AN UNKNOWN HISTORY OF PORTUGAL (c 1570) IN WILLIAM CECIL’S LIBRARY: COMMISSIONING AND WRITING HISTORY DURING THE ELIZABETHAN ERA

Abstract

The Society of Antiquaries of London holds, under ms 86, an unconventional manuscript described in its catalogue as ‘brief notes on the Kings of Portugal’. The manuscript is in a mid-sixteenth-century hand and has personal annotations by William Cecil (1520–98), better known as Lord Burghley. It recounts the history of Portugal by reigns and belonged to Cecil’s personal library. Until now, no other extant example of a history of Portugal written in English in the sixteenth century was known. This article publishes the first transcription of this unique document, while analysing its contents and explaining its importance. The first section will discuss the history of the manuscript itself, explaining its owners, its likely date of composition and the problems relating to authorship. The second part will deal with the raft of reasons why we believe William Cecil ordered its composition. The third section will detail the major contents of the manuscript, discussing its most interesting details. Finally, the conclusion will reflect on why this manuscript is important for British history.

INTRODUCTION

Writing histories of foreign countries, and even of the world, was a common practice in sixteenth-century Europe. In many cases, the post of official historian was still evolving, and each author independently followed his own strategies and adopted his own position, ¹ but curiosity was an important motivating factor. In 1589, Richard Hakluyt (1553–1616) opened his masterpiece The Principal Navigations with a justification: his work was needed because no-one before him had ever written about the maritime achievements of England, whereas other European maritime players already had those kinds of histories. ² Hakluyt was not the first Englishman to be influenced by Iberian maritime achievements. Thomas More (1478–1535) in Utopia invented a Portuguese character (Raphael Hythlodaeus) as the bringer of news. More claimed: ‘there’s not a man alive today [that] can tell you so many stories about strange countries and their inhabitants as he can’, ³ and this has been interpreted as a sign of English ‘curiosity’ about the Portuguese in the early sixteenth century. There was also considerable interest in English universities in Latin accounts of Portuguese explorations in Africa and Asia. ⁴ However, there is now documentary proof that one of the makers of Elizabethan England, William Cecil (1520–98), created Lord Burghley in 1571, ⁵ was also deeply interested in knowing more about Portugal and its history.

Until now, very little has been known of ms 86, a manuscript in folio written in English and described in the Society of Antiquaries’ catalogue as mid-sixteenth-century ‘Notes on the kings of Portugal’. The main thrust of the manuscript is the births, marriages, deaths and relationships of the kings of Portugal. It is the bloodlines, the family, the genealogy that are important, so siblings, dead children and titles all loom large. There is an emphasis on legitimacy/illegitimacy, as if the author knew Cecil was trying to understand Portugal’s power and position in Europe. The primary purpose of this paper is to explain why this history was produced in the sixteenth century, how it came into the possession of the Society of Antiquaries and to present a critical transcription of it. Its secondary aim is to foster academic studies about the importance of Anglo-Portuguese relations.

The first section will discuss the history of the manuscript itself, explaining its owners, its likely date of composition and the problems relating to authorship. The second part will deal with the raft of reasons why we believe William Cecil ordered its composition. The third section will detail the major contents of the manuscript, discussing its most interesting details. Finally, the conclusion will reflect on why this manuscript is unique for British history as currently there is no other known history of Portugal in English from the sixteenth century.

THE INTRICACIES OF THE HISTORY OF MS 86

Composed on paper and bound in vellum, there are two distinct parts to the ms: the first a few extracts from two Leicestershire parish registers, and the second the above-mentioned notes (fig 1), with occasional marginal annotated pedigrees in the hand of William Cecil. There was no known provenance for this unusual manuscript because unfortunately (and surprisingly) the Society of Antiquaries kept no lists of donations – the only hope being that the gift might have been mentioned in the Minute books, but that was not the case with ms 86. The sole known fact relating to its provenance was that it was already in the collection of the Society by 1816 when the first printed catalogue of the Society’s manuscripts was published: given the number 86 (but the manuscripts were not allocated numbers according to any chronology of accession), the ms was described as ‘A breif (sic) Story of the Kings of Portugal’. ⁶ This is close to the title on the cover of ms 86: ‘A brief story of ye Kings of Portugall’, written in a different hand from the text inside.

Fig 1. First page of A breif story of ye Kings of Portugall, ms 86, fol 1. Image: the authors.

The juxtaposition of a sixteenth-century English text and a history of Portugal was enticing enough to encourage further investigation on our part, and this has led to significant new information across a whole spectrum of areas: authorship, watermark, dating, ownership and provenance. There is no external evidence about the author of the work, nor about the copyist of the fair copy that now belongs to the Society of Antiquaries, ⁷ but information can be deduced or gleaned from an examination of the manuscript itself and its contents: the writing is in an English secretary hand of the mid-sixteenth century, presumably that of a professional copyist because it is so neat. If one assumes that the text represents what was written by the author, and there was no interference from the copyist (if indeed they are different people), the text reveals that the author was English. He writes in a colloquial fashion and does not make grammatical mistakes. He proclaimed himself to be Catholic by his use of Catholic saints’ name days and because, as he explained, he dates according to the Roman Catholic calendar, with the new year starting at the nativity (in fact on 1 January) as opposed to adherents to the Church of England, for whom the new year commenced at the incarnation (25 March) (fol 11v). The author must have been educated, as he quotes a saying of Sextus the Pythagorean about a wise man speaking few words (fol 11), ⁸ although he might have picked it up orally rather than in a written form, as he names Sextus but does not give the title of the work, which was originally in Greek; and the author was certainly resident in Lisbon at particular moments because he mentions being present at a public hanging in the city (fol 11), making one likely hypothesis that he was a member of the English merchant community there (see below). Unfortunately, knowledge of the English community in Lisbon in the mid-sixteenth century is not easily available. ⁹

However, closer acquaintance with the text indicates that the author and the copyist were two distinct people. It now appears probable that the material included in brackets in the text was inserted by the copyist, as it is always explanatory or clarificatory information that the copyist presumably thought might be helpful to or meaningful for Cecil. For example, the copyist spells out the meaning of the word infante, which was given as a label to the sons and daughters of the king in Spain and Portugal (fol 3v), a task that would be unnecessary to anyone living in either of those countries. And the unlikely duo of references to Jacob De Meyere’s (1491–1552) history of Flanders and Sebastian Münster’s (1488–1552) Cosmographia can be explained by their inclusion in brackets too. One is historical and the other geographical, from two different countries, with one in Latin and one originally in German. They are not the most obvious sources for someone writing a history of the Kings of Portugal, yet they make perfect sense when considered in the context of Cecil’s points of reference.

Once one accepts that the author and the copyist are not the same person, we are in search of two individuals. The author is still most likely to have been a member of the English merchant community in Lisbon, with access to informants at the royal court. Another possibility is that one of the members of the entourage of the English ambassador to Portugal in 1567, Thomas Wilson (1525–81), wrote it (100 Englishmen on foot and six on horseback accompanied Wilson after his audience with the Portuguese Queen Catherine of Austria). ¹⁰ Very suggestive is the fact that Wilson’s description of his reception in Lisbon appears in a letter he wrote to William Cecil, providing evidence that Cecil was watching Portuguese affairs extremely closely. The copyist, however, could be an Englishman in England, perhaps a secretary to William Cecil, who was instructed by him to copy the manuscript for Cecil’s personal use. Unfortunately, although Cecil’s secretaries are well-studied from 1580 onwards, ¹¹ no such study is feasible for the late 1560s and 1570s. ¹² The handwriting in ms 86 is close to that of Thomas Windebank, one of Cecil’s secretaries in the 1560s, ¹³ but at this stage it is not possible to be certain if Windebank was the copyist, although he is a likely candidate. The text could also support the view that the copyist was an Englishman in England who may not have been attuned to subtleties of the Portuguese language. Instead of ‘Sancho of the Hood’ (which must have been the translation used for ‘Sancho o Capelo’), the copyist writes in two separate places ‘Sancho of the Wood’ (fols 2, 2v). He might have mistaken an ‘h’ for a ‘w’, and not have known enough about the Kings of Portugal to recognise their sobriquets.

