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15200 results in ISEAS-Yusof Ishak Institute

Page 153 of 760

  • Malaysia's General Elections 2018: Understanding the Rural Vote

  • Serina Rahman
  • Book:
    Malaysia's General Elections 2018
    Published by:
    ISEAS–Yusof Ishak Institute
    Published online:
    12 February 2019
    Print publication:
    24 April 2018, pp vii-viii

  • Summary

    EXECUTIVE SUMMARY

  • • This study was carried out in Johor and Kedah through a combination of focus groups, formal and informal interviews and long-term ethnographic participant observation. Johor was selected for this study because it is the birthplace and long-time bastion of UMNO while Kedah was of interest because of the Mahathir family legacy in the state. The study shows that the rural vote is not homogeneous; views and perceptions that could lead to electoral action differs between regions, ages and genders.

  • • Daily survival and rising costs of living are the key common issues that were raised across all regions. The importance of Malay rights and the priority of Islam are also important to the rural voter. Another common problem mentioned is that of the middleman who prevents allocated funds or financial assistance from reaching the average rural resident.

  • • Malay cultural norms, traditional obligations of loyalty and patronage politics are major factors that affect the decisions of older rural voters.

  • • Younger voters might be open to the idea of a new government, but they need to overcome community and family pressure to break away from generational practices of voting for Barisan Nasional.

  • • Some rural voters feel that they gain no benefits from having either side of the political divide in power. While these voters generally do not see the point of voting, a last-minute decision to vote may go the way of the party that provides them with immediate gains.

  • Foreword

  • Serina Rahman
  • Book:
    Malaysia's General Elections 2018
    Published by:
    ISEAS–Yusof Ishak Institute
    Published online:
    12 February 2019
    Print publication:
    24 April 2018, pp v-vi

  • Summary

    The economic, political, strategic and cultural dynamism in Southeast Asia has gained added relevance in recent years with the spectacular rise of giant economies in East and South Asia. This has drawn greater attention to the region and to the enhanced role it now plays in international relations and global economics.

    The sustained effort made by Southeast Asian nations since 1967 towards a peaceful and gradual integration of their economies has had indubitable success, and perhaps as a consequence of this, most of these countries are undergoing deep political and social changes domestically and are constructing innovative solutions to meet new international challenges. Big Power tensions continue to be played out in the neighbourhood despite the tradition of neutrality exercised by the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN).

    The Trends in Southeast Asia series acts as a platform for serious analyses by selected authors who are experts in their fields. It is aimed at encouraging policymakers and scholars to contemplate the diversity and dynamism of this exciting region.

  • GE14: Will Urban Malays Support Pakatan Harapan?

  • Wan Saiful Wan Jan
  • Book:
    GE14
    Published by:
    ISEAS–Yusof Ishak Institute
    Published online:
    12 February 2019
    Print publication:
    24 April 2018, pp vii-viii

  • Summary

    EXECUTIVE SUMMARY

  • • In Malaysia's last general election, urban voters tended to support the opposition coalition — 72 of the 97 urban parliamentary seats were in fact won by it. However, most of these seats have a mixed demography, with a high percentage of ethnic Chinese voters.

  • • In the upcoming general election, Pakatan has a good chance of winning the federal government if Malay voters join their Chinese counterparts in supporting the opposition coalition. A subsequent so-called “Malay tsunami” could lead to a Pakatan victory.

  • • This present study, which is based on a series of focus group discussions held in the Malaysian states of Kedah and Johor, finds that urban Malay voters are very unhappy with the economic condition of the country and are also worried about corruption.

  • • But despite their grouses, they are still uncertain about supporting the opposition coalition due to the fear of losing the race-based privileges they enjoy as ethnic Malays.

  • Malaysia's General Elections 2018: Understanding the Rural Vote

  • Serina Rahman
  • Book:
    Malaysia's General Elections 2018
    Published by:
    ISEAS–Yusof Ishak Institute
    Published online:
    12 February 2019
    Print publication:
    24 April 2018, pp 1-37

  • Summary

    INTRODUCTION

    In the last Malaysian general election, it was said that a Chinese tsunami swung the popular vote in favour of the opposition. This year, in the 14th General Elections (GE14), the group that will make the biggest difference are the rural Malay voters. For the first time ever, there seems to be a possibility that the rural Malay voter in Peninsular Malaysia might move away from UMNO. While urban centres in West Malaysia are already largely in support of the opposition, it is a “rural Malay tsunami” that is needed to break the ruling party's hold on government.

