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Published online by Cambridge University Press: 14 October 2024
This article deals with a fiscal reform implemented in Chile during the late 1870s, when the country was suffering a severe economic and fiscal crisis, on the eve of the War of the Pacific. In 1879, the Chilean government introduced a new set of direct levies, taxing inheritance, income and wealth, despite the historic resistance of most of the economic elites to direct taxation in a highly unequal society. The process also shows that not all the economic elite avoided direct taxation. Despite other challenges faced by any developing country in extracting taxes from its population (e.g. lack of both proper information and human capital), during c.1879-1884 collection of these new direct taxes was successful, mainly on account of the improved extractive capacity built up during the preceding decades. Yet, by the mid-1890s all direct taxes (new and old) had been either derogated or transferred to local government (in some cases after being modified). Once again, Chilean central government depended entirely on indirect taxes, with export duties on nitrate being the most important. Nitrate provides a good example of an export boom shaping taxation for the worse; rather than increasing and diversifying the sources of revenue, a dominant sector of the Chilean economic elite decided to stop paying direct taxes and to make the state entirely dependent on the cycles of the international economy. However, some members of the economic elite, although defeated in their purpose, were aware of the wide range of benefits of keeping direct taxation: social justice, financial health and less vulnerability to trade cycles. Unfortunately, the balance of power favoured elite groups with enough power to hinder direct taxation.
Este artículo aborda la reforma fiscal implementada en Chile a fines de la década de 1870, cuando el país atravesaba una severa crisis económica y fiscal, en vísperas de la Guerra del Pacífico. En 1879, el gobierno chileno introdujo un nuevo conjunto de impuestos directos, gravando las herencias, los ingresos y la riqueza, a pesar de la resistencia histórica de la mayoría de las élites económicas a los impuestos directos, en una sociedad altamente desigual. El proceso también muestra que la élite económica no era tan homogénea en cuanto a su resistencia a los impuestos directos. A pesar de otros desafíos que enfrenta cualquier país en desarrollo para recolectar impuestos de su población (por ejemplo, falta de información adecuada y capital humano), durante c.1879-1884 la recaudación de estos nuevos impuestos directos puede calificarse de exitosa, principalmente debido a la mejorada capacidad de captación, construida durante las décadas precedentes. Sin embargo, a mediados de la década de 1890, todos los impuestos directos (los nuevos y los antiguos) habían sido derogados o transferidos al gobierno local (en algunos casos después de haber sido modificados). Una vez más, el gobierno central chileno dependía por completo de los impuestos indirectos, siendo los derechos de exportación sobre el salitre los más importantes de todos. Este es un buen ejemplo de un auge de las exportaciones (es decir, del salitre) que da forma a la tributación para mal: en lugar de aumentar y diversificar las fuentes de ingresos, un sector dominante de la élite económica chilena decidió dejar de pagar impuestos directos y hacer que el Estado fuera totalmente dependiente de los ciclos de la economía internacional. Dicho esto, es justo mencionar que parte de la élite económica era consciente de la amplia gama de beneficios de mantener los impuestos directos, aunque fueran derrotados: justicia social, salud financiera y menor vulnerabilidad a los ciclos comerciales. Desafortunadamente esta vez, nuevamente, el equilibrio de poder se inclinó a favor de grupos de élite con poder suficiente para obstaculizar la tributación directa.
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