A further aspect of the manuscript itself providing information is its paper’s watermark. There is a very clear image of the watermark on folio ii (fig 2). According to Briquet, the watermark belongs to a papetier or paper-maker called Maudine in Langres in Champagne. ¹⁴ Langres is between Dijon and Troyes, and in the fifteenth century was on the border of the French kingdom. Three watermarks in Briquet, nos 8386-8, all contain the name Maugine or Maudine in capitals, as does the watermark in ms 86. The range of dates is: 8386 (1561–9), 8387 (1564) and 8388 (1571). These dates match perfectly with the internal evidence that dates the manuscript between 1569 and 1573 (see below). Having a secure origin in north-east France for the paper is important because it means, counter-intuitively, that the manuscript was almost certainly copied in England, as there was a gap in home-grown production of paper between the demise of John Tate’s paper mill in Hereford, which operated between 1496 and 1507, ¹⁵ and the 1570s when others opened up – and during the gap, the majority of paper was imported from France, and much of it from north-east France. The paper is definitely not from Portugal, ¹⁶ making it probable that the fair copy was written out in England, although still technically possible that it was copied by an Englishman in Lisbon on paper he had taken with him from England.

Fig 2. ms 86, fol ii, watermark. Image: the authors.

Internal evidence suggests a dating between 1569 and 1573, a period co-terminous with, or slightly after, the date of a portrait of William Cecil by an unknown Anglo-Netherlandish artist (fig 3). The author provides several ‘indirect dates’ when speaking of certain members of the Portuguese and Spanish royal families. The first obvious hint comes at the end of the manuscript when, commenting on King Sebastian (r 1557–78), the author says that he is still reigning (fol 11v). As Sebastian died in August 1578, this means that the manuscript was written before this. Exactly the same logic can be applied when the author mentions that King Sebastian’s grandmother, Queen Catherine of Austria (1507–78), is still alive (fol 10v). As the queen died in February 1578, this means that the manuscript was written before this. Shortly before, when speaking about Princess Mary (1521–77), the last daughter of the Portuguese King Manuel i (r 1495–1521), the author also states that she is still alive (fol 9v). As Princess Mary died at the end of 1577, this means that the manuscript was written before this. There is also another indication that the manuscript was written before 1573. When mentioning King Sebastian’s mother, Princess Juana of Austria (1535–73), the author states that she was then in Spain, having finished her regency. Thus, the princess was still alive and had not died yet (fol 10v). As Juana passed her regency to King Philip ii (r 1556–98) in September 1559, and lived in Spain until her death in 1573, this means that the manuscript was written before September 1573.

Fig 3. Unknown Anglo-Netherlandish artist, William Cecil, 1560s, oil on panel. Image: courtesy of the National Portrait Gallery, London.

There is another important reference. Before finishing the chapter on King John ii (r 1481–95), the author states that he heard people of credibility saying that this king’s coffin had been opened and the king’s body was found to be intact (fol 8v). It is known that King John ii’s tomb was opened on the orders of King Sebastian when he visited Alcobaça monastery in 1569. This means that the manuscript was written after this event in 1569. Finally, there are two other pieces of proof that the author wrote after 1568. When commenting on King Manuel i’s sons, the author speaks about Cardinal Henry and states that he had been the governor (meaning regent of Portugal) of the realm after King John iii’s death (fol 9v). Cardinal Henry started his regency in January 1563 and only finished it in January 1568. The author also mentions Don Carlos of Spain’s (1542–68) death, stating that he was murdered in prison (fol 10v). The prince died in July 1568, which means that the manuscript was written after this. Therefore, by joining all the hints on data we arrive at a date of composition of the manuscript somewhere between 1569 and 1573.

While the circumstances leading to the creation and production of the manuscript are not yet fixed – although its commission by William Cecil seems all but certain – its line of owners now is. The manuscript belonged first to Cecil and was part of his library. His marginal annotations, all related to genealogy and none containing new or additional information not included in the text, appear on ten of the pages (fols 1, 1v, 2v, 3, 3v, 5v, 6, 8v (fig 4), 10v and 11) and on the pull-out table at the back (fig 5), proving that he had read the whole of the manuscript, which ended on fol 11v. The author of these annotations can be securely identified because of his distinctive hand. When Burghley’s library of books and manuscripts was put up for auction at the sign of the Bear, on Ave Mary (Maria) Lane near St Paul’s on 21 November 1687, the manuscript featured as no. 33 in the section on manuscripts in English, in folio, and was described as ‘A Brief History of the Kings of Portugal’. ¹⁷ According to the marked up copy of the sale catalogue in the British Library, the manuscript was sold for 2s 8d to E Stamford (the Earl of Stamford) (fig 6). ¹⁸ This was the second earl, Thomas Grey, Chancellor of the Duchy of Lancaster and former president of the Board of Trade. Burghley built Burghley House at Stamford in Lincolnshire, and the earls of Stamford had estates and houses nearby. In addition to propinquity in terms of English aristocratic regional landowning, there were close family relations, meaning that the second owner was related to the first owner. The 1st Earl of Exeter was Thomas Cecil, son of William Cecil and his first wife, Mary Cheke. Thomas became the 2nd Baron Burghley in 1598, and the 1st Earl of Exeter in 1605. His son, William Cecil, became 2nd Earl of Exeter, and one of William’s daughters, Anne (b 1596), married Henry Grey, the 1st Earl of Stamford. Anne was a direct descendant of William Cecil, Lord Burghley, who was her great-grandfather, and by her marriage she cemented the blood ties between the earls of Exeter and the earls of Stamford. This tie may have induced the Earl of Stamford to buy the manuscript.

Fig 4. ms 86, fol 8v, with genealogies by Cecil. Image: the authors.

Fig 5. Pull-out table at end of ms 86. Image: the authors.

Fig 6. Marked up sale catalogue of Lord Burghley’s library, 1671. Image: BL, 821.i.8 (1), 89.

Thomas Grey, the 2nd Earl of Stamford, died in 1720, and the sale catalogue of his library appeared in its turn, dated 16 January 1721. ¹⁹ Unlike the catalogue of Burghley’s library, this catalogue had no manuscript section and was almost exclusively composed of printed books, so his manuscripts appear to have stayed in the family. This hypothesis is strengthened by internal evidence from ms 86, which has on its initial folio i r and v extracts from parish registers at Newtown Linford and Ratby in Leicestershire, dated 1725. This is five years after the death of the 2nd Earl of Stamford, who had lived at Bradgate Park in Leicestershire, next to the village of Newtown Linford and very close to Ratby. Bradgate Park then passed to the 3rd Earl, Harry Grey, who was the cousin of Thomas Grey. The final piece of the puzzle relating to the line of ownership of the manuscript falls into place with the election of the 5th Earl of Stamford, George Harry Grey (fig 7), as a fellow of the Society of Antiquaries in 1775. ²⁰

Fig 7. Benjamin West, George Harry Grey, later 5th Earl of Stamford, 1765, oil on canvas. Image: De Young Museum, San Francisco, public domain.

Although at the moment there is no record of him donating ms 86 to the Society, the 5th Earl is the most obvious candidate from the family to have done so, at some point between 1775 and 1816, at which latter date the manuscript is known to have been part of the collection. No other Stamford before him had any association with the Society. The provenance of ms 86 now seems clear in its outline, and it is no longer a stray manuscript devoid of historical context.