    According to Politweet, voter categories can be divided according to the following criteria:

  • • Rural — villages (kampungs), small towns, farmland distributed within a parliamentary or state seat. Rural seats tend to be physically large but have a low population.

  • • Semi-urban — larger towns or numerous small towns; may include villages as well.

  • • Urban — cities where a majority of the seat area is covered by some form of urban development.

    • Tindak Malaysia4 has shown that most rural seats are over-represented, meaning that only a few votes (in the thousands), carry the power to elect a representative. On the other hand, an urban seat can have tens of thousands of votes counting towards the election of a single representative. This means that the weight of a rural vote is far heavier and more influential than that of an urban vote.

    Figure 1 illustrates the spread of rural, urban and semi-urban votes and the winning party during the 13th General Elections. The map clearly demonstrates how many of the large rural seats were won by the ruling party.

    The year 2018 could be the first year that Parti Pribumi Bersatu Malaysia (PPBM) competes in the general elections, if it is allowed to contest.5 It would be a historic entry. Helmed by Mahathir Mohamad, Malaysia's longest serving former Prime Minister and now ex-UMNO member, this avowedly Malay nationalist party could be the only opportunity for the Pakatan Harapan (PH) opposition coalition to wrest rural Malay votes from the current government.

  • Foreword

  • Wan Saiful Wan Jan
  • Book:
    GE14
    Published by:
    ISEAS–Yusof Ishak Institute
    Published online:
    12 February 2019
    Print publication:
    24 April 2018, pp v-vi

  • Summary

    The economic, political, strategic and cultural dynamism in Southeast Asia has gained added relevance in recent years with the spectacular rise of giant economies in East and South Asia. This has drawn greater attention to the region and to the enhanced role it now plays in international relations and global economics.

    The sustained effort made by Southeast Asian nations since 1967 towards a peaceful and gradual integration of their economies has had indubitable success, and perhaps as a consequence of this, most of these countries are undergoing deep political and social changes domestically and are constructing innovative solutions to meet new international challenges. Big Power tensions continue to be played out in the neighbourhood despite the tradition of neutrality exercised by the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN).

    The Trends in Southeast Asia series acts as a platform for serious analyses by selected authors who are experts in their fields. It is aimed at encouraging policymakers and scholars to contemplate the diversity and dynamism of this exciting region.

  • GE14: Will Urban Malays Support Pakatan Harapan?

  • Wan Saiful Wan Jan
  • Book:
    GE14
    Published by:
    ISEAS–Yusof Ishak Institute
    Published online:
    12 February 2019
    Print publication:
    24 April 2018, pp 1-31

  • Summary

    INTRODUCTION

    Many studies have found that voting trends in urban areas are different from that of rural ones. City-dwellers tend to be less loyal to a party compared to their rural counterparts. Hence, change from the incumbent tends to happen in urban areas first.

    This essay focuses on urban voters in Malaysia, and their likely voting intentions in the upcoming 14th General Election (GE14) due to be held in mid-2018. It documents the findings from sixteen focus group discussions (FGDs) that were conducted in the northern state of Kedah and the southern state of Johor, in Peninsular Malaysia in January 2018. These two states were selected because they are both high on the list of states targeted by the opposition coalition Pakatan Harapan (Pakatan).

    Following this introduction, the essay will describe the importance of the urban votes in the Malaysian political landscape, followed by the methodology of the study. Subsequently, the findings are presented and discussed. The essay concludes with comments on how the findings may impact the upcoming general election in the country.

    BACKGROUND TO URBAN VOTES

    Overall, Malaysia seems to follow the global trend wherein urban voters are usually more susceptible to voting for opposition parties. One of the studies that captured this trend was published in an ISEAS – Yusof Ishak Institute study of the 1986 general election. In that general election, rural voters continued to vote for the incumbent, in this case the Barisan Nasional (BN) coalition led by the United Malays National Organization (UMNO). The opposition won 29 out of the 177 parliamentary seats, with the Democratic Action Party (DAP) being the biggest opposition party with 24 seats. The study did not specify how many of the UMNO seats were urban or rural, but they categorized all the 24 seats won by the DAP as urban. The same study also implied that the 1986 general election was a continuation of the urban–rural divide that has been recorded in Malaysian politics since the 1960s.

