Salutem in Christo.

My very Good Lord

I have here inclosed sent your Lordship a Petition which is recommended to me by Sir David Coningham an Ancyent Servant of his Majesty, and one that I have cause to respect: I hartily pray your Lordship to peruse it, and if with con… you can to graunt it, or soe much of it as in your judgment shall be found fitting. He hath been allready beholding to your Lordship for which I am desired to thanke you, and to entreat you not to take it amisse, that being here in England he hath thus endeavoured to sett your Friends upon you. Soe I leave him to your favourable reception, and rest in hast

Your Lordships very lovinge Freind and Brother.

W: Cant:

Lambeth. November 19. 1638

To the right Reverend Father in God, my very good Lord and Brother the Lord Bishop of Derry in Ireland. these

This appendix incorporates all the letters in Laud's Works, IV–VII, with some corrections, plus the letters printed in this volume (listed as FC). A number of letters, particularly those from Laud's ‘History of his chancellorship’ (Works, V) are extracts from lost originals, and are here denoted with an asterisk. All letters are in new style dating.

Salutem in Christo.

My very good Lorde.

I did never conceive since I understood any thing of the Church, but that the state and Condition of it in Ireland was deplorable. Two Mantles of the largest size will not be able to Cover it, and keepe it warme. But you have discharged your selfe upon Dr Brammall, and by him you shall receive my answer to those particulars.

And now my Lord at the nameing of Dr Brammall you are pleased to enlarge your selfe into a very full Character of his worth. I doubt not but he may merit it all. It makes me remember how nobly you exprest your selfe in your former letters Concerning Dr Hodgson Dr Stanhope and Mr Greenwell. By that tyme they have all made good your Lordships Expressions they shall be very absolute Clergymen. And I beleeve Dr Brammell will find worke enough before he will be able to mende what is amisse in Ireland.

Your Lordships next Passage troubles me more for my little Experience in Civill affaires I thinke his Majestyes Government in that Kingdome can hardly subsist with vigour without maintenance of the Army, or Maintenance be raysed without a Contribution. The more sorry I am there should be any mutinous Petition against it but much more that any such Petitions should be subscribed by Bishops. Of the three which you name Limmerick is alltogether unknown to me, Kilfanora I once saw here in England, a little before he was Bishop and then I took him to be a more prudent man. Kilmore I never knew but by what he hath written, and the very good testimony he left in England behind him both for life and Learning. And therfore I wonder at him the more, if he have had an undutyfull hand in any thing. But it may be the feare which they have conceived in those partes by the taking off 12d a sunday from the Recusant Party, and some other Compositions hath made them so forward wher they might have waighed the businesse better, but if the Petitions your Lordship mentions be Mutinous I am sorry for their errour, and soe I hope are they.

Sir

It is his Majesties pleasure that you prepare a Bill for his royall Signature conteyning his Majesties Graunt of the Reversion of the Greeke Readers Place in the University of Oxford to Joseph Crowther Master of Artes. Which Place is now in his Majesties dispose by the free Resignation of John Edwardes the last Reversioner.

And for doing hereof this shall be your warrant.

W: Cant

February. 22. 1637

To Sir John Bankes his Majesties Atturney generall

Salutem in Christo.

My very good Lord

The Newes of your Chancellors death is come to Court, and soe likewise is your Intention of giving that Office to your Sonne Mr Orlando Bridgman, who is well knowne to be a very younge man, and of a profession very worthy in it self, but alltogether unskild in Ecclesiasticall Lawes and Government. Upon the knowledge of this, the Dean of the Arches according to the Duty of his Place, did in the name of his Profession, the Doctors of the Civill and Canon Lawes, delyver a Petition to his Majesty, humbly desyring him that since there was little or noe Preferment left in this Kingdome for that Profession, but those Places of Judicature, under the Lords the Bishopps and theyr Archdeacons, his Majesty would be graciously pleasd to deale by them as his Father of blessed memory had done before him; And that according to the usuall custome of the Church of England, and the Orders then made by King James, a Civilian might have this Chancellorship. And whereas your Lordship writes to the Dean of Chester that you intend your Sonne shall shortly take the Degree of Doctor, my Lord, his Majesty conceyves that to be as nothing, for the bare Degree cannot add one whit to his skill, and must needs be thought merely done to keep of others that have spent theyr whole time in that Profession. His Majesty taking this whole Petition into consideration, commanded the Master of Requests now attending to subscribe it, as you will see in the inclosed; And farther gave me express charge to signify this his Pleasure to you, that you presently make a Pattent of the Chancellorship to the Bearer hereof Dr Mericke and that I should give the like charge to the Dean and Chapter to confirme it, which I have done accordingly.