DID WILLIAM CECIL COMMISSION THE WRITING OF MS 86?

While the manuscript does not provide evidence of William Cecil’s commission, considering Cecil’s role in Anglo-Portuguese diplomatic affairs, there are several compelling reasons to argue that he commissioned it. Cecil’s need to know more about the history of Portugal grew out of his direct contacts with Portuguese agents and ambassadors sent to England, making it crucial to document what happened at such encounters.

As private secretary to King Edward vi (r 1547–53) and Queen Elizabeth i (r 1558–1603), one of Cecil’s major responsibilities was to grant formal audiences and deliver formal replies to foreign ambassadors to England. This naturally included the Portuguese envoys sent to England. During the reign of Edward vi, the fragments of the correspondence of Gaspar de Figueiredo, a Portuguese ambassador sent to London in the later days of King Henry viii’s reign (1509–47), do not allow for confirmation that Cecil dealt with him personally. ²¹ However, the same cannot be said of several envoys dispatched to England after Queen Elizabeth i’s ascension to the throne. In 1559, Catherine of Austria, the Portuguese regent between 1557 and 1562, sent the ambassador D. João Pereira and the spy Francisco de Mesquita to England. There is evidence that Cecil helped the Queen formulate formal replies to them. In 1561, the Portuguese regent sent another envoy, Manuel de Araújo, to England to complain about the English voyages to West Africa and the violation of Portuguese Mare Clausum. English state papers show that Araújo received England’s formal answer from Cecil. Cecil’s reply was important enough for the Portuguese court to decide upon the appointment of a formal ambassador to England to present a forceful maritime complaint: João Pereira Dantas, the former Portuguese ambassador to France. Already in 1561, Dantas had instructed Araújo on all the details of his mission to England, and on that occasion Dantas also wrote a letter to Cecil asking him to receive Araújo with cordiality. Before coming to the Tudor court in May–June 1562, Dantas informed Lisbon that he would have to deal personally with Cecil about Portuguese maritime affairs, as Cecil was considered the mastermind of the Privy Council and of the queen. What happened next is widely documented and proves the deep impact this encounter had on Cecil. ²²

After presenting an initial protest, Dantas had a fierce argument with the Privy Council and with Cecil in particular, regarding overseas trade monopolies and the rights of possession to overseas territory. Dantas quickly understood that Cecil’s arguments were becoming a fully-fledged policy, and he tried another tack. He wrote to Cecil’s wife, Mildred Cooke (1526–89), offering an annual payment, on behalf of the King of Portugal, if Cecil became the protector of Portuguese interests in England. He went as far as to state that she should never think of rejecting the offer of a king as prestigious as the Portuguese one. The letter remained unanswered, while Dantas and Cecil continued to exchange arguments publicly. At that point Dantas wrote directly to Cecil, offering him payment if he accepted the Portuguese position. In the letter, Dantas demanded a written answer, considering his status as ambassador to the powerful Portuguese king. There is no record of Cecil’s reply to this missive. Instead, Cecil publicly accused Dantas of cunningly deceitful arguments. After this, Dantas tried to discuss his affairs directly with Queen Elizabeth i, but, assuredly on Cecil’s advice, the queen refused to receive Dantas again, even though their initial meeting had been marked by good personal impressions. The conflict between Cecil and Dantas did not remain behind the closed doors of the Privy Council, but was also noted by the Spanish and French ambassadors to England. Their comments suggest that Cecil was deeply impressed by the behaviour of Dantas. During the following years, Cecil’s conviction of the English right to free overseas trade intensified as he became a chief promoter of English overseas expansion, even investing his own resources in maritime expeditions. Still, Cecil was probably impressed by the strength and depth of ambassador Dantas’ arguments and understood that he would need to prepare himself better for future clashes with the Portuguese.

In 1564, Cardinal Henry, the Portuguese regent between 1563 and 1568, dispatched the agent Aires Cardoso to present another complaint in England, this time against John Hawkins’ (1532–95) second voyage and its impact on Portuguese shipping in West Africa. Cardoso was instructed by Dantas, from Paris, on every detail of his mission. Cecil probably knew this, because, in the meantime, he was kept abreast of a humiliating incident at the Valois court in 1565: Dantas was given diplomatic precedence, by Queen Catherine de’ Medici (1519–89), over the English ambassador Thomas Smith (1513–77), one of Cecil’s closest advisors. ²³ Cecil must also have been aware (as were the French) that Dantas used to report all maritime intelligence from English and French ports to the Portuguese court to help plan military responses. The episodes surrounding Dantas’ espionage for John Hawkins’ third voyage in 1567 (with the ambassador sending agents to London to chase two Portuguese pilots who were about to sail with Hawkins), once more impacted on Cecil. He understood that he needed to know more about Portugal to oppose its diplomatic pressure. ²⁴

When, in 1567, Cecil composed the instructions for Thomas Wilson, the English ambassador to Portugal, it is likely that only part of them were written down. ²⁵ It is no secret that ambassadors in the sixteenth century used to receive oral alongside written instructions. Upon Wilson’s arrival in Lisbon, and considering the recent maritime clashes between the Portuguese and the English in West Africa, it is perfectly possible that Cecil asked Wilson to find someone to write him a short history of Portugal. Cecil needed to understand better why the Portuguese were so insistent about Mare Clausum. Behind Portuguese diplomatic behaviour in England was a sense of superiority about the importance of Portugal in European terms that certainly surprised Cecil. From the Tudor perspective, although in possession of a vast overseas empire, Portugal was not the key European political power of the time. How, then, could the Portuguese claim to possess that power, as Dantas did to Cecil in 1562? Knowing the history of Portugal could help Cecil to understand Portuguese behaviour and even help him to oppose it with historical arguments. This was certainly another result of Cecil’s clashes with Dantas in 1562: Dantas, like all Portuguese envoys to England, always used historical arguments to justify Portuguese claims and actions against the English in West Africa. Thus, it was in Cecil’s interests to know more about the history of Portugal. What could have been better than to have an up-to-date account of this by the hand of an English merchant settled in Lisbon who knew the Portuguese well?

While Wilson’s embassy and movements in Lisbon were carefully scrutinised by the Portuguese, the aforementioned missive from Wilson to Cecil proves that he contacted the English community in Lisbon. Among this community was Botolph Holder, whom Wilson probably met. Upon arriving back in England and providing Cecil with an oral account of his embassy, Wilson is likely to have mentioned Botolph Holder. In May 1568, Holder wrote from Lisbon thanking Cecil for his acceptance of his services. He also provided Cecil with military and maritime intelligence about Portuguese fleets armed against the English. ²⁶ Although no more letters from him to Cecil are known, it is reasonable to assume that he continued to provide such updates in later years. Thus, either at Wilson’s suggestion or on Cecil’s own initiative, Botolph Holder is a plausible candidate to be the original writer of this history of Portugal. The author’s comment, that during King John iii’s reign he personally witnessed the hanging of the man who lost the Agadir fortress in 1541 (fol 11), indicates that the author was already settled in Lisbon at that time. The way the author wrote about King John iii overall also seems to derive more from personal acquaintance either with the king himself or with high Portuguese court officials. This was exactly the type of person that could best offer Cecil a detailed account of the history of Portugal. Furthermore, the manuscript dating to between 1569 and 1573 backs up this hypothesis. Cecil might have commissioned it in 1567–8, but the fair copy given to Cecil probably only arrived on his desk later. It is possible that Cecil may have wanted to have such a manuscript to reply to ambassador Manuel Álvares, who was sent to England in 1567 in the wake of Wilson’s embassy to Lisbon, to present yet another protest against John Hawkins’ voyages.

Still, it is much more probable that Cecil commissioned the manuscript after 1569, not only because of its internal dating, but principally because in this year the Portuguese King Sebastian decided to suspend commercial relations with England. Portugal and England were on the brink of war. This certainly worried Cecil, as it was not in England’s interests to wage war with Portugal, when relations with Spain were already very strained by the tension with Alba’s government in the Netherlands, and on the eve of the queen’s excommunication in 1570. ²⁷ It is also known that, later in 1570–1, Cecil started informal negotiations for a commercial treaty between Portugal and England to re-open relations. His own financial investments, as well as London merchants’ commercial interests in Portugal, determined Cecil’s behaviour over this. ²⁸ These negotiations turned into formal ones from 1571 onwards when Portugal appointed Francesco Giraldi (an Italian naturalised as Portuguese) as ambassador to England. At least on that occasion, Cecil would have needed more information about Portugal’s history to counter the Portuguese government on the clauses for the reopening of trade. These facts render it possible that Cecil commissioned this manuscript in 1567–8 or most likely sometime after 1569 when King Sebastian suspended relations with England and war was on the verge of being declared.

Finally, another element might have motivated Cecil to make this commission: the impact of D. Jerónimo Osório’s (1506–80) open letter to Queen Elizabeth i in 1561–2 urging her to return to the Catholic Church. Osório’s missive sparked a controversy in Europe, and Cecil reacted immediately by ordering Walter Haddon (1515–72) to compose the English response. ²⁹ The controversy lasted throughout the 1560s and influenced the queen’s excommunication. Due to his status as a great humanist, one cannot exclude the possibility that Cecil also wanted to know more about Portugal because of Osório’s fame. This was even more the case in 1571 when Osório published a Latin history of King Manuel i, translated into French in 1581 and soon widespread in England. Overall, the balance of contextual evidence is firmly suggestive that William Cecil commissioned ms 86.

WRITING THE HISTORY OF PORTUGAL FOR AN ENGLISH STATESMAN

It is time to look at the contents of ms 86 and to analyse what its main sources were, what new data it provides and to reflect on why it might contain inaccuracies. As has already been stated, the manuscript is a fair copy from the original author. The brackets seem to be information added in England by the copyist. This raises the question as to which sources were consulted by the original author in Lisbon. The comments made relating to kings Manuel i and especially to John iii suggest that the author was familiar with both. In other instances, as in the comment about King John ii’s body being completely ‘hole’ when his coffin was opened (fol 8v), the author is clearly reporting things that he heard from his presumed contact with Portuguese courtiers. It is precisely through those contacts that the author probably acquired the earlier Portuguese chronicles that he used for composing this history. Studies of the chronicle of Portugal of 1415 and the many summaries of the kings of Portugal show that a great part of these histories depended on the earlier versions of Portuguese chroniclers Fernão Lopes (1385–1460), Duarte Galvão (1446–1517) and Rui de Pina (1440–1522). ³⁰ This is especially true for the Portuguese kings of the first dynasty (ending with King Ferdinand in 1383). All the information presented in ms 86 seems to have been gleaned by the author from manuscript versions of these summaries in circulation at the Portuguese court. Although there is no extant study on the topic, there are indications that these summaries started to be composed in the early 1500s. By the 1560s–70s they were circulating widely and the manuscript author presumably acquired one of them. During the copying process, there were some minor mistakes with dates, but in general the author is precise in the events that he is reporting. He chose to dedicate more time to the first Portuguese king and less to the succeeding members of the first Portuguese dynasty. If one assumes that Cecil was the commissioner, during the writing process the author erased several episodes from each reign and focused primarily on informing Cecil of the royal marriages and progenies of each king. This was a key element for Cecil to evaluate the weight and influence of Portuguese power in Europe over time, and one which Cecil could later use in his Portuguese diplomatic clashes.

Arriving at the second Portuguese dynasty (starting with King John i), there is a clear shift in the author’s writing. All the kings of this dynasty deserved more attention, not only because there were more details available about them, but also because they were closer to the author’s time and this information would be even more important for Cecil. Thus, under King John i, the author carefully explains the Portuguese connection with John of Gaunt, Duke of Lancaster (1340–99) as a clear reminder to Cecil of the close ties that united Portugal and England under the 1386 Treaty of Windsor, by which John i married Philippa of Lancaster (1360–1415). The analysis extends to their descendants and Prince Henry (1394–1460), the Navigator’s role as the one who ordered the discovery of the island of Madeira. During King John i’s reign, the death of Prince Ferdinand (1402–43) at Fez looms large. Here there are some discrepancies with the usual reports by Portuguese chronicles and the account of c 1460 by Ferdinand’s former secretary Frei João Álvares; the author seems to have based his version on oral reports to which he had access. In addition to the calendar issue mentioned under King Sebastian, the way the episode about Ferdinand is written reinforces the view that the author was a Catholic Englishman, since he positions the prince as a Catholic martyr. The author also seems somehow influenced by the Portuguese feats against the Moors when describing King Afonso v’s (r 1438–81) conquests in Morocco.

But it is when arriving at King John ii’s reign that the author starts providing more interesting details. For example, he recalls the famous conspiracies by the dukes of Braganza and Viseu in 1483–4. The manner in which the affair is described suggests that the author has in mind similar executions that took place in England of noblemen like the Duke of Buckingham in 1520. The connection with England re-emerges when commenting on the marriages of King Manuel i, and the author reminds Cecil that the Portuguese king married a sister of Queen Catherine of Aragon, wife of Prince Arthur (1486–1502) and King Henry viii. Arriving at King Manuel i’s reign, the author clearly combines information from different sources. The author seems to be aware of Damião de Gois’ (1502–74) and João de Barros’ (1496–1570) chronicles (already published in the late 1560s) due to the details that he provides: all the marriages, their progeny, the proclamation and oath of Prince Miguel da Paz (1498–1500) as heir to all the Iberian kingdoms and the persecution of the Jews. But, on the other hand, he also makes some mistakes when commenting on Vasco da Gama’s (1469–1524) inaugural voyage to India in 1497–99, perhaps conflating Vasco and his brother Paulo. In this section, as well as in that on King John iii, the author seems to be using oral testimonies and his own personal experience. This explains the accurate details he recalls of King John iii: the day of his birth and the storm, the king’s hiring of professors from Europe for Coimbra University, the arrival of the Inquisition at the insistence of the Portuguese king with the Pope or the loss of Portuguese fortresses in Safim and Azamor, used in his day by the English to trade in Morocco. What is not accurate is to state that Agadir was lost in 1541 because the Portuguese used salt instead of saltpetre (one of the main ingredients of gunpowder). Here, the author, although claiming to be a witness, is reporting a version of events that might have originated with the survivors of that terrible siege whom he could have met in Lisbon. But the most astonishing and surprising statement comes at the end of the description of King John iii’s reign. Contrary to contemporary views of the Portuguese, who saw King Manuel i as their great king and John iii’s reign as the beginning of decline, the author discloses his clear appreciation for King John iii (fol 11). John iii had faced much opposition due to his decisions to abandon fortresses in Morrocco during the 1530s–40s. Still, the serene rule of the Portuguese king, his wisdom, his truthful commitment to maintain peace in Christianity, although commonly expressed in Portuguese humanistic literature, can be read as an indirect criticism of the well-known wars that set France, Spain and sometimes even England in opposition between 1521 and 1557, and in which Portugal was often called upon as a mediator. Here, the author is showing his admiration for King John iii, and perhaps even insinuating that England should follow his good example. Possibly the author was here making in his mind the comparison with John iii’s contemporary English king, Henry viii, whose reign was far from being serene. At the same time, he was making an important point to Cecil: although in their time the Portuguese king was not John iii but Sebastian, Cecil should not forget that Sebastian was the heir of that prestigious and zealous King John iii, admired and respected by so many in Europe. The author further demonstrates this when mentioning in detail all the progeny of King Manuel i, and John iii’s ability in marrying into Emperor Charles v’s (r 1519–56) family. Perhaps also because of this appreciation, the author chose not to comment on the reigning monarch, King Sebastian, as Cecil already knew about his reign.