    Before going further, it is important to define the terms urban and rural as used in this essay. Following the definition provided by Politweet, a social media socio-political research firm, urban constituencies are defined as densely populated places, usually having within their boundaries a city or larger towns. On the other hand, rural constituencies tend to be physically large but with a smaller population found scattered in small villages.

  • The Rise and Decline of Labour Militancy in Batam

  • Max Lane
  • Book:
    The Rise and Decline of Labour Militancy in Batam
    Published by:
    ISEAS–Yusof Ishak Institute
    Published online:
    12 February 2019
    Print publication:
    18 April 2018, pp vii-viii

  • Summary

    EXECUTIVE SUMMARY

  • • Over the past two decades, trade union activity in Batam has been heavily influenced by regional demographics, employment conditions and the prevalent political scenario.

  • • Following the end of the New Order in 1998, the single state-authorized union was fragmented, giving rise to a number of new enterprise unions. Batam's young and diverse immigrant population, with no pre-existing loyalties to particular trade unions, made it a hotspot for industrial relations activities.

  • • Low and stagnant workers’ wages throughout Indonesia and outbreak of social unrest resulted in the formation of three strong national-level unions: FSPMI, KSPSI and the KSBSI. By the mid-2000s, these unions were also active in Batam.

  • • Unsettled ethnic relations resulted in escalation of labour mobilizations from 2011 to 2013. The Garda Metal (union member formation) spearheaded a number of intense demonstrations throughout Indonesia, including Batam, during this time.

  • • The 2012 mobilization was particularly effective, and the union bodies were able to successfully negotiate for significantly higher minimum wages for all workers in Indonesia.

  • • After intervention by the Widodo government, and the signing of a harmony declaration, there has been a change in the unions’ approach in demanding wages and conditions improvement. Instead of addressing employment concerns through national-level campaigns, matters are now to be resolved at the enterprise level.

  • • While there are no visible signs of a confrontational mobilization in the near future, a number of worker welfare issues remain unsettled.

  • Foreword

  • Max Lane
  • Book:
    The Rise and Decline of Labour Militancy in Batam
    Published by:
    ISEAS–Yusof Ishak Institute
    Published online:
    12 February 2019
    Print publication:
    18 April 2018, pp v-vi

  • Summary

    The economic, political, strategic and cultural dynamism in Southeast Asia has gained added relevance in recent years with the spectacular rise of giant economies in East and South Asia. This has drawn greater attention to the region and to the enhanced role it now plays in international relations and global economics.

    The sustained effort made by Southeast Asian nations since 1967 towards a peaceful and gradual integration of their economies has had indubitable success, and perhaps as a consequence of this, most of these countries are undergoing deep political and social changes domestically and are constructing innovative solutions to meet new international challenges. Big Power tensions continue to be played out in the neighbourhood despite the tradition of neutrality exercised by the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN).

    The Trends in Southeast Asia series acts as a platform for serious analyses by selected authors who are experts in their fields. It is aimed at encouraging policymakers and scholars to contemplate the diversity and dynamism of this exciting region.

  • The Rise and Decline of Labour Militancy in Batam

  • Max Lane
  • Book:
    The Rise and Decline of Labour Militancy in Batam
    Published by:
    ISEAS–Yusof Ishak Institute
    Published online:
    12 February 2019
    Print publication:
    18 April 2018, pp 1-26

  • Summary

    INTRODUCTION

    In providing an overview summary of trade union activity in Batam, this essay analyses the region's political history over the last several years. This approach is employed because there appears to have been a strong surge in national trade union reorganization activity since the end of the New Order in 1998. Explaining the evolution of that history, and how it has manifested in Batam, has determined the framework for this essay. The essay is divided as follows: The first section provides a basic outline of historical and social context, both of the trade union sector as well as of some other aspects of Batam; the following section describes the history of the emergence of industrial militancy nationally and in Batam; the third elaborates on the process that has led to a decline of that hostility, and; the conclusion sketches out the implications of this history of the rise and decline of such combat.