My Lord if I may be thought worthy to give you Counsell, I shall advise you to give the King satisfaction in this Particular. For I know when Bishop Cotton of Exeter gave the Chancellorship to a Sonne of his, he was forced to recall it, and put in Dr Gouge. And the late Bishop of Hereford having given the Chancellorship to his Sonne, was likewise forced to alter it and give it Dr Skinner.

Sir:

In hast. I was promised your Plate reddy yesterday: and the Gouldsmith hath kept word with mee; for hee hath brought them to mee. When he brought them I was not within, if I had I should not have receav’d them: for they are exceedingly ill wrought. And though they were receav’d in my absence; yet as they are I will never send them to you. These are therefore to lett you understand, that I will this daye returne them to the Gouldsmith: and if the faults cann bee mended, you shall have them sent by the next Carrier: If not, there is noe remedye but you must staye till after Easter. The directions which I promised to send togeather with the plate must yett staye till it bee sent. The Price att vis xd the oz, which is the lowest rate I cann gett, makes your Plate rise to forty seaven pounds odd shillings, which money I will laye out: but I must desier you that it may be return’d by some meanes or other att the beginninge of Easter Terme because I shall thenn be to paye in both Tenths and Subsidyes to the Kinge.

For the publicke business, wee are yett noe forwarder in Parliament, then we were when we first sate downe: and for my parte I hould you a very happy Man, that you are not att this tyme a Member of the House. I doubt much if things goe on a fortnight longer in the course they are nowe in, that all wilbee starke naught. Soe badd indeed, as is not fitt for mee to write, what I thinke. Concerninge my Lord Duke I cann write noe other wise then I did the last weeke. For the same spiritt moves still, and with greater violence. Wee that ar heere in the Tempest have need of your prayers; which I praye afford us. Soe I leave you to the grace of God, and shall ever rest

Your very lovinge Frend

Guil: Meneve:

Westmynster. March. 25. 1626.

I praye remember mye love and service to your Ladye.

Salutem in Christo.

My very Good Lord.

I first receaved your Letters of March 30th. And since that by your Sonne, the Information of Girtam against Ardern of Stockport. This Information I deliverd to the Lords of the Councell on friday last, who I thinke will presently take order to send for Arderne to Come up, and Answer itt; Especially Concerning that Libell, which is mention’d first in the Information. For as for the Answer to my Speech ‘ith Starre- Chamber, a Copie whereof you have sent, and I receaved, that was in print in August last, And so ‘tis noe Newes: yet this fellow shewes his good will to spread them.

I have now likewise receaved from your Sonne the Articles Concerning Case; And shall take the best Care I can, to free your Diocesse of him, and to make him more peaceable in that, where he ought to live.

For Dr Morton I Cleerly see hee is too pressing upon mee; But I make the best Interpretation of itt; for I verily thinke, ‘tis his Fathers Debts, and his Desire to preserve his Inheritance, that Causes itt. But howsoever, It will bee a great deale of wrong to him, if he thinke of anie preferment out of thos parts, where his Inheritance is so neere him. And for Standish, I pray God, he doe not doe himselfe wrong by being too Inquisitive after the Title; for if my memory faile mee not, your Sonne, I thank him, told me that of the Out Lawry a good while since.