CONCLUSION

In his account, the author tried to present a brief summary of the already long and sometimes complicated history of Portugal. The way he did so clearly shows that he understood the complexity of his task: narrating almost 500 years of Portuguese history was not easy. Choices had to be made. The author privileged the Portuguese second dynasty and elucidated – probably for Cecil’s benefit – how Europe’s most westerly realm, although far from the continent’s core, was able to build its reputation and power by a mixture of successful marriage alliances and non-involvement in great European wars. There is evidence in the manuscript that Cecil was impressed by this, as he himself started to make small genealogies in the margin of the text (fig 4). Furthermore, genealogy was something that deeply interested Cecil. ³¹ It is not our purpose here to comment in full on this issue, but merely to show how Cecil wanted everything quickly summed up. An obsessive organiser of knowledge, but also the pragmatic leader of Elizabethan England, Cecil is likely to have asked the copyist to arrange all the information that he desired in a single sheet with data from all the Portuguese kings (dates of birth, death, length of reign, marriages, etc) (fig 5). This was what Cecil wanted for ready use. Throughout his life, the maker of Elizabethan England continued to be more than vaguely interested in Portugal: the contents of his library and that of his descendants demonstrate that he had books from the important Portuguese sixteenth-century authors Pedro Nunes (1502–78), D Jerónimo Osório and Damião de Góis. ³² The arrival of D António (1534–95), the pretendant to the Portuguese throne, in England in 1581 clearly moved Portugal even further up Cecil’s agenda. Thus, the publication of ms 86 should be the first step in a study of the manuscript’s contents, offering crucial proof of the importance of Anglo-Portuguese relations for British history in the Renaissance, encouraging further study.

TRANSCRIPTION

SAL MS 86

Exterior cover: A breif story of ye Kings of Portugall

1r The ffirste Kynge of Portingall

The Erle Henrick of Lowren (notwithstandinge that some be of an opynion that was of Constantynoble, bycause it was called Besontinus ³³ in latyn tonge, which is the citie metropolitayne of Burgunde, which in the olde tyme was under the dominion of Lowrer, and they understand Besontinum, for Besantin was called Constantynoble, which thinge learnedly did marke yt Jacobus Mayerus wrytinge the story of Fflanders, and also Munster in his Cosmographie) came into Spayne in the tyme of Kynge Alfonzus the sixte of that name, and there shewed himself in his sarvice agaynste the mowres very valiant and a wise gentleman. And for his service at length maryed him with a doughter of his which was his bastarde, her name was Lady Terreia, and so gave him to his maryage the provyns of Portingall with the tytle of an erle. This Henrick begott afterwarde of his weif the Lorde Alfonzus Henricus, takinge the name of his grande father, and the sirname of his owne father. He was borne in the yere of oure lorde 1094, and when his father dyed was xviiii yeres olde, and afterwarde for a space of xxvii yeres was called prince, and did many ffeates of warres agaynste the mowres, gott Lixborne, and many other cities of Portingall, and being of the age of xlv in the feilde called Campo de Oricqua was called by his souldyers kynge bycause he shoulde fighte next daye against ffyve kyngs of the mowres, and gott the victory, agaynst them all. And where his armes were before white in the middle, in token of that victory had ever sythens in his arms ffyve scutes, which was in the yere of oure lorde god 1139 and ever after was called kynge. And maryed with Mouffalda doughter to the Erle Henricus de Lara,

1v and maryed her in the citie of Coymbra in the yere of our lorde 1146, beinge called kynge seaven yeres before. And when he was maryed was liii yere old, of his wief gott theis children Lorde Sancho, Lady Orake ³⁴ which maryed wyth Ffarnando Kynge of Arigon ³⁵ and Lyons, and Lady Terecia which was maryed with Philipp Erle of Fflanders, and Lady Mouffalda which married with the Earl of Barcelona called Don Rimam. ³⁶ This title of kynge was confirmed and aucthorized by Pope Alexander for him and his successors for his valiant dedes agaynste the mowres. This man was kynge fforty and six yeres and died in Coymbra the 6 of December 1185 and is buryed in Coymbra in an abbey called Santa Crux whiche he buylded in his days, and so Portingall begone to be called kyngdome aboute the year of our lorde 1112.

Lorde Sancho second Kinge of Portingall

Kynge Alfonzus beinge dede did succede his sone Lord Sancho which was borne in the yere of our lorde 1154 and begone his Reign beinge of the age of xxxxi yeres and was maryed with a doughter of the Kynge of Arigon and by her begott xv children and lyved lviii yeres, of the which he was kynge xxvii yeres. And in his tyme behaved himself very valiantly against the mowres

2r and gott many townes of them, and dyed in Coymbra in the yere of our lorde 1212 and was buryed in the churche where his father was.

Kynge Alfonzus the seconde of that name and thirde Kynge of Portingall

Kynge Sancho beinge dede his sonne begone to raigne called Lorde Alfonzus de ffatt, ³⁷ beinge in age xxv yeres. This man was maryed with Lady Oracke doughter to Alfonzus Kinge of Castell, and by her begott two children: that is to saye, Lorde Sancho of the wood, ³⁸ which was kinge afterward, and Lorde Alfonzus which was Earle of Bullayne ³⁹ and after Kynge of Portingall, in his dayes gott many townes from the mowres, and dyed at Samto Domingus (which was afterward knowledged as a sancte by Pope Gregory the nynth of that name) in the yere of oure lorde 1223. And dyed also Francys in Asses ⁴⁰ in the yere 1227 and also was canonised as a sancte. Lykewise Anthony in Pathway. ⁴¹ This kinge dyed in the yere 1223 and was buryed in a towne called Alcobassa.

2v

Lorde Sancho the 2 of that name and the ffourthe Kinge of Portingall

Kinge Alfonzus beinge departed his sonne Sancho was crowned kinge being xvj yeres olde and was called by his sirname Capello (which is wood) ⁴² bycause in his garment went more like a religious man then otherwise. And beinge but a symple man, there was many wronge committed thorowgh all the realme, and so the people of Portingall were constrayned to be a suter unto the Pope for to choyse a governor for the realme. And so he choyse Lorde Alfonzus Erle of Bullayne, brother to the said kynge, for to be governor in Portingall, and this was the 6 of September in the yere 1245 in the citie of Lyons in Ffrance, which is sworne in the hande of the Pope, which was Innocent the ffourth of that name, to governe and maynteyne the kyngdome with justice duringe the lief of his brother Sancho and fynde him wyth all necessaries accordinge to his degree. And this erle comenge into Portingall with the pope’s bulls for this purpose, the kynge his brother went awaye unto Castell for some helpe agaynste his brother and so came many lords and other company oute of Castell for to helpe him, but when they sawe the pope’s bulls and understode all the matter, they wolde not meddle wyth him, and went back agayne into their contrye, and

3r amongst them went Kynge Samcho, and there he remayned untill he dyed, which was nyne yere after in the yere 1247, and was buried in the cheif churche of Tholetho, and this man was maryed with Lady Messia Lopes.

Alfonzus the thirde of that name and the vth Kinge of Portingall

After the decease of Kinge Sancho the Portingalls did sweare for their Kinge Alfonzus Earle of Bolonia which was governor in Portingall as is aforesaid in the citie of Lixborne in the yere 1247, beinge of the age of xxxviii yeres. This Kynge Alfonzo maryed wyth Lady Beatrice of Gusman bastard of the Kynge of Castell and of the Lady Mayorguylliam of Gusman (notwithstandinge that he was maryed with Lady Matildes cowntys of Bullayne), and for his maryage he had with the said Lady Beatrice certain townes of the kyngdome of Algarve, and ever sythens was called Kinge of Portingall and Algarve. And in the royall armess about the fyve scutes aforesaid did set castells rounde abooute the said scutes not certeyn in nomber, but so many as the scutes wolde holde. This maryage was made with a conditione that the kynge of Portingall should be bounde (whensoever

3v he shoulde be called in the name of Kynge of Castell for some just warre) to sende from Portingall ffifty light horsemen, and was also bounde to come to the parliament whensoever yt shoulde be kepte at Castell. This Kynge Alfonzus gott the infante (for so be called in Spayne and Portingall the kyng’s sonnes and daughters till they be prince or kynge) Lorde Denyce, and this Infante beinge a yonge man, went into Castell to vesyt Kynge Alfonzo his grandefather and so demanded of him that he should dischardge the Kyngdome of Portingall of this bondage, which his grandfather grannted him, and give him other greate gifts besides. And this Kynge Alfonzo was kynge xxxi yeres, and dyed in the yere 1229 the 20 of Marche and was buryed in the abbey of the Blacke ffryeres in Lixborne, and after his bones were carried to the abbey of Alcobassa in the yere of oure lorde 1239.

Lorde Dionice the ffirste of that name and the 6 Kinge of Portingall

After the deathe of Kynge Alfonzo his sonne Lorde Denice was sworn kynge, beinge but xviii yeres old, in the citie of Lixborne. This kynge was born upon Saint Deonice daye in the yere 1271 and lyved

4r lxiiii yeres of the which he was kynge xlvi yeres, and maryed with Lady Elizabeth doughter to Kynge Peter of Arogon, and of the Quene Constansa doughter to Kynge Ffetherick. And in his dayes did restore in Portingall, and buylde newe fforty and ffoure townes and which was wonnte to call husbandmen senns? ⁴³ of the common weale, and dyed in a towne called Sanctaryn in the yere 1325 the xx of January and was buryed in a nonrey called wothevellus, ⁴⁴ which he buylded harde by Lixborne, and his chief Quene Elizabeth was buryed in the nonnery of Santa Clara in Coymbra which she buylded oute of the grounde.

Kynge Alfonzus the 4 of that name and seventh Kynge of Portingall

Kymge Deonice beinge dede was sworne Kynge Alfonzus sirnamed de Bravo bycause he was a greate warrye, was sworne in a towne called Sanctaryn in the yere 1325 being of th’age of xxxv yeres. This kynge was maryed with Lady Beatrice doughter to Kinge Sancho of Castell and of the Quene Mary the 22 of October in the year 1328 and rayned xxxi yeres, and died in the citie of Lixborne in Maye in the year 1356 and was buryed in the chief churche of

4v the said citie. This kinge with the Kynge of Castell did feighte agaynst Albosem ⁴⁵ Kinge of Marrox and Bennomaryn, and agaynst other ffoure kynges, and they gott the upper hande agaynst the mowres in the which battaill were slane of the mowres ffoure hunderith and ffifty thousand and of the Christians dyed but xx men and this battaill was fought in a place called Salado in the yere 1340 in a mondaye the xxx daye of October.

Kynge Peter the ffirste of that name and the viiith Kinge of Portingall

After the deathe of Kynge Alfonzo his sonne Kynge Peter was crowned. This man beinge prince was maryed with Lady Constans doughter to the Infante Lorde John Manwell of Castell, which was of the beste bloude of all Spayne, and lyved xlvii yeres of the which he was kynge but ten yeres. This man did governe his realme with greate justice, and was so extreme in yt that he was sirnamed Kynge Peter the Crewell. And one of his sayings was that a kynge in that daye that dothe not benifyte no man he is not worthye to be called kynge, dyed in the yere 1366 and was buryed in the Abbey of Alcobassa. This kynge before was maryed gott two children by a gentlewoman called Lady Agnes, that is to saye the infante Lorde John and the infante Lorde Deonice.

5r Kynge Ffarnando ffirste of that name and the nynthe Kynge of Portingall

Kynge Peter being deade did succede him his sonne lorde Ffarnando and so sone as he was kynge was in love wyth a gentlewoman called Ellinor Gonsalles Tellis wife of Lawrens Vawse of Ocunya, ⁴⁶ and toke her awaye from him and maryed her and made her Quene of Portingall, and banished her husbande out of the realme. Of this quene he gott but one dougther called Lady Beatrice, and maryed her wyth Kynge John of Castell. This Kynge Ffardinando lyved liii years of the which he was kynge xvi yeres and ix monethes and dyed in the yere 1383 and was buryed in the towne called Sanctaryn in the Abbey of the Greyffryers.

Kynge John of good memory the ffirste of that name and the tenth Kynge of Portingall

After Kynge Ffarnando’s deathe came from Spayne his sonne in lawe Kynge John which (as is aforesaid) maryed wyth Lady Beatrice, and came from Spayne to take the possession of Portingall by the reason of his wief. But agaynst him went Lorde John master of Avis which as aforesaid was bastard to Kynge Peter, and wyth the helpe of an erle called Non ⁴⁷ Alvares Perira did put awaye all

5v the Spaniards from the Realme and so was called Kynge John of good memory. This kynge was master of the order called Avis, half brother of Kynge Ffarnando bastard sonne of Kynge Peter as aforesaid. He was crowned King of Portingall in the citie of Coymbra in the yere 1385 and in that yere in August, this kynge foughte agaynst the Kynge of Castell in the ffelde called Saint George ffelde, a lytle above where is nowe buylded the Abbey called Batalia and for that victory yt is called in latyn Victoriencia Monasterium, beinge of the age of xxxviii yeres. This kynge maryed wyth Lady Philipp doughter of John of Gante Duke of Allincaster and grandchilde of Kynge Edward the thirde and of her he begott theis children, that is to saye Lorde Edward which did sucede in the realme after his father’s deathe, which was borne in this citie of Viseu in the yere 1391. And the infante Lorde Peter Duke of Coymbra which was borne in Lixborne in September in the yere 1392. And the infante Lorde Henrick in the citie of Porto in the yere 1394 (this was Duke of Viseu and master of Avis called in latyn Ordo melicio Cisterciensis de Avis. This man founde oute the Isles of Madera and died a vergen as they saye) and the infante Lady Elizabeth which was borne in a citie called Avoray in the yere 1397 (this was after duches of Burgunde maryed with duke Philipp, and went thether to be maryed in the year 1428). And the infante Lorde John which was borne in Santaryn in the moneth of July in the yere 1400 (this was master of the order of Saint James and died in a towne called Alcacer do Sall in the yere 1442).

6r And the infante Lorde Ffarnando which was borne in Sanctaryn in the monethe of September in the yere 1402 (this was master of Avis) and being of th’age of xxxv yeres departed from Lixborne with his bretheren Lorde Harry and Lorde John, with a greate compeny of souldyers the xiith of august in the yere 1427 ⁴⁸ into Affrica to a citie called Tangery (being possessed with the mowres) for to take her from them. And arryved there the xiiith day of September and besege the said citie, and scrymged and foughte with mowres many tymes, and slewe a greate nomber of them. And to helpe the said mowre came Kynge of Ffez with ffoure score and sixtien thowsande lighte horsemen, and six hunderith thousande fotemen, And with them oure Christian men fought the first daye, and made them stand back agayne a lytle and the mowres beinge so greate in nomber (for the Christian men were but thre thowsand) next daye did invade them agayne wyth greate force, and so at a length they were fayne to come to some agreament, that ys to saye that the Christian men shoulde departe quickly in their shippes homewards, and deliver unto the kynge the citie called Septa there in Affrica which was possessed by the Christian men. And that yt should be grannted by Kynge Edward which at that tyme was Kynge of Portingall, and for the assewrance of the same was lefte in pledge the Infante Ffarnando, and after the mowres wolde not deliver him agayne notwythstandinge that Septa was offered dyvers tymes unto them by the Kynge of Portingall. And so he was carried into the citie of Ffez where irons was laid on him and did him greate wronge till he dyed the weddensdaye

6v being the vth of June in the year 1443. And after his deathe was hanged over the gate of Ffez, where god for his sake hathe done many myracles till the yere of our lorde 1473, for then a mowre brought his bones closely into Lixborne in Portingall, beinge kynge in that tyme Kynge Alfonzo, nephew of this infante sonne of Kynge Edward which was brother unto this infante. And the mowre that broughte his bones was nephew of Kynge of Ffez. And from Lixborne his bonnes were carryed into the abbey of Batalia the xxvith daye of October in the yere 1473. The Quene Philipp mother to all theis infante dyed in the yere 1415. This Kynge John of good memory lyved lxxvi yeres of the which he rayned kynge L years and dyed the xiiii daye of August in the yere 1433 and was buried in the abbey of Batalia in his owne chapell with his wief Quene Philipp, and aboute them theire children Peter, Harry, John and Ffarnando. This Kynge John toke Septa of the mowres in a weddensdaye the xiiiith daye of August in the yere 1415 and afterward the citie was beseged by the mowres, and the infante Lorde Harry went for to helpe them that were beseged, and so the mowres went awaye.

Kynge Edward the ffirste of that name and the eleaventh Kynge of Portingall

By the deathe of Kynge John of good memory did succede him his sonne Lorde Edward which lyved fforty and two yeres and was kynge but ffyve yeres.

7r And beinge prince was maryed with the infante Lady Ellinor doughter to Kynge Ffarnando of Aragon and of the Quene Ellinor in the yere 1429 of the which he begott theis children: Lorde Alfonzo (which after was kynge), the infante Lord Ffardinando (which afterward was father to Kynge Emanuell) and Lady Ellinor (which afterward was Emprice of Germany maryed with Ffederick). And the infante Lady Joan and Lady Terreia. This Kynge Edward dyed in the yere 1438 in the palace of the Abbey of Tomer and was buryed in the abbey of Batalia.

Kynge Alfonzus Vth of that name and xiith Kynge of Portingall

After the decease of Kynge Edward shoulde be crowned his sonne Lord Alfonzus which was borne in Sanctaryn in the yere 1432 and bycause he was but six yere olde his unkle the infante Lorde Peter was chosen governor of the realme for his nephew till the yere 1448 that he delivered the kyngdome to the said Kynge Alfonzo. This kynge was maryed with his cosyn Lady Elizabeth daughter to the infante Lorde Peter in Sanctaryn and were maryed by Lorde Ffarnando Archebisshopp of Braga, and this was done in the said yere 1448. And in the yere followinge the said infante Lorde Ffarnando was slayne in the bataile of Alfarrobira which is by Lixborne bycause this same infante wolde not leave the governance of the kyngdome and some did suspecte

7v that he wolde have usurped the realme, and this batayle was foughte the xxth of Maye. This kyng toke from the mowres a towne called Alcasser in St. Lucas Daye in the monethe of October in the yere 1453 and toke the citie called Arcilla from the mowres in ffrica [sic] the 24 of August in St. Bartholomew’s Daye in the yere 1472 and toke also the citie of Tangera from the mowres in St. Augustyne’s Daye of this same yere. And for his valiant dedes was called Affricanus (and ever sythens came that name in the tytle of Kynge of Portingall. ⁴⁹ This Quene Elizabeth died in Evora the 2 of December in the yere 1456 and so the kynge was maryed agayne with Lady Joane doughter to the Kynge of Castell in the yere 1475, which lady was heire to the Kynge of Castell. And this kynge maryed his sisture the infante Lady Ellinor with Ffederick Emperor of Germany and was carryed unto him in the monethe of November 1469. And marryed his sisture Lady Joan with Henry Kynge of Castell. This quene died in the monethe of July 1475 and the infante Lady Katheryn his sisture died in Lixborne in the yere 1463. This Kynge Alfonzo died the 28 of August in St Augustine’s Daye in the yere 1481 and died in a towne called Cyntra in the same selfe chamber where he was borne, and was buryed in the abbey of Batalia.

Kynge John the second of that name and thirtenth Kynge of Portingall

After the deathe of Kynge Alfonzo did succede

8r him his sonne Lorde John which was borne in Lixborne the 4 of Maye in the yere 1455 and beinge kynge was maryed with Lady Ellinor daughter to the infante Lorde Ffarnando sonne of Kynge Edward and of the infante Lady Beatrice doughter to the infante Lord John, bothe father and mother of the said Lady Ellinor grandchildren of Kynge John of good memory. In the tyme of his reigne in the yere 1483 the xxiith ⁵⁰ of June by his commandement and by order of lawe was beheaded Lorde Ffarnando Duke of Bragans in the citie of Evoray bycause he was giltie of treason. And the kynge himself did sley with a dagger Lorde Domyngus Duke of Beia, brother to the Quene Ellinor his wife, the xxviiith of August in the yere 1484 bycause the said duke was trator unto hym and did seke to kyll him as yt was evidently proved. After this the kynge sent for the Lorde Emanuell brother to the said duke, which was but a lytle boye, and made him duke of Viseu and gave him all the lands which were apperteyneng to his brother (notwithstandinge that they did belonge unto the Crowne for the treason aforesaid). This kynge had a sonne called Prince Alfonzo which was borne in Lixborne the 18 of Maye 1475, which prince maryed Lady Elizabeth the infante of Castell, doughter to Kynge Ffarnando of Castell, in the moneth of December in the yere 1490 and was maryed with her but viii monethes bycause afterward in the xiith of July in the yere 1491 (the said prince beinge but xvi yere olde), being in the towne of Sanctaryn ronnenge upon a horsse fell downe with him and kylled him, and the infante his wief went back agayne to Castell to her father and mother. And this Kynge John lived fforty yeres,

8v of the which he was kynge xiiii yeres, and dyed in the Algarvy in a towne called Alvor the xxvth of October in the yere 1495 and was buryed in the abbey of Batalia and as I have harde of credable persons his body ys hole at this presente daye. And his wief Quene Ellinor dyed in a towne called Alhandra ⁵¹ the xviith daye of November in the yere a thowsande five hunderith twenty and fyve.

Kynge Emanuell the ffirste of that name and ffourthtene Kinge of Portingall

After the decease of Kynge John the seconde was crowned Kynge of Portingall Lorde Emanuell Duke of Viseu, brother to the Quene Ellinor bycause there was none other more nere by kyn than he was (for this Kynge Emanuell was sonne to the infante Lorde Ffarnando and grandechilde of Kynge Edward and greategrandchilde of Kynge John the Ffirste, and nephew of Kynge Alfonzo the Vth, and brother’s children with Kynge John the seconde nowe deceased) and by the reason that the kynge had no heire lawfully begotten, the kyngdome came to him, and so the kynge by his last will made him heire. He was crowned kinge in the towne called Alcaser du Sall in a troesdaye the xxviith of October 1495 and as sone he was kynge maryed with Lady Elizabeth which was in Castell wydowe of the Prince Alfonzo aforesaid, and