    HISTORICAL AND SOCIAL CONTEXT

    Batam is a unique site of development, consciously created to take advantage of its proximity to Singapore. It is therefore to some extent “artificial” in a sense that its sociology and economy have evolved as an enclave offshoot of Indonesia's economic connectivity with Southeast Asia. This is particularly reflected in its demography, both in terms of originating ethnicity, as well as political demography. It should be noted that in contemporary Indonesia, ethnic and political demography overlap with each other as most political parties represented in the national parliament have specific geographic areas where their support is strongest.

    Before delving deep into the trade union situation in Batam, it is pertinent to briefly discuss its demography. The central and salient feature here is the major immigrant population, which has come into being over an approximate fifteen-year period. The original indigenous population of Batam Malays now exists alongside Javanese, Batak, Minangkabau and other Malay Sumatran immigrants, which gives the Batam population and society the character of a frontier, or new society. By 2010, across the whole province of Riau, “Malays” — presumably local Malays — formed only 30 per cent of the population. This phenomenon is even more pronounced in the town of Batam itself.

  • Chinese Capitalism and Economic Integration in Southeast Asia

  • Yos Santasombat
  • Book:
    Chinese Capitalism and Economic Integration in Southeast Asia
    Published by:
    ISEAS–Yusof Ishak Institute
    Published online:
    12 February 2019
    Print publication:
    12 April 2018, pp 1-29

  • Summary

    INTRODUCTION

    The Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) was founded in 1967 to coordinate its members’ security policy during the Cold War as part of the anti-communist containment strategy led by the United States of America. At the same time, historically and geopolitically, China has always viewed ASEAN as an integral part of its security environment.

    Over the last two decades, a changing global context has however provided opportunities for China and ASEAN countries to forge closer ties with each other. The constructive role played by the government of China in dealing with the Asian Financial Crisis coupled with changing U.S. priorities in Asia during the late 1990s led to a marked improvement in relations between ASEAN and her northern neighbour. The considerable distrust that once defined their relationship has thus been replaced by a more positive and intimate economic and political connectivity.

    However, China's territorial claims in the South China Sea reveal its increasing naval capabilities and its willingness to deploy these for politico-economic purposes; and hence the contemporary relationship between China and ASEAN is marked by a combination of cooperation and tension.

    China's rise exerts a powerful gravitational pull on ASEAN economies. Since the full enactment of the ASEAN-China Free Trade Area (ACFTA) in 2010, ASEAN's trade with China has gone from a surplus to a deficit that reached US$45 billion in 2013. More significantly, poorer ASEAN members depend heavily on China. For example, Vietnam's share of Chinese export and import flows with ASEAN has increased substantially while Singapore's share has dropped (Liu 2016, pp. 314–16).

    ASEAN REGIONAL INTEGRATION AND CHINESE CAPITALISM

    The establishment of the ASEAN Economic Community (AEC) at the end of 2015 is an attempt to strengthen ASEAN's bargaining power. It is aimed at the transformation of ASEAN into a single market, a single production base, a highly competitive economic region of equitable economic development, and a region that is fully integrated into the global economy. As of 2017 many indicators show that such a level of economic integration will not be accomplished anytime soon. A single market and a single production base require that all members have common interests and a high degree of cooperation. In reality, however, the primacy of the domestic political economy overshadows regional integration and cooperation.

  • Chinese Capitalism and Economic Integration in Southeast Asia

  • Yos Santasombat
  • Book:
    Chinese Capitalism and Economic Integration in Southeast Asia
    Published by:
    ISEAS–Yusof Ishak Institute
    Published online:
    12 February 2019
    Print publication:
    12 April 2018, pp vii-viii

  • Summary

    EXECUTIVE SUMMARY

  • • China's rise exerts a powerful pull on ASEAN economies and constitutes an impetus for a resinicization of Overseas Chinese in Southeast Asia.

  • • China has become a skilled practitioner of “commercial diplomacy”, and as long as it continues to lead the way in regional integration, China's state-led capitalism will seek to integrate itself into the ASEAN Economic Community. This in effect becomes China's essential strategy of desecuritization for the region.

