estudios regionales andinos Bartolomé de las Casas, 1994), 199–228; Walter Vega, “Cofradías en el Perú colonial: una aproximación bibliográfica,” Diálogos 1 (1999): 137–52.
54. In the first half of the nineteenth century, the Peruvian government took inspiration from Spanish liberalizing policies to establish a process known as “desamortización eclesiástica,” consisting of the public sale of land and unproductive assets owned for the most part by the Church, religious orders, confraternities, and, to a lesser extent, municipalities. The aim was to expand the land market while increasing agricultural productivity, and to replenish the state coffers.
55. Fifty years ago, Fernando Fuenzalida Vollmar, “La matriz colonial de la comunidad de indígenas peruana: una hipótesis de trabajo,” Revista del museo nacional 35 (1979): 92–123, already suggested that the structures of the traditional indigenous community derived from the system of confraternities and the institution of the cabildo, both of Peninsular origin.
56. Alejandro Diez Hurtado, “Charges religieuses, confréries et organisation politique dans la longue durée. Agents et pouvoir aux villages de Catacaos et Sechura (Pérou),” in Pour une histoire souterraine des Amériques. Jeux de mémoires – Enjeux d’identité. Mélanges offerts à Nathan Wachtel, ed. Anath Ariel de Vidas (Paris: L’Harmattan, 2008), 197–221.
57. This interpretation was communicated to me only once, by an interlocutor who was particularly enthusiastic to share his knowledge of the festival. Knowing the purpose of my research, he came to meet me in the middle of the crowd to comment on the scene unfolding before us. Other information was gleaned from informal discussions during daily encounters and convivial moments.
58. For a presentation of this Andinist literature, see Alejandro Diez Hurtado, “Los sistemas de cargos religiosos y sus transformaciones,” in Religiones andinas, ed. Manuel M. Marzal (Madrid, Ed. Trotta, 2005), 253–86.
59. Conflict is not absent from these exchanges and officeholders must negotiate with patience and diplomacy. Certain requests for loans or material contributions may be considered inappropriate. They are sometimes rejected for personal reasons (too distant a relationship, family conflict, etc.) or openly condemned for their cost. These negotiations are secret, except for those which concern objects of little value, and all the goods and sums granted are recorded in an account book that each official keeps individually.
60. Diez Hurtado, “Charges religieuses.”
61. Among the new religions identified in 2017 in Chiquián were Jehovah’s Witnesses, the Asociación Evangélica de la Misión Israelita del Nuevo Pacto Universal (AEMINPU), and the Seventh-day Adventist Church.
62. Román Robles Mendoza, “Las iglesias andinas: huellas de la cristianización y religiosidad popular,” Revista de antropología 3, no. 3 (2005): 103–62, here pp. 140–41.
63. Román Robles Mendoza, “Efectos de la minería moderna en tres regiones del Perú,” Revista de antropología 1, no. 1 (2003): 31–70.
64. Between the 1980s and 2000s, the Maoist-inspired movement known by this name led an armed struggle against the Peruvian state in order to “liberate” the peasant masses from the oppression of the dominant powers. Guerrilla action and its suppression by government forces resulted in approximately 70,000 victims, most of them from Andean Quechua-speaking communities. See Robin Azevedo, Sur les sentiers de la violence.
65. Isabel Yaya McKenzie, “Une histoire de la violence. La reconstitution ritualisée de la capture de l’Inca dans les Andes centrales,” Ethnologie française 49, no. 3 (2019): 493–506, here p. 502.
66. Juvenal Casaverde, “Santos, cargos religiosos y procesos sociales,” Revista del museo nacional 45 (1981): 291–310.
67. Lima, Archivo arzobispal (hereafter “AAL”), cofradías, leg. 46, exp. 2, 1622; AAL, cofradías, leg. 46, exp. 34–35, 1685; Huacho, Archivo del opispado (hereafter “AOH”), cofradías, leg. 2, exp. 22, 1672–74; AOH, cofradías, leg. 3, exp. 1, 1685.
68. Ramón Mujica Puntilla, Rosa limensis. Mística, política e iconografía en torno a la patrona de América (Mexico City: Centro de estudios mexicanos y centroamericanos/Institut français d’études andines/Fondo de cultura económica, 2004), 10.4000/books.cemca.2303; Ismael Jiménez Jiménez, “Las cofradías de indígenas de Santa Rosa. Fundaciones y propagación en la archidiócesis de Lima durante la década de 1670,” Temas americanistas 39 (2017): 146–82.
69. The register of proceedings currently in use dates back to the 1990s, as older volumes have disappeared under obscure circumstances.
70. Román Robles Mendoza, “Representaciones de la memoria en los eventos festivos andinos,” Investigaciones sociales 19, no. 35 (2015): 11–30, here pp. 21–22.
71. Brisset, “Cortés derrotado”; Max Harris, “The Return of Moctezuma: Oaxaca’s ‘Danza de la Pluma’ and New Mexico’s ‘Danza de los Matachines,’” Drama Review 41, no. 1 (1997): 106–37.
72. Julien Bonhomme, “L’art de la dérobade. Innovations rituelles et pouvoir colonial en Afrique centrale,” Cahiers d’études africaines 228 (2017): 951–72, here p. 964. See also Bonhomme, “Masque Chirac et danse de Gaulle. Images rituelles du Blanc au Gabon,” Gradhiva. Revue d’anthropologie et d’histoire des arts 11 (2010): 80–99.
73. Robles Mendoza, “Las iglesias andinas,” 140.
74. Nathan Wachtel, Paradis du Nouveau Monde (Paris: Fayard, 2019), 164.
75. Houseman and Severi, Naven ou Le donner à voir.
76. Claude Lévi-Strauss, Anthropologie structurale II (Paris: Plon, 1973), 42.
77. Rory Turner, “Bloodless Battles: The Civil War Reenacted,” Drama Review 34, no. 4 (1990): 123–36; Mark Auslander, “Touching the Past: Materializing Time in Traumatic ‘Living History’ Reenactments,” Signs and Society 1, no. 1 (2013): 161–83; Audrey Tueillon Demésy, “‘Passer’ un costume pour se glisser dans le passé. Savoir-faire et apparence corporelle en reconstitution historique,” Ethnologies 40, no. 1 (2018): 27–48. On the emotional dimension of the ritual, see Marika Moisseeff and Michael Houseman, “L’orchestration rituelle du partage des émotions et ses ressorts interactionnels,” in Les émotions collectives. En quête d’un “objet” impossible, ed. Laurence Kaufmann and Louis Quéré (Paris: Éd. de l’EHESS, 2020), 133–68.
78. On the notion of a regime of historicity, see François Hartog and Gerard Lenclud, “Régimes d’historicité,” in L’état des lieux des sciences sociales, ed. Alexandru Dutu and Norbert Dodille (Paris: L’Harmattan, 1993), 18–38; François Hartog, Régimes d’historicité. Présentisme et expérience du temps (Paris: Éd. du Seuil, 2003). For a critical commentary on the notion, see Ludivine Bantigny, “Historicité du xxe siècle. Quelques jalons sur une notion,” Vingtième siècle. Revue d’Histoire 117 (2013): 13–25.
79. Yaya McKenzie, “Une histoire de la violence,” 497.
80. Ibid.
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This is a translation of: Le temps d’un rituel