Concerning the Patronage of Wigan, you write all the Reason that may bee. And be the Lord Anandell, what he will, neither yourselfe, nor any body els hath any reason to meddle with him in this particular, the Title being not in him. And so much I sayd to your sonne, as soone as ever that appear’d. As for your last weekes Letters concerning this Busines, I have look't upon them agen. And truly my Lord I will not deny, but that now by reading them agen, and by the Comment of your last Letters, I was a little mistaken in your meaning. And that which made me mistake are these words in your Letter: That halfe the money for the purchase might be raysed by the Lease of Ribchester.

Like many readers, I came to know Paul Hindemith through one of his instrumental sonatas. In the gap between sixth form and university, I would visit trumpet professor Iaan Wilson at the Royal Academy of Music in London, who introduced me to Hindemith's Sonata for Trumpet and Piano. Our lessons occurred during a vital part of my technical and musical development, although – again, similarly to many readers – I look back on my endeavour with mixed feelings. I remember it being hard work – I had to improve my physical level to play the first movement convincingly – and, when it came to putting the trumpet part with the piano, it took me many attempts before I was able to execute a coherent and accurate rendition. However, it was not unrealistic. After practice I soon came to enjoy the work and appreciate the technical platform it offered. This highlights, I believe, the position that these duo sonatas often take. They are encountered regularly along the road to securing instrumental technique and are particularly common in examination, audition and competition environments. This does not necessarily make them popular – but undoubtedly, they are familiar to many. I was also to encounter his Elementary Training for Musicians whilst an undergraduate student at King's College London, guided by the now prominent British composer Joseph Phibbs. The case of Hindemith's music and writing is therefore of sentimental value, both due to the time in my life I first encountered it and the formative role it played in my development as a musician.

But this is to form a narrow image of Hindemith's musical legacy. Though works such as the instrumental sonatas have found a natural place in the repertoire – indeed, for many instruments they remain as some of the key works for recitals, examinations, auditions and competitions – they offer only one side of Hindemith's creative personality. This is also the man who wrote the ingenious Ludus Tonalis; the song cycle Das Marienleben; the jazztinged Suite 1922; and the radical, scandalous one-act opera Sancta Susanna. He was also an essential pioneer of the early music movement in North America through the establishment of the Yale Collegium Musicum; one of the most highly regarded proponents of the viola in the early twentieth century; and, for a time, seen as the future of German modernism.

Salutem in Christo.

My very good Lord

I have receyved a Letter from Mr Griffith which trouble's me as much, as that which he said did or could trouble you. The plaine truth is I take my selfe exceedingly beholding to you for your last Letters and all your kindnes shewed to me in Dr Moreton, which I will labour to requite if God lend me life, and provide for your Sonne at Brazen-nose as cheerfully as you are now carefull for Dr Moreton.

I have spoken with my Lord Keeper concerning Dr Moretons exchange of Grinton, and taking of Tatnall, and my Lord I thanke him hath given waye to it, and will satisfye Mr Goad with Grinton, which I thought fitt to lett your Lordship understand by the first opportunity.

As for Croston I hold my old Resolution, which is, I will not offerr him or any man else knowingly any unjust or hard measure. And if his Title be good, there is an end of that busines, unless he shall be willing of himselfe for a fayre Exchange, and upon such Conditions as shall be every way justifyable for all Partyes. Nor did I thinke your offer of Barrowe etc, being made, that there would have been any farther treaty concerning Croston. But since Mr Griffith hath thought fitt to renew it, I doe heartily pray you that I may be soe bold as to trouble you and him, with the settling of all Conditions in case the Treaty proceed. And when you have finished that which you finde fitt to give Mr Hyett content in the Exchange, if there be any thinge left for me to doe by the Broad Seale, it shall be done. And for the Gentleman which challengeth the Patronage he hath written to my Comptroller Mr Sherman, that he will for my sake accommodate Dr Moreton with any thinge in his power.

As for that base report which Mr Griffith acquainted your Lordship with (for soe he hath as he write's to me) if he had told me of it, he should never have told it you.

Salutem in Christo

My very Good Lord.

I gave you in my last all the Information I could concerning Garvyes Patent. And I now thinke the middle wa[y] which you propose, is the best that can bee taken in a case of that nature. Soe God speed you!

In the Bishop of Killallah's Case I saw all the testi[mony] of the Witnesses, which you sent hither to my Lord Dep[uty]…upon view of them I caused a short Briefe to bee…of all the poynts that were proov’d against the Bish[op] and deliver’d itt to my Lord to bee sent to you. This is a go[od] while since; for I detained not the Papers in my hands…three dayes. This I thought fitt to certify you, because you mention noe such thing in your Letters, as receaved by you. But the matter is the lesse, since you conceave the Proofes against the Bishop come home: And that the Witnesses, which hee excepts against, will bee otherwise supplyed. Though every Exception against Witnesses cannot take off theire Testimony. For the Busines it selfe, ‘tis true as you write, The Deprivation of a Bishopp is a matter of great and waighty Consideration. But yet, if such a Covenanting Crime bee proved against him, God forbid, but the sowrest Example should bee made of him. And what to say more I know not; saving that I am confident, you will bee carefull there shall bee a Just and a grave proceeding.

Concerning the Impropriation I have spoken with one of the Commissioners, since my last Letters to your Lordship. And he gave mee…very faire Answer; But since that, I have not seene him. And an Unhappy thing it is, to have any thing which concern[s] the Church, involved with those things which concerne the Cro[wn]. But in this, and the Busines of your Sea I will speake with [my Lord] Deputy, and then be wanting to either in any th…shall thinke fitt for mee to doe.

I am glad that my Lord of Kilmore and you are come to…upon soe good termes; For certainly the Man is an honest m[an] and a good schollar. And I would be very glad this broken Busines were at an end.

Τῷ θϵοϕιƛέστατῳ, ΚΥΡΙΛΛΩ, ἐƛέϵι Θϵοῦ τῆς Κωνσταντινουπόƛϵως νέας Ρώμης Επίσκόπῳ, ὑπϵρτίμῳ Εζάρχῳ, οἰκουμένικῷ Πατριάρχη, καὶ τῷ κοινῷ τῆς καθοƛικῆς Εκκƛησίας ϵὐϵργέτη.

Τοῦ ποƛυταƛάντου ἐκϵίνου δώρου, καὶ τιμαƛϕϵστάτου κϵιμηƛίου, πρὸ ὀƛίγων ἐτῶν, παρὰ τῆς σῆς Αγιωσύνης πρὸς τὸν γαƛηνότατον καὶ σϵβασμιώτατον βασιƛέα ἡμῶν διαπϵμϕθέντος, ταυτην τὴν μϵρίδα, τὸ κϵίμϵνον, δηƛαδὴ, τοῦ ποƛυάθƛου Ἰὼβ, ὡς πρόδρομον ἐπίδϵιγμα τῶν ƛοιπῶν τῆς παƛαιᾶς διαθήκης βιβƛίων, πάƛαι μϵν, ἐπι Πτοƛϵμαίου τοῦ Φιƛαδέƛϕου ἐν Αιγύπτῷ βασιƛϵύσαντος, διὰ τῶν ἑβδομήκοντα ἑρμηνϵυτῶν ἐκ τῶν Εβραϊκῶν ϵἰς τὴν Εƛƛάδα γƛώσσην μϵταβƛηθέντων, νῦν δὲ ἐζ αἰχμαƛωσίας τῆς Αἰγυπτίας, ἢ Βαβυƛωνίας, ποƛὺ χαƛϵπωτέρας, καὶ μακροχρονιωτέρας ἐƛϵυθϵρωθέντων, καὶ μϵτα ποƛƛὰς ἀγώνων πϵριόδους, ἐκ τῆς σκιᾶς τῆς ƛήθης δϵύτϵρον τῇ ἐκκƛησίᾳ, διὰ τῆς ἀζιϵπαινέτου τῆς Αγιωσύνης σου ἐπιμϵƛϵίας, καὶ κηδϵμονίας ἀποδϵδομένων, καὶ ἐν βραχϵῖ, σὺν Θϵῷ, ϵἰς ϕως καὶ ἡμέραν ἐκδοθησομένων. ϵἰς τὸ ἀδιάƛϵιπτον, διὰ τοσαύτην καὶ τηƛικαύτην ϵὐϵργϵσίαν, ϵὐχαριστίας μνημόσυνον, καὶ τῆς ἀϵὶ καὶ ἀνυποκρίτου ϕιƛίας, καὶ ϕιƛαδϵƛϕίας τϵκμήριον, σὺν ἀσπασμῷ ϵν ϕιƛήματι ἀγάπης, ασμένως πέμπϵι