  • • With increasing trade and investment between China and ASEAN countries, the ethnic Chinese economic elites have managed to serve as “connectors and bridges” between the two sides, and benefited in the process from joint ventures and business investments. The impact of new Chinese Capitalism on SMEs, however, has not been equally positive.

  • • As China rises, Southeast Asia has witnessed increased complexity and variations of “hybrid capitalism”, including alliances between state-led capitalism, transnational entrepreneurs emanating from China's “going out” policy and ethnic Chinese in Southeast Asia.

  • • Three main forms of Chinese Capitalism in Southeast Asia are neoliberal capitalism, flexible capitalism and Confucian capitalism. These intermingle into a range of local varieties under different socio-economic conditions.

  • Foreword

  • Yos Santasombat
  • Book:
    Chinese Capitalism and Economic Integration in Southeast Asia
    Published by:
    ISEAS–Yusof Ishak Institute
    Published online:
    12 February 2019
    Print publication:
    12 April 2018, pp v-vi

  • Summary

    The economic, political, strategic and cultural dynamism in Southeast Asia has gained added relevance in recent years with the spectacular rise of giant economies in East and South Asia. This has drawn greater attention to the region and to the enhanced role it now plays in international relations and global economics.

    The sustained effort made by Southeast Asian nations since 1967 towards a peaceful and gradual integration of their economies has had indubitable success, and perhaps as a consequence of this, most of these countries are undergoing deep political and social changes domestically and are constructing innovative solutions to meet new international challenges. Big Power tensions continue to be played out in the neighbourhood despite the tradition of neutrality exercised by the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN).

    The Trends in Southeast Asia series acts as a platform for serious analyses by selected authors who are experts in their fields. It is aimed at encouraging policymakers and scholars to contemplate the diversity and dynamism of this exciting region.

  • Vietnam in 2017: Power Consolidation, Domestic Reforms, and Coping with New Geopolitical Challenges

  • from VIETNAM
  • Edited by Daljit Singh, Malcolm Cook
  • Book:
    Southeast Asian Affairs 2018
    Published by:
    ISEAS–Yusof Ishak Institute
    Published online:
    08 June 2019
    Print publication:
    06 April 2018, pp 407-428

  • Summary

    Three distinct characteristics of Vietnam's development in 2017 were the consolidation of power in the hands of the Communist Party of Vietnam (CPV) and its leadership, politico-administrative reforms, and fashioning a foreign policy to deal with a worsening external environment.

    Consolidation of Power

    The process of consolidation of power in the hands of the party and its leadership began after the CPV's Twelfth National Party Congress in January 1916. It picked up steam and led to several high-profile trials and a major purge in 2017.

    This process included three elements: a campaign against corruption, efforts to rebuild and strengthen the party, and a crackdown on dissidents.

    Anti-corruption Campaign

    The Twelfth National Party Congress of the CPV resulted in a victory for the party's General Secretary Nguyen Phu Trong over Prime Minister Nguyen Tan Dung, and of the party over the state. Immediately after the congress, Trong moved to consolidate his power and that of the party, placing his supporters in the top positions of all the important commissions of the Central Committee, bringing control of the fight against corruption back to the party's Central Committee on Corruption Prevention and Fighting (CCCPF), and renewing the anti-corruption campaign. In 2017, Trong's position was further strengthened by the addition of two of his supporters — head of the Central Department of Internal Affairs Phan Dinh Trac and director of Ho Chi Minh National Institute of Politics Nguyen Xuan Thang — to the party secretariat, and the ousting from the Politburo of Dinh La Thang, a powerful protégé of former prime minister Nguyen Tan Dung.

    The anti-graft campaign began with a move against the “biggest case” of economic corruption involving Vietnam Construction Joint Stock Commercial Bank (VNCB), where the bank's CEO Pham Cong Danh and his associates were charged with embezzlement and loss totalling over 401 million dollars.

    On 24 January, Ho Chi Minh People's High Court upheld the lower court's 30-year prison sentence given to Pham Cong Danh and the prison sentences of between 19 and 22 years given to three other former executives of the bank.

    Investigations of Pham Cong Danh eventually led to two major developments. In April, the party Central Control Commission recommended to the Politburo and the Central Committee to consider disciplinary measures against Dