Salutem in Christo

Sir.

Your Letter in answer of the Maiours was read in Counsell, his Majestie being present, upon friday last, according as my last Letters to you signify’d it would bee. His Majestie and the Lords seem’d very well satisfy’d with what you had written. And soe the Busines was like to end without more trouble. Till at last my Lord of Berkshire being steward for Oxford was very desirous the Maiour should bee sent for, to make good his charge. And though hee were told ‘twere better to bee lett dye: yett very earnest hee was to have the Maiour sent for: with an Addition, that it was fitt hee should bee punish’d, if he could not make his Accusations good. In this Case itt was thought necessary that you should come up alsoe. Of which I pray faile not, according to the inclosed Warrant, and bring the Procter, and some other with you. The like Warrant my Lord of Berkshire hath to send to the Maiour and some Aldermen with him. In this Busines I can give you noe Direction, but that you would have all your proofes ready of such things, as are prooveable and are not Evident in fact; And particularly of the Disorderly drunken Canvasse for the Maioralty, the last Election save one.

Toward the ending of this Busines at the Boord my Lord of Berkshire came to mee, and desired that the Constable committed by Proctour Allibond might bee freed out of prison. My Answer was: That the Towne would by that meanes before the Hearing triumph as if they had gotten the better. And therefore would not consent to his freedome; Especially not knowing what the Procter might have farther against him. Yet to speake freely to you, if there bee nothing els against him, but that which the Procters paper alledges, hee hath beene prettily well punisht for itt by his durance. And therefore I leave it to you to consider, whether, to take off clamour of Wife and Children, which is pretended, it bee not better to sett him free then to detayne him longer in prison.

Worthye Sir:

I had yesterdaye weepinge weather, it was fitt I should not allwayes bragg of the faire. I gott well to Glocester before sixe, and might have binne thear sooner but that I had a greater mischaunce by the waye then in all mye Journye besyde. In the dirctye bottome between Mr Bridges his house and Ross, the carless man that ledd mye sumpter went upon the syde of a sliperye bancke, and overthrewe mye horse into a great slowe. My horss had spoiled himeselfe if I had not caused one to lye upon his necke and keepe hime downe till his girts wear undone. One end of mye sumpter was full of dirct and I ridd after, in Jealousye for mye papers, lest they had drunke such water, but I found them drye, and care not for the rest.

I am nowe goinge to see mye Ladye Porter, and remember all respects to hir from you and your Ladye, and soe againe to horss in hope of better fortune then yesterdaye I had. I could not send Mr Staple emptye handed to you havinge soe manye things for which to give you thankes. And thankes that ar due ar a debt which Cann never be payed to soone. I cann nether be on horsbacke nor on foot but I must thanke you for both.

I have hitherto mett no newes on the waye which is not knowen to you: soe I have nothinge left but to thanke you for all mye kind entertaynment; which I shall ever profess was as full of respect as ever I found it of anye frend. And desyer you to remember me with like thankes to mye Ladye, att whose service I shall ever be. Mye other Adversarye I maye not forgett, of whome I never deserved anye thinge, but found much kindnes for your sake. You maye tell hir, that after mye travell I found it was the left syde on which I was beaten. If my Ladye had had noe more mercye on me then shee I had binne beaten on both sydes. But to prevent more bloes I doe, as Conquered men use, yeeld mye selfe to hir Commands if shee have anye chardge to laye upon me. Thuss I beganne att your selfe, and am become a debter to the whole house.