ΙΛΕΡΜΟΣ τῷ αὐτῷ ἐƛέϵι Καντουαρίας Αρχιϵπίσκοπος, Εζαρχος καὶ Μητροποƛίτης πάσης τῆς Αγγƛίας, καὶ τῆς ἐν τῆ Ὀζονία Ακαδημίας, Καγκϵƛƛάριος.

Translation:

To Cyril, most beloved of God, by the grace of God bishop of Constantinople, the New Rome, right honourable primate, ecumenical patriarch and benefactor to the community of the Church universal.

In return for the costly gift and invaluable treasure which, a few years ago, Your Holiness sent to our most serene and venerable king – this portion, the text, indeed, of the long-suffering Iob as a forerunner and sample of the remaining books of the Old Testament, which once, when Ptolemy Philadelphus reigned in Egypt, were translated from Hebrew into the Greek tongue by the seventy interpreters, but now have been freed from captivity, much more grievous and longer-lasting than the Egyptian or Babylonian one, and after many periods of trial were returned to the Church for a second time from the shadow of oblivion through the praiseworthy diligence and care of Your Holiness and shortly, with the help of God, will be brought out into the light of day. <This> sends you gladly, to be an enduring memorial of gratitude, for so enormously great a service, and as proof of our eternal and sincere friendship and brotherly love, with an embrace in the holy kiss of charity,

William, by the same grace archbishop of Canterbury, primate and metropolitan of the whole of England and chancellor of the University of Oxford.

Sir:

Mr Huish hath shew’d mee your Charter and your Statutes and I doe not see that there is sufficient power given mee to putt any Man to an Oath, except it be duringe my tyme of my Visitation. And for my generall power as you call it, I shalbe very well advised, howe and where I use it, especially in matter of Oath.

It seemes by your letter that you are indifferent, whither Mr Harrington bringe upp his Wittnesses; or bringe their testimonyes only under a publicke Notaryes hand. In which you deale very worthily with him, to save him soe much trouble and chardge. But then you must consider, whoe shall putt those his witneses to their Oath: or if they have sometymes beene of your foundation, whither you will hould it sufficient that they answeare upon the Oath they have formerlye taken to the Colledge.

I desier likewise to heare from you, whither you will account it a sufficient proof of Mr Harringtons dispensation from your Foundress, if hee procure by sufficient witness, that my Lord of Bathe your then Visitour did signifie by lettters under his hand to the Colledge, that your Foundress had graunted him such a dispensation. For it cannott be well supposed, that your Visitour would write soe to the Colledge, unless your Foundress had given him full and warrantable power soe to doe. If you shall not thinke it sufficient you shall doe well to provide such exceptions against it, as may be legall.

For the tyme I shall leave it to your choice, whither you will pitch upon the first weeke of December next, or the first weeke in January; or what other you and Mr Harrington shall agree upon.

This is all which I cann remember for the present that may any waye concerne the business. If you thinke of any thinge else you shall doe well to make it reddie against the tyme you fixe on. Soe with remembrance of my love to you and the whole Society I leave you to the grace of God, and shall ever rest

Your very Lovinge Frend

Guil: Batho: et Welle:

Westminster. October. 30. 1627.

John Jerningham was the eldest recorded son of George Jerningham and Ella or Eleanor Spelman, and was probably born not long after their marriage in 1534. The first known event in young John Jerningham's life, sometime between late 1554 and June 1558, was his admission to the ranks of the gentlemen pensioners. This body, founded in 1539 as Henry VIII's ‘elite bodyguard’, became ‘a courtly and military finishing school for the sons of nobility and gentry’. Jerningham's uncle John Sulyard, the standard bearer of the band, may have helped to secure his appointment to it. His great uncle Sir Henry Jerningham had however been the first of Jerningham's kins¬men to enter Mary's service, and his influence could have been even more important.

His marriage to Katherine Brooke, daughter of the Kentish peer George, ninth Baron Cobham, sometime after 7 October 1558 and by July 1560 at the latest, was a notable advancement for the son of a not particularly distinguished gentleman. Katherine had been born on 7 April 1544. There are some grounds for thinking that John Jerningham was not a natural choice as marriage partner for a member of the Brooke family. The ninth baron had been a member of Edward VI's Privy Council, and a trusted supporter of Jane Grey during her brief reign as uncrowned queen in 1553. In January 1554, after what was suspected to be a merely token resistance, he had surrendered his castle of Cooling in Kent to the rebel force led by his kinsman Thomas Wyatt against Queen Mary. He and three of his sons had then gone to Wyatt's camp. Despite his subsequent ‘escape’ from the camp, he had for a time been imprisoned in the Tower of London, and his three sons had been indicted for treason, though all had been pardoned. Cobham was also reported to be a ‘heretic’, i.e. a Protestant. His will, dated 13 January 1558, supports this suspicion. Prefaced with a straightforward expression of his trust in Christ's death, passion, and resurrection for the free remission and forgiveness of all his sins, it contains no distinc¬tive marks of Catholic piety, such as provision for intercessory masses.

f.1

Liber Compet General Receptor Sci Andrie de Stratton

f.2

Competus Johannis Trevelan et Nicholai Wyll generalium receptorum ecclesie Sci Andrie factus Dominica post festum Sci Dionisij anno domini millessimo ccccc xxxij & anno regni regis Henrici octavi xxiij [15 October 1531]

Recept

In primis received of Thomas Taylour junior & Thomas Bray recevers the last yere past xxvjli xvs

Item received of Isbell Judd & Johan Chyng, Owr Lady Maydens xxd

Item received of Wylliam Trebarfor for to sett hym a pone ye bedroll iijs iiijd

Item received of Nycholas Judd for ye remaynaunt of his accompt of ye Trinite store xxs vijd ob

Item received of John Schort & Rychard Chyng, Hycrosswardens xls vjd ob

Item received of Robert Regyll & Walter Bryant wardens of Sent Armyll xxvjs ijd ob

Item received of Master Vicar of Stratton for ye church wode xiijs iiijd

Item received of the Sextens xijd ob

Item received of John Uglow & John Sangwen wardens of Owr Lady Holmadon xxs vjd

Item received of Robert Uglow junior & John Marten wardens of Sent George xxvijs vd ob

Summa xxxiiijli ixs viijd ob

[f.2v]

f.3

Competus Williami Gyst & Johanni[s] Jule receptorum factus Dominica post festum Sancti Luce Evangeliste anno domini millessimo ccccc xxxiiij et anno regni Henrici viij xxvj [25 October 1534]

Recetes

Memorandum received of Rychard Ronell & Wylliam Baron last recevers iijli vjs ijd ob

Item received of the gyzfte of Sir John Chamond knyzth xxvjs viijd

Item received of John Udy junior & John Daymond wardens of Sent Armell iiijli vijs ixd

Item received of Alhalwen yeld xxvjs viijd

Item received of Sent Androw is yeld by the hands of Thomas Marys xxvjs viijd

Item received of Owr Lady yeld by ye honds of Nycholas Judd xxvjs viijd

Item received of Crysts yeld by the honds of Nycholas Yeo xls

Item received of Sent Thomas yeld by the honds of Nycholas Wyll xiijs iiijd

Item received of Sent George is store by the hands of Wylliam Sparke xxs ixd

Item received of John Beare for hys fyne4 xxvjs viijd

Item received of Rychard Jule & John Hogge wardens of Sent Armell iijli [xlvjs viijd crossed out]

Item received of Thomas Coke alias Grendon & Edward Horetop wardens of Owr Lady Holmadon xxs iijd

Item received of Robert Regull, Sexten ijs ijd

In September 1399, Henry Bolingbroke sent for the chronicles of various religious houses. In particular, he sought those manuscripts that addressed the history of governance in England. Henry would later supply these religious houses with the Lancastrian Record and Process of Richard II's deposition. The chroniclers incorporated varying amounts of Lancastrian material, resulting in a range of portrayals of Richard. Thomas Walsingham, the most thorough adopter of the Lancastrian Record and Process, offers posterity the most comprehensive account of Richard II's reign. His influence has had a significant impact on how Richard's life and character have been received, even as Walsingham's own assessment of the king changed. After the deposition, Walsingham ‘exposed’ the king's activities as they related to the death and burial of his friends and family. Nigel Saul has suggested that Richard's forcible self-insertion into these exequies reflected his theatrical desire to illustrate his power over them, even after death. This is a valid interpretation, given Richard's strong assertion of the royal prerogative, but it is not the only one.

The purpose of this essay is to place Richard II's reburial activities within a broader historical context and to explore how they were recorded in chronicle sources. Rather than seeing the king's interference with the dead as an expression of power, I propose that Richard followed patterns of burial and reburial set by his great-great-grandfather, Edward I (r. 1272–1307). While Edward I reburied people for diverse reasons, Richard performed these acts primarily because of his personal relationships with the deceased. Nevertheless, his activities fitted medieval royal burial patterns already witnessed in the thirteenth and early fourteenth centuries. This did not, however, prevent his critics from ‘spinning’ these actions to suit their purpose: a ‘tyrant over the dead’ went hand in hand with the idea that Richard II tyrannised the living, and was an image keenly fostered by Henry IV and his supporters as part of their campaign to discredit Ricardian rule.

Two preliminary points must first be considered. First, although Thomas Walsingham is the most detailed source for these disruptive burials and reburials, his narratives changed as Richard II's reputation diminished and public opinion shifted in regard to John of Gaunt and his son, Henry.

The Perception and Influence of Urban II's Protection Privilege

The focus of this chapter is the development of the papal protection privilege from 1123 to 1222, and the continued stress placed on that privilege within crusade appeals. After the return of First Crusaders such as Count Stephen of Blois and Count Robert of Flanders, the papal protection privilege remained important to Urban's successors. The long-term use of this privilege illustrates the enduring significance attached to both the protection and Pope Urban II. We will see that subsequent popes closely identified Urban II with the initiation of the protection established over crusaders and extended over their families and possessions, because they consistently invoked his memory when referring to this privilege. The uniformity with which popes in this period pointed to Urban II's influence when citing the protection demonstrates the overriding importance to them of establishing him as the architect of this new privileged status. In the light of the papal focus on establishing concrete links to the recent past of Urban II, a pertinent issue is whether or not the crusade bulls entered a period of stasis or consolidation following the publication of Eugenius III's crusade encyclical Quantum praedecessores in 1145. Thus, the chronological focus of this analysis extends from 1123 to 1222 to enable it to examine changes in canon law. This period saw distinct shifts in canon law in order to accommodate the inclusion of papal decretals and especially those of Innocent III. Equally, the marked increase in the number of appeals to the pope between 1145 and 1185; rising from 124.6 annual appeals under Eugenius III to 198.8 under Lucius III, gives insight into the changing dynamic between the papacy and medieval Europe; the crusade privileges developed at a time when the papacy was extending its authority and responsibility over secular society.

Following the First Crusade and the 1101 wave of this expedition, the next major campaign associated with crusading was Bohemond's expedition of 1107–8. Histo rians disagree on whether this was technically a crusade: for Rowe, Bohemond had perverted the idea of crusading by duping the pope into targeting Byzantium, while McQueen argued that Bohemond received papal backing and that Paschal was well aware of the destination of the 1107 expedition.