Salutem in Christo.

My very good Lord,

I see for all your owne Skill in Physick, and the good success you have had in the practise, yet you are content to send for a Phisitian out of England, but whether it be to take Phisick of him, or onely to conferr with him for the bettering of your knowledge I cannot tell. But which it is as you best knowe, soe to him I can give this Testimony, that he will be a very able man for eyther. And I am the more glad that Dr Baskervill hath pitched him for your Lordships use, because in his younger tyme he was bred some years, under me; And as I know him to be a very good Scholler, soe I presume you shall fynde him a vey honest, and a good natured man. I have noe more to say for him, nor shall I need, if he make this good, as I doubt not but he will; onely I hope you will not value him one jott the less, because he had his beginnings under me. Soe I leave him to you, and your Lordship to the grace of God, ever resting

Your Lordships very lovinge Freind to serve you

W: Cant:

Lambeth. December 4. 1633.

To the Right Honourable my very good Lord, the Lord Viscount Wentworth, Lord Deputy of his Majesties Kingdome of Ireland. At Dublyn.

Salutem in Christo

My Lord.

I have receaved your Lordships Letters of November 18/28 and 19/29. And with them, both the virulent Tract concerning Calvin cunningly dedicated to myselfe; and the Answers of the Prince of Denmarke and Dr Earnstius concerning that Tract. For all which your Care, Kindnesse, and paynes, I have noe other New-yeares Guift to send you, then my hearty Thankes; and as hearty wishes that this yeare may bee happie to yourselfe, and your wife, to whom I pray lett mee be remembred.

For my selfe, my strength decreases, and my Busines increases, which is not a Good conjuncture for mee, yet must bee borne. For the Publicke, undoubtedly this yeare must bring forth some great Good, or Evill. And a great part of the Good hoped for, will depend upon the Temper and well ordring of the Parliament which God blesse and preserve itt from private bold Ends and practizes.

The particular Busines contayned in your Letters is all concerning the Prince Elector, and his being detayn’d in France. And for this, you have written very cleerly, and very nobly. But that's all one to them, who out of all doubt have other ends in this Busines, then most men thinke of. And what my Conceipt of it is, I dare not expresse, unlesse I could bee fully assured of the safety of the Comming of these Letters to your hands. The best is. Whosoever hath been deceaved by the French proceedings hitherto, I have not. Your Letter was written soe well in this particular, as that I thought I should doe you a good Office, to shew itt the King. And I did soe; And failed not in my Expectation. For the King having read itt, sayd it was honestly and discreetly and prudently written. But as for the Prince Electour I for my part doe not finde yett, that hee is any neerer his Liberty, then Hee was, when you writt to mee. I pray God sends us to see better Tymes to whose Blessed protection I leave you and rest

Your Lordships very Loving freind to serve you

W: Cant:

Lambeth. January 9th. 1639/40.

One of the most important elements of a successful military operation, whether a singular endeavour such as a pitched battle or siege, or an entire campaign, is the logistical arrangements behind the scene. Without paying attention to the ‘nuts-and-bolts’ of supply, military tactics on the ground cannot succeed unless by sheer accident. The most basic requirement of an army is a food supply and yet feeding medieval armies was always challenging. Logistical systems had to be sophisticated to ensure the sufficient supply of provisions to the military, both for armies on the move and garrisons of castles and towns. The increasing scale of warfare under Edward I and his successors meant that this crucial strategic component could no longer rely on haphazard foraging or similarly unpredictable methods; instead, an ample store of provisions needed to be reliably available. The prerequisite for this was an administration adequately centralised with the authority to require and oversee effective systems that in modern parlance would be called military supply line management. What emerged in the late thirteenth century was an expanded use of purveyance – the compulsory sale of foodstuffs and other necessary supplies to the king's officers – which was believed to be a royal prerogative, and, as such, could be demanded as a right. Its nature has created thorny questions for historians about its efficacy and relative advantage for late medieval logistics. The administrative histories nearly fifty years ago tended to emphasise the system's bureaucratic complexity and sophistication. Subsequent twentieth- century scholarship, reflecting a social history flavour, focused on the onerousness of the system and the resulting popular outcry. More recent works have traced the procedure itself in detail, tempering the overly pessimistic conclusions of earlier historians by once again demonstrating the administrative intricacy visible in the system. This essay seeks to explore the middle ground, recognising that the system was inherently valuable and productive for the three Edwards who relied on it, but also riddled with corrupt practices that weakened its ability to function according to its ideal. This characteristic of purveyance was evident even from its earliest employment under Edward I.

Edward I

Edward I's reign was a mixture of energetic administrative and juridical reform, and vigorous military action, some of which ended in successful conquest, while the majority left a legacy of drawn-out conflict and debt to his heirs.

Maltese historiography lacks a serious discussion of the development of medieval institutions. However, currently available studies of the surviving documentary evidence show that already by the fifteenth century the Mdina and Gozo Universita, or town councils, were fully developed institutions within the framework of the Kingdom of Sicily. Charles V's act of cession of the islands to the Order as a free and noble fief included a provision that all privileges and liberties of the Maltese were to be preserved and honoured. Notwithstanding this sworn promise, it was only a few months before the Order started nibbling away at these jealously guarded rights and altering the political and administrative role of the town council in a radical way.

This chapter analyses these institutional changes by focusing on the functions and privileges of the Universita before the arrival of the Order and the subsequent gradual but significant changes implemented by the Order during the first decades of its rule. Particular attention is given to the town councils’ role in controlling and conducting a variety of economic activities that were pivotal in the island's subsistence. To date, Maltese historiography has treated this transitional period in the island's political, social and economic development in a rather isolated and Maltese-centred manner. In Braudelian terms, historians have presented the island as an isolated and self-contained world surrounded by sea. Is the persistence of this isolationist view justified? Were Malta's political reforms specific to the local context, or can comparable models be found in the wider geo-historical perspective? Any attempt to answer these questions must be approached with caution, and avoid reaching arbitrary conclusions in the absence of explicit evidence.

The administration of the Maltese islands prior to 1530

Study of the history of Maltese institutions in the medieval and early modern period needs to be grounded firmly in contemporary developments in Sicily, since the two islands formed part of a greater entity, the Regno. Notwithstanding Malta's strong connections to Sicily, as early as the mid-thirteenth century a report by the Governor of Malta, Giliberto Abbate, for Emperor Frederick II covering the decade 1230–40, highlighted the differences between Maltese customs and those of Sicily.

Salutem in Christo

Sir:

I have now at the last sent my Decision to Eaton Colledge, concerning the Clayme made by the Fellowes of your Colledge, to the Fellowships there. And though I could not finde sufficient reason considering all things that are past in the Course of theire Elections, since the Foundation to Order, and Determine all things that were desired, by yourselfe, and that Societye; yet I have made my Decree strong, to settle five of the seaven Fellowships of Eaton, upon the Fellowes of Kings College. And to the ende you may know what right they challenge hereafter, I have here inclosd sent you a Copie of my Decree, which the last weeke I sent to Eaton, which you may keepe by you, if it please you. So wishing yourselfe, and that worthy Foundation all happines I leave you to Gods blessed protection, and rest

Your Lovinge friende

W: Cant:

Lambeth. March 23. 1636

To my very loving friend Dr Collins Provost of Kings College in Cambridge these

My very good Lord.

The Chappell at Burneley (a member of the Rectory of Whalley) being voyd by the death of [sic] Brereley late Curate there; I am perswaded upon the recommendation brought to me, of the well deserving of Henry Morris Clarke now Curate of Church Kirk (another Chappell of the said Rectorie) to remove him to Burneley, which I am told is somewhat better then that he hath already. I therefore pray your Lordship (in whose diocesse the same is) to settle the said Henry Morris into the the [sic] said Chappell of Burneley, and into the Rights thereof (as in this case you usually doe). And likewise, that you would thinke of some fitt man to be placed in the Chappell of Church Kirk unto whom I may give my consent. So commending me heartely unto you, I leave you to the protection of Almighty God, and rest

your Lordships very loving Brother

W: Cant:

Lambeth the 22th of June. 1637.

To the right Reverend Father in God, my very good Lord and Brother the Lord Bishop of Chester. these

I conceave theise Indictments were put up before my Lord Chiefe Justice of the Kings bench And there fore I hartily pray his Lordshipp to peruse this Petition and to take notice That I am comanded by his Majestie to send it to him and to desire him to bee very carefull That neither this petitioner nor the Church in those parts receave any preiudice by these vexatious courses. And for these and other matters his Majestie wilbee graciously pleased to take them into consideration in tyme convenient And inioyne such further order as shalbee found expedient.

W. Cant.

October 30 1639.

Salutem in Christo.

My very good Lord

I thanke you for your Letters, and the enclosed. They came to me whyle the King was att Hampton Court, and the busynesse, requiring hast, the King dispatcht away a Messenger, and his Letters presently: so whatever his answere is, I have noe hand att all in it. The enclosed concerning the Lord Balmerinoch, I can noe way approve, for in the Forme you send, it doth as good as proclaime to the world, that he did not dislike the Libell, in, or for itselfe, but only as it was declared. And that amongst intelligent men, must needs be doubtfull, wheather in his heart he did not more dislike the Declaration, then the Petition.

Concerning that of the Gourdons and the High-Landers; I thinke you will have noe cause to doubt his Maiesties constancie; and therfore I shall hope to heare that well settled.

I knowe not what consent his Majestie had given to the Earle of Antrime about the Lordship of Kyntyr, but I am sure he will give noe consent nowe. For it seemes your Lordship had written as much to his Majestie upon this argument, as you did to me, and the King is resolved to followe your advice, and looke to his owne Title. And soe much I thinke, he hath been pleased to signify to you already; soe that I have nothing to doe in these my Letters, but to signify to you what is already done. Save only to give you thankes, for the care you have taken to fitt the Bishop, and Deane of Edenburrowe with theire Houses, and their præcincts to them; as alsoe for your love to me. And therfore without creating any farther trouble to you, I leave you to the Grace of God, and rest,

Your Lordships very Lovinge Freinde to serve you.

W: Cant:

Lambeth. March. 14. 1634.

To the Right Honorable my very good Lord the Earle of Traquare att Edenburrowe in Scotland. These

Salutem in Christo.

After my hearty Commendations etc.

I lately received a letter from you by the hands of Sir Simon Baskervill, by which I understand how troublesome and chargable a new Survay of Staverton would be to you in this wynter season. And am therefore well contented to passe that by, in case the maine busenes for the lease may be proceeded in and finished. And this I now conceave may be done with the Consent of all parties. For in your letter I have received a note inclosed, by which it appeareth that one Mr Walker and Dr Vilvayne will really performe their promise subscribed with their hands, and pay the Church eight thousand pounds for a fyne to have the lease of Staverton granted to them. And I have likewise received a letter from Mr Helyar dated November 21; by which he declares unto me that if you will not proceed to a new survay and thereupon assigne him a moderate fyne, he is very well contented that you should proceed and let your lease for the eight thousand pounds which is offred you upon these two iust and very reasonable Conditions. The one that you proceed presently to the letting of this lease that soe he may have his proportionable part of the fyne named and may not be prevented in regard of his age by any delay. The other is that he may enioy his old lease and the remainder of his yeres with such liberty and power as is in him by lawe. Upon your performance of these two Conditions to him. I doe hereby sett you free to lett that lease or any other and will send you downe the Seale which I recalled by the first safe messenger to which you shall direct me, being not willing to trust it in the hands of an ordinary Carrier. But if you will not proceed presently that soe the old man may have his iust satisfaction then I require you to lett all things stand as they be as you will answer it to his Majesties Commaunds delivered by me.

Salutem in Christo.

My very good Lord

I thanke you for your last Letters, and for your payment of the moneys your Lordship mentions, I shall be contented it may be to my self for the tymes are shye, and I scarce knowe whom to trust. The partye shall knowe as little, as he nowe doth.

And having this opportunity I shall desire your Lordship to take notice of a busines which I am commanded by his Majesty. And that is that a Caveat be presently entred, that noe Clerke be admitted to the Rectory of Standish in the County of Lancaster, in prejudice of his Majestys title to the same. The Incumbent I heare is yet lyving, but a very old man, and I hartily pray your Lordship not to forget this Injunction of his Majestys if occasion be, for the Living is of very good value.

One thinge more, and I have done. Your Lordship is to take notice that the Fast is left of here by his Majestys command, and you are to see the like done in your Diocesse, if it be not ended allready. Soe in hast, I wish your Lordship all health and happynes, and am

Your Lordships very lovinge Freind and Brother.

W: Cant:

Lambeth. January 24. 1636.

To the Right Reverend Father in God, my very good Lord and Brother, the Lord Bishop of Chester. these

Salutem in Christo.

My very good Lord,

I heartily thanke you for your Letters, and the account which you are pleased to give me. I presume the Lord Marquesse will signe the surrender and the King the Mortification, but the account of both, you must expect (as I knowe you doe) from them to whose trust you committed them. My only suite to you is, in this particular, that when all is past, and returned to you you will then, according to His Majesties direction, att your being heere make a legall, and sufficient security to the Bishop of Brehen that now is, and his Successors for ever of all the free rent that Arbroth comes to; for which once done, I shall heartily thanke you, but I pray see that the security be good, that noe trouble arise hereafter.

For the three warrants which you sent to me concerning Plate for the Altar, maintenance for an Organist, and suite for the rents belonging to the Chappell Royall, his Majestie likes all three, but would signe none of them, because there was an errour in the direction att the bottome, in every one of them. Therfore his Majestie commanded me to deliver them to my Lord Sterling only to be mended in their Forme, which I did, and his Majestie haveing signed them, I now send them you, and thanke you heartily for your care in all of them. But certanly, that about the Chappell Royall wilbe an excellent service.

Dr Wedderbourne, hath writt to a Chaplaine of mine, about Plate for the Communion Table, and there is in his Letter a Bill for payment of money for that Plate. My Chaplaine hath already shewed that Bill to the Merchant, and he hath accepted it. I have alsoe spoken with his Majestie to knowe, what proportion of Plate he would be pleased to have, and the Kings answere is, he will have all that is necessary, but noe more, soe I purpose to provide these parcells following. A Challis. A paire of Pattens. Pattens. A Bason to receive the offerings.

IT is often claimed that medieval motets put sound before sense or meaning. This is largely because of their polytextuality. Many musicologists maintain that the declamation of several texts at the same time must necessarily obscure the words and hinder understanding. In addition, many believe that structural melodic patterns cannot exist in these motets because the influence of the pre-existent tenor citation on the musical polyphony is so restrictive. When melodic repetitions occur, they are assumed to be accidental. Within the confines of the motet, therefore, the existence of any meaningful relationships between texts and music seems hardly possible and it would be vain to expect any compositional intention of this kind.

These assertions are, however, only general suppositions. Scholars have also explored the role of texts in the polyphony more thoroughly. Through studies of structural form and rhythm, they have demonstrated links between poems and the melodies in the upper parts of some motets. I have demonstrated elsewhere that intricate relationships between texts and music at a closer range exist in many early motets on FLOS FILIUS, from the responsory Stirps Jesse. Despite the restrictions of the pre-existent tenor, the composers use melodic repetitions, high register, and intervals in the upper parts to create links between the organization of the poems and the shape of the melodies. However, these early motets may be unique. Some of these pieces are repetitive and these repetitions have typically been understood to be a result of their relationships to highly formulaic organa and clausulae. Composers may have reused pre-existent repetitions to create links between text and music. Besides, they are only preserved in manuscripts linked to the Magnus liber organi and in the so-called old corpus of Mo. This discussion, therefore, will focus on another tenor, the melisma SOLEM, to verify that such links between text and music could exist in other motets.

The tenor SOLEM comes from the responsory Solem justicie, sung on the feast of the Virgin Mary's Nativity from the eleventh century onwards. Fulbert of Chartres must have composed the chant specifically for this celebration, just like the other two responsories, Stirps Jesse and Ad nutum.

[f.1]

Liber compotatis gardianorum numerosorum parochiarum Stratoniensi pertinens

Factus in anno saluti nostrae millesimo quingentesimo [septuagesimo sexto crossed out] quinquagesimo septimo

[ff.1v–2v]

[f.3]

The a cownt of Nycholas Yoe & John Lamerton stokewardyns yn the yere of our lorde God m^l^ ccccc lvij & ynthe fowrethe & the fythe yere of our sovyreign lorde & lade Phelep & Mare by the grace of God kyng & quene of Ingland, Spane, both Cicelles, Fraunce, Jherusalem & Ireland deffenders of the fayth

etc [1557]

The recettes

Inprimis recevyed of Thomas Taylor syneor & Rychard Hore stokewardyns the last yere xlvs jd

Item recevyed of Rychard ^Hore^ for a hole yeres rente for hes tenement that he holedethe yn Hele

Item recevyed of the same Rychard for the pastoure of [the wood]

Item recevyed of John Ude for a hole yeres rente ^yn Sto[neland]^

Item recevyed of John Judde for a hole yeres rente ^for two [medows]5^

Item recevyed of Wyllyam Sperke for a hole yeres rent

Item recevyed of John Dobell for a hole yeres rente in Mel[lock]

Item recevyed of Nycholas Yoe for a hole yeres rente

Item recevyed of John Langdon for a hole yeres rente in Exnet[her]

Item recevyed of the thurde parte of Hele mell

Item recevyed for the Glybe

Sum – vijli xvs vd

[f.3v]

Expences

In primis deleveryed unto John Braye & Wylliam Martyn, Sextons11 the last yere ijs viijd

Item payd for a quere of paper to make thes boke iiijd

Item payd for parchement to cover thes boke jd

Item payd for parchemente to make a rentall ijd

Item geven unto the belefowneder to paye for hes dener vjd

Item payd unto the glasear for hes fee iijs iiijd

Item payd unto Wyllyam Payne for the makyng of a feythement of the churche howse xvjd

Item payd unto Wyllyam Hore & Thomas Hortope for drawing of stonys to make the heght awter xviijd

Item payd unto Robat Bonde & to John Schurt, Heghtcrosewardyns [the] last yere to paye for the mendyng of the thurd belle ys claper vs

Item payd unto John Maryes & Nycholas Judde & there other men for there expences & att two sondrye tymes whan thay dede sette the subsyde iiijs

Item payd unto Thomas Heckett for a loke & a keye & a pere of gemys for the boxe that the sacrament ys yn xijd

Salutem in Christo

My very Good Lord.

I heartily Thanke you for your last Letters of March the first, Concerning the true value of the Rectory of Wigan. The Occasion of my writing to you about itt, was: The Earle of Anandell Dean Murrey's brother, offer’d the Sale of itt to the King; And his Majestie was willing enough to buy itt, and Annexe itt to the Bishopricke, which had beene a very happie thing to be done. But my Lords Demand was 4 yeares Purchase after a 1000l a yeare Value, which is every way too deare. For it seemes he valued itt almost double to that which you acknowledge. The Earles use calles for present money; And the Kings present Occasions can part with none, noe not after the rate that you sett. Truly if the Benefice lay any thing neere these parts, I would borrow the money but I would finde some way, to bring itt into the Churches hands: for as it is I know well what would become of itt. Your Lordship hath a sonne, and you may, if you thinke it fitting, have refusall of this great Benefice provide excellently for your Sonne, keepe the Enheritance to your selfe, or putt it to the Church, as you see Cause. But Certainly it will not Come att that Value, which I see by the end of your Letters, you might once have had itt. Nor scarce at foure yeares purchase according to that value, which you putt upon itt. Howsoever, I pray lett me have your present Answer; for that will be expected from you

I receaved former Letters from you of February 23 Concerning the parsonage of Hawarden; And before those your Letters came to mee, I knew my Lord Strange had disposed of that Benefice to another; for he told mee so himselfe att Lambeth. As for Standish, if it were voyd, I would Dr Morton had it; for hee Complaines still of his estate, and the payment of his fathers Debts; and I would very gladly see him settled if I could. Att this present, I have a Benefice fallen within 8 myle of Oxford, or thereabouts, worth to live upon, 250li a yeare; but not to be rented at above 200li.