Mye dewtye and service remembered to your Lordshipp. I have receaved Leters from your Lordshipp in the behalfe of Mr Theophilus Tuer, for favour in his suit for the presidentshipp of St Johns when I leave it: or att the least to stand Neuter and not to preiudice hime. My Lord: the Kinge hath given me that Heddshipp in my Commendam. If by reason of the strictnes of the Local statut, or any other scruple, I doe not hold it: I have allredye promised Mr Tuer, att his owne suit, to stand Indifferent, which was all the favour he asked me. And that promise I have not broken. Nor will I, If he keepe the Conditions I requyred. (Which wear, not to breake the peace of the Colledge: not to wronge me while I stood indifferent.) To be for hime against other men I cannot promise: They ar such as ar as fitt as hee for the place, and as neare me in all offices of kindnes. But whearas your Lordshipp wrights, that the Fellowes have binne happye in my goverment, and will be much if not wholye directed bye me in thiss newe choice (when ever it comes): I must Confess manye men have thought soe besyde your Lordshipp, but I never thought it. And nowe It drawes toward a proofe, thiss I find. Fortye-five att thiss tyme will have voyces to give. And forty of these had disposed of themselves before I could gett downe from London without anye reference to me. The other sixe (all save one) did not respect me in their delaye, but their owne Ends, and such as I Cannot approve. If I have deserved anye thinge of that Colledge, I must thinke I have mett with respectless men. Thiss and more is true (as I shall be bold to tell your Lordshipp when I wayte next upon you.) In the mean tyme I promise againe to stand indifferent to Mr Tuer upon the former Conditions, to the Colledge, and my selfe, and not otherwise. Thuss with rememberance of mye love and service, (beinge allwayes redye to doe more for

your Lordshipps sake then thiss) I humbly take my leave and shall ever rest

your Lordshipps in all love to be Commanded

William Laud:

St Johns. Oxford September. 12. 1621.

Salutem in Christo.

Sir

Upon receipt of your Letters intimatinge that there was a Schollers Place in your House founded by one of my Predecessors of worthy memory Arch Bishop Parker, which place is now become voyde and in my dispose; I presently sent to the Deane and Chapter of Canterbury, desiring them to make choyce of some fitt Ladd out of the free Schoole there, whom I might nominate to the Place aforesaid. Who having notice hereof, at first had pitched upon another, and not this Bearer, but it hath pleased God since to provide for him otherwise, for he is dead. And the next fittest that they could thinke on is this youth, who is recommended unto me as one every wayes not unworthy of your favour, as by this inclosed will appeare. These are therefore both to thanke you for your kindnes in giving me first notice hereof, and to pray you to receyve and admitt this Bearer John Aucher, whom I doe hereby nominate to the Place before mentioned. Soe I leave both you and him to Gods Blessing and rest

Your very lovinge Friend,

W: Cant:

Croidon house July. 11. 1634

The central concerns of this book were to establish the origins, form, and development of the papal protection put in place over crusaders, and their families and possessions. It has also sought to assess the impact and effectiveness of such legislation in a series of regional case studies. The privileged status extended over crusaders’ families and possessions was considerably greater in its scope than that accorded to pilgrims. The crusade protection privilege went beyond the security of pilgrims and their goods and inaugurated a process whereby for the first time the protection of the families, goods, and lands left behind was entrenched in canon-ical legal tradition. To explain this clear division between pilgrim and crusader we should look to papal motives behind the escalation of such protection. The popes must have been well aware of the potential political impact of the crusaders’ long-term absence. As part of the recruitment for the First Crusade, Urban needed to address material and temporal concerns as well as appealing to the crusaders on spiritual grounds. The threat of material loss and political impediments to departure formed key concerns when a pope called on the ruling classes to leave behind home and family. A need to foresee and to counter these issues can be identified in the pope's decision to increase the reach of papal protection.

From the outset of the crusading movement the protection offered to participants was presented and perceived as separate from any similar privileges associated with pilgrims. Contemporaries such as Ivo of Chartres were aware that Urban II had established a new institution which required its own legislation. Urban had adapted the privilege of the crusade's closest relative – pilgrimage – most notably in the extension of the parameters of the Peace of God and the Truce of God to crusaders. Yet Urban had also innovated where necessary; this was especially evident in his creation of a crusade-specific Truce and Peace that encompassed not only crusaders but also their families, lands, and possessions. Thus the pope attempted to strike the right balance with potential crusaders by coupling promises about the security of their homes and families together with the spiritual attractions on offer to those who took the cross.

Viri, Fratres.

Binas a vobis accepi Literas, datas Sedani Idibus Junii. Tunc temporis ego Scoticanae Ecclesiae inservivi, eo Carolum Regem serenissimum simul et religiosissium sequutus. Reversus non dum audio aliquid de Literis vestris: Moras ergo traxerunt sed nescio quas. Interea Moritur Decessor meus et Literae vestrae sero venientes frustra quaerunt Montuum inter vivos. Ita utraeque et quae Illi, et quae mihi destinatae sunt, ad meas tandem Manus pervenerunt. Argumentum in utrusque Idem, et publicum illud, et Religiosum, privati nihil, Licuit ergo Amico vestro utrasque in Manum unam tradere, et mihi recipere.