9r beinge maryed, the Prince John of Castell dyed, brother unto the said Quene Elizabeth, which dyed in the yere of oure Lorde 1498. After whose decease Kynge Ffarnando oute of hande sent for Kynge Emanuell his sonne in lawe and his doughter for to come and take obedyens and be sworne prince bycause his wife was heire by reason of her brother’s decease. And so went and in the monethe of Aprill of the said yere 1498 this Kynge Emanuell and Quene Elizabeth were sworne princes of all Espayne in the cheif churche of Toletho and after went to the citie Saragosa in the Realme of Aragon for to be sworne there lykewise, and there the Quene Elizabeth was delivered of a boye whose name was Lorde Michaell but the quene dyed so sone as she was delivered which was the xxiiiith of August 1498. And so Kynge Emanuell came agayne into Portingall and lefte the Prince Lord Michaell in Spayne, which dyed within a yere. And Kynge Emanuell the same yere the xxxth of October 1500 maryed Lady Mary, seconde doughter of Kynge Ffarnando, sister to his firste wief, and to Lady Katheryn the youngest (which maryed after Prince Arthure of England and after his decease Kynge Henry the Eight). This Kynge Emanuell gott by this Quene Mary theis children followinge: Prince John which was borne in Lixborne the 7 of June in the yere 1502 and in the daye of his birthe there was in the same citie a greate tempest of thunderinge and rayne all daye, and in the daye that he was cristened the kynge pallace was almoste burned. And Lady Elizabeth borne in Lixborne the xxiith of October two howers after midnighte in the yere 1503 (this lady was maryed with the Emperor Charles the Vth of that name and Kynge of

9v Castell, and she was conveyed into Castell, where the emperor was, by Lorde Peter Marques of Villa Ryall, the xxxth of January 1526, her father Kynge Emanuell beinge dede). And the infante Lady Beatrice which was borne in Lixborne the ffirste of January in the yere 1505 (this lady was maryed with the Duke of Pyamonte and was carried unto him by Lorde Martyn Archbusshop of Lixborne ⁵² and by other lords and gentlemen in the yere 1521, her father beinge yet alyve. And so she was maryed to the same duke the xxix of September of the same yere in a citie called Mesay ⁵³ ). And the infante Lorde Lewes which was borne in a towne called Abrantys the iiith of Marche in the year 1506. And the infante Lorde Ffarnando which was borne in Abrantys in the said towne 1507. And the infante Lorde Alfonzo which was borne in Evoray the xxiiiith of Aprill in the yere 1509 (this was Archbusshopp of Lixborne and Bushopp of Evoray and cheif of the order of Alcobassa and was a cardinall). And the infante Lorde Harry which was borne in Lixborne the last of January 1512 (this man ys alyve nowe cardinall in Portingall and was governor of the realme after the decease of Kynge John his brother). And the infante Lorde Edward. This Quene Mary mother to all theis infantes died the xxviith of Marche 1517. And next yere after Kynge Emanuell was maryed agayne with Lady Ellinor sister to Charles the Vth and nece to Quene Mary her predecessor, and doughter to Quene Jayne, the eldest doughter to Kynge Ffarnando and Quene Elizabeth, which was weif to Kynge Phillipp father to Charles. And by this quene begott one doughter, her name is Lady Mary, which ys alyve yet. By the commandement of

10r this kynge all the Jewes that were dwellers in Portingall were cristened agaynst their wille, which was the xxvth of September 1499, and in this same yere did expell oute of the realme all the mowres that was in the realme. And in the yere 1507 the xiith of Aprill ⁵⁴ in the citie of Lixborne was a commotion of the olde Christian men agaynste the new by the procurement of two black ffryers and there was slane a greate nomber aswell males as ffemales, and the kynge beinge absent cawsed to be executed them that were founde giltie. In this kyng’s tyme the India of Callico by his procurement was founde by a gentleman called Vasco Polle de Gamma which was admyrall of thre small shippes and departed from Lixborne the viiith of July 1497 and founde that lande the next yere with greate travell and danger. In this kyng’s tyme was taken from the mowres in Affrica two cities, that ys to saye Safyn and Azamore. This kynge dyed in the citie of Lixborne in the monethe of December upon St. Luce Daye 1521 and was buryed in a fayre churche that he buylded called the Abbey of Bellam harde by Lixborne, and so Quene Ellinor went back agayne to Spayne to the Emperor Charles her brother (leavinge behinde her doughter Lady Mary aforesaid) and afterward she was maryed with Ffrancys Kynge of Ffrance after that he was taken prisoner in Pavia by the capitayne of the said emperor and in theire agreament this maryage was one of the covenents betwene them.

10v Kynge John the thirde of that name and ffiftenth Kynge of Portingall

By the deathe of Kynge Emanuell did succede him in the realme the prince Lorde John which was sworne to be kynge the xixth of December and afterward was married with Lady Katheryn the younger sister to Charles Vth emperor in the yere 1524 and he ⁵⁵ at this presente ys alyve, and by her begott foure children that ys to saye thre boyes and a girle which be all deade, and the last of the boyes which was Prince John was father to Kynge Sebastian which rayneth nowe, and his mother was Charles the Vth doughter, called Lady Joane, and after her husband’s decease, she came to Spayne agayne where she is nowe, and she was governor in Spayne when Kynge Phillipp was in this realme of England maryed with Quene Mary. His doughter was called Lady Mary which in the yere 1543 maryed with Kynge Phillipp of Spayne with greate tryumphe, and she was his firste wief, and by her begott Charles the Prince of Spayne which as is commonly reported was murthered in the preson. This Kynge John lyved 55 yeres and 4 dayes and rayned kynge xxxvii yeres five monethes and foure days, and dyed in Lixborne the 11 of June 1557 and was buryed in the abbey of Bellam which is harde by Lixborne as aforesaid. This kynge was very petyfully and zealous in religion and in his tyme did favor very moche religious men, bestowinge liberally of them, and by there perswasion broughte the enquisition into his realme and Charles the emperor the Vth of that name beinge a meane for yt, with Powle the thirde of that name busshopp of Rome did optayne yt. And did also favor very moche learnenge and was the firste

11r founder of the universitie of Coymbra (which before was in Lixborne and bycause yt was a vitious contry and by the reason of the greate traficke was not so apte for learnenge was changed into Coymbra which is wythin the mayne lande). And for the better encrease of learnenge did sende into all Uropp to get the ffamous and learned men in all sciences gevenge unto them lardgely for to make them leave their natyve contries for to be readers in the said universitie. In his tyme (havinge firste taken good counsell upon yt) did leave in Affrica certeyn townes to the mowres which was of greate chardge and danger to his people and of no proffett. In his tyme toke the mowres from him in Affrica the citie of Safyn (which is the porte whereof Englishemen do dischardge their goods when they go from this realme) and the cause of this same was the purveyor of the munitions which in steade of salte peter did put salte in the gonnpowder, by reason whereof the peces wolde not shotte and so the towne was taken. And I did se the man hanged in Lixborne afterward for the same. And if yt be trew Sextus Petigoricus ⁵⁶ sayenge that the wisdome of a man doth consiste in few words, we maye well saye by this kynge that he was a greate wise man for he loved few words and sure, and did love very well wise men praysinge them afore others for encoraginge them to the same. By the good zeale that he had to learnenge was very desyerous to kepe pece and amytie with all Christian princes and did labor to kepe the same always, notwithstandinge that some of them gave him occasion in his tyme to breake the same.

11v Sebastian the firste of that name and the xvith Kynge of Portingal

After the decease of Kynge John the thirde did succede him Sebastian his grandechilde sonne to Prince John as aforesaid which was borne thre monethes after his father’s decease, and that was the twenty daye of January beinge St. Sebastian’s Daye and therefore had geven that name in Lixborne 1554. (And it ys to be noted that in all this wrytinge I do understand the yeres of Oure Lorde after the computacion of the Churche of Rome which is from the Natyvety of Oure Lorde, for the Churche of England reckeyneth from the Encarnacion). And was thre yeres olde ffoure monethes and one and twenty days when he begon to reigne which was the thirtenth daye of June a thousande five hunderith ffifty and seaven.

ms 86, unfoliated pull-out table

The nomber of the Kyngs of Portingall and theire names until this daye