Quod ad rem ipsam attinet, eam paucis quidem et dilucide expedistis. Nolo ego multis, de pacis Commodis disserere, multa illa sunt et Nota satis, si per Dei gratiam, partes illae in Ecclesia dissentientes possint coalescere. Novi ego plus satis partium Contendentium Odia, et quo miseros Ecclesiae Reformatae Cives perduxerunt. Novi etiam quantos ludos exhibuerunt pontificiis huiusmodi acerbitates, et quam infeliciter Religionem impedierunt, et Devotionem pene omnem extinxerunt. Nec Ignoro (quod vos videtis velle Confirmare) posse fieri Confessionem ex doctrina utriusque partis, quae ad salutem sufficiat, et neutri parti obsit; illibata scilicet in fomdamentalibus, fidei puritate, et relicta in minoribus libertate Christiana, ut sancta lecta charitate, quaelibet Ecclesia Moribus et Institutis vivat suis, et sensu abundet suo. Sed aut mitiores esse animos aut detumuisse odia plurimorum (et pauci huic operi non sufficiunt) id minus non adeo satis constat. Et est certe deplorandum, etsi non Conclamatum vulnus.

Per Amore tamen Pacis Christianae, et officio quod ut debeo, sic praestare (Deo gratias) paratus sum Ecclesiae Christi, facturus sum quod in me est Veritas et pax se possint mutuo Exosculari et precipue in Ecclesiis Reformatis. Ideo licet nunc Ratione Translationis meae ad sedem Archiepiscopalem Cantuariensem multa me impedierunt occasionem tamen nactus Ostendi ipsissimas literas vestras Regi pientissimo quo melius intelligeret quid velitis ipsi et quid Causa postulat. Tempus ad deliberandum sumpsit Rex prudentissimus. Tandem hoc responsum iussit dari vobis. Pacis se amantissimum et esse, et fore, sed quod ad Concilium attinet Omnium protestantium, non putare se adhinc animos satis paratos esse Reconciliationi parte ex alterutra.

Worthye Sir:

I have bye thiss Carryer sent you downe those Manuscripts which you have longe expected; and hear inclosed you shall find a Leter of mye Lord Stewards, written with his owne hand to accompanye his gift. Of whome I shall saye noe more but that he hath shewed himselfe your most Honourable Chaunclor.

Those Bookes ar made up in three chests, and one lesser Trunke. They ar marked all with W. L. upon them, and directed to you. The Catalogue of them (verye carefullye and exactly taken by the great paines of Dr Lindsell, and Mr Patricke Younge) is with your Librarye keeper allreadye, which I am verye glad of, because mye beinge at Court when they left London made it allmost forgotten.

The waight of these is as you find in a paper mentioned. And the carridge for all is payed for. Thear is noe locke to anye of the Chests but one, the other two ar nailed up. The Keyes of that chest, and of both the Trunkes you shall receave togeather with these Leters in a little boxe. In the chest which hath lockes on it you shall finde a Boxe and thearin a newe wheele verye faire in velame, with his Maiestyes hand to it, which mye Lord Steward desyres maye be kept carefully and that the other with the Kings hand sent at first in paper maye be safelye sent back to me.

Amonge these Manuscripts thear ar some that want bindinge and I have taken order that all or most of them ar putt togeather into the little Trunke. Mye Lord was once purposed to have them bound heare, but it was hard to find whome to trust with them: or whome wee should put to that paines to be a continuall overseer. If they should be misplaced in the bindinge it was as much as manye of them wear worth, it would be soe hard to rectifye them againe. I thinke thearfore the safest waye will be to page them before they be taken asunder for newe bindinge. Mye Lord would have them bound plaine, and as like their olde felowes as maye be. I have Monye in mye hands to paye for that to: For mye Lord will possess the Universitye with this noble gift without puttinge them to any chardge.

Salutem in Christo

My very good Lord,

I sent away by the Packett to my Lord Deputy but upon Sunday last and the very next day being returned from Hampton Court there came a Letter to a Servant of mine from one Mr Yorke a Minister within your Diocesse, whoe (it seemes by his Letter) is like to fall into a great deale of distresse, if you doe not shewe some favour to him. My Lord I doe not well remember, but I doubt you did write something to me concerning such a man att your first comeing to be Bishop of Derry. Howsoever that were, and whether you writt or noe, all that I shall now write upon my Servants entreaty, and the memory of the mans Father (whoe in my time lived many yeares in Oxford, and was reputed a very honest, plaine man) is but this, that if the poore mans Faults be not over great, either in his life, doctrine or conformity to the Church, you would att this my request have some compassion on him, for I heare he hath lived long there and hath att this present a great charge of Children lying on his hands. I find in his Letters, that he had in your Diocess twoe Benefices, and that the last yeare, you urged him soe hard (though he expresses not for what) that you made him resigne one of his Liveings worth ninscore pound per annum promiseing him to provide better for him: and that now, insteed of provideing for him otherwise, you intend to take from him alsoe the Parsonage of Loughreah, which he sayth will tend to his utter undoeing, have served the Church there above this 20 yeares. I am very confident, you will use noe act of power, to the undoeing of any poore man, and therfore I pray, if his Faults be not greevous, to shewe him mercy for my sake, and I shall thanke you heartily for it. And my desire is that att least you would leave him to keepe that which he hath, if you doe not provide him farther of something else, in lieue of that which he formerly resigned to you, which as he writes you promised him to doe.

Salutem in Christo.

My very good Lord.

I understand by your Letters, That the Parson of Hysham is now dead; And that one Christopher Parkinson and Sir Paul Attlewood have tender’d Presentations and Clerkes to your Lordship. But certainly neither of them can have any Shew of Title. For when those Lands and Patronages went out of the Crowne to Harrington (as far as I remember) they Descended fairly upon the Lord Morley. Save only that it was not discover’d till now That the Heyre Male fayled. And Certayne it is, That the Land and Patronages with it, of which Hysham is one upon that failer are to returne to the Crowne, which is the Title His Majestie now layes to it.

Concerning Institution, I know not what a Jurie will doe in this Case. Nor what favour it will shew to them which (for ought I yet know) are in possession. Therefore upon the whole matter, I would thinke it the safest way, for your Lordship to Institute the Kings Clerke. And then if the Rest have any minde to the Law, there they may trye theire Title. But as I am informed, the Thing is found very Cleere for the King. And the Partyes Concern’d are about to Compound; And the king will not Compound, but with Exception of the Guift of the Rectoryes, which makes me the more Carefull not to loose this Opportunity.

If your Lordship have any faire Opportunity of a Carryer or Other Messenger, you shall doe well to signifie thus much to my Lord Yorke. And so will I from hence. That so nothing may be done there against the Kings Right. And in the meane tyme I’le send you the Kings Clerke with as much speed as I can. So I leave you to God and rest

Your Lordships Loving friend and Brother.

W: Cant:

Croyden: August the last. 1638.

To the Right Reverend Father in God my very Good Lord and Brother, the Lord Bishop of Chester these

Salutem in Christo

Worthy Sir.

I will thank my Lord Deputy for his Letters when I returne answere, and I doe thanke you for this extraordinary care in sending them. But the truth is, I did come through Burroughbrigge, and went not upon any backside of the Towne, though it were my misfortune (if you were there) not to see you. I thanke you for all the kindnes you tenderd me at Yorke, and shall be glad to see you at London. My Lord Deputy writes very carefully to me concerning you, as if I were able to doe you service; therein I doubt he is mistaken, but I shall be ready for his sake and your owne to doe you the best I can. Soe I leave you to the Grace of God, and rest

Your lovinge Freind to serve you.

Guil: London:

From Wellbeck: July 21. 1633.

To the Right Worshipfull my very worthy Freind, Sir Arthur Ingram Knight, at his House at Yorke. these.

Salutem in Christo.

My very good Lord

Having obteyned for this Bearer Dr Morton his Majestys Presentation to the Rectory of Sefton I thought it not fitt to send him downe to you empty-handed. These are therfore hartily to thanke you for your former kindnesses to him, and to pray your Lordship to affoard him what possible dispatch you can for his Institution and Induction according to course. For he is not a little stomacked at (as I heare) by noe meane Persons, and I would be loath he should have any tricke put upon him. I leave him to your care, and with my hearty thankes for all your love, rest

Your Lordships very lovinge Friend and Brother

W: Cant:

Lambeth June 17. 1639

To the Right Reverend Father in God my very good Lord and Brother the Lord Bishop of Chester these

Salutem in Christo.

My very good Lord.

I here send these my Letters after you with an Answere to my Lord Strange's inclosed, which I shall desire your Lordship to take care, may be safely delyvered. And if you chance to see my Lord or his Father in the Country, I doubt not but that you will present my best respects unto them and let them know how kindly I take theyr Noblenes shewed in this busynes. And for your selfe I shall hartily pray you to continue your Care and watchfulnes over it, and that you will doe what in you lyes to bringe it to perfection, with all the convenyent speed that may be. For which that poore Colledge will be exceedingly bound to you and my selfe remayne as I am

Your Lordships very lovinge Freind and Brother:

W: Cant:

Croydon. August. 17. 1635.

My Lord, I have since receyved other Letters from my Lord Strange, in which he signifyes unto me that some body belowe hath been in treaty with my Lord his Father for the House and Land with it (which was never meant) and that his offers are very much under the value. I have signifyed to his Lordship that I have entreated you to undertake the prosecution and setling of this busynes, and therfore I pray my Lord be pleasd to take some paines in it, and to bringe it to the best yssue you can.

To the Right Reverend Father in God, my very good Lord and Brother, the Lord Bishop of Chester. these.

SEVERAL chapters of this volume seek a firmer dating for the copying of Mo 8 than has heretofore been ascertained, their arguments based on stylistic comparison of the fascicle's musical repertory and artistic work with a broad base of dated and datable materials. As palaeographers have long taught us, script, too, has style. No less than the work of artists and composers, that of scribes was conditioned by the changing needs of those who used their products, as new patterns of book use emerged, supporting and supported by a growing book trade in the later Middle Ages. Like colleagues working in other artistic media, scribes responded to changes in taste and fashion. Thus scripts belong to history and, under certain circumstances, hands may be datable.

Dates offered for Mo have ranged broadly even in recent scholarship, in no small part because disagreements remain about whether and to what extent Montpellier is a composite codex – or, to put this the other way around, whether and to what extent it was planned as a whole. How someone construes the material evidence naturally affects how that scholar dates the manuscript (or some portion of it). There is not space here to review all the codicological, palaeographical, and art-historical work relevant to the issue; but reliable accounts of earlier scholarship exist already. Suffice it to say that the earliest dating proposed for fascicle 8 would place it in the 1270s – a suggestion of Mary E. Wolinski. The latest might put it as far into the fourteenth century as the 1320s – a possibility floated by Yvonne Rokseth in the 1930s, and compatible with some of the new evidence offered in this volume by Alison Stones (who finds that ‘a date in the decade of c.1315–25 for the execution of Mo 8 would be most likely’). Covering six decades, this is a broad range.

Research on Mo's production constitutes a sizeable and imposing – indeed, a daunting and inspiring – body of scholarship, still more impressive given that some of its most important contributions were written when their authors were students, and before any widespread use of the technologies of manuscript reproduction upon which the field has come so heavily to rely.

Salutem in Christo

My very good Lord.

Whereas his Majesty hath been graciously pleased to settle certain Landes escheated unto him by the death of Sir Miles Hubbard Kt for the mayntenance of three Fellowships in the University of Oxford, which Places are to be supplyed with Schollers out of the Isles of Garnsey and Jarsey, as by his Majesty's Letters Patent under the Broad Seale lately past, may more at large appear. And for asmuch as the Fees thereof, it being a Perpetuity, will amount unto a greater Summe then the sayd Fellowships, or the Colledges themselves unto which they are allotted, are well able to beare, I am commanded by his Majesty to signify unto your Lordship that it is his pleasure that the Fees due upon the passing the sayd Letters Patent shall be remitted. Soe not doubting of your Lordships noblenes herein, I leave you to gods grace, and Rest

Your Lordships very loving poore Friend to serve you.

W: Cant:

Lambeth. June 25. 1635

To the Right Honourable my very good Lord the Lord Coventry Lord Keeper of the Great Seale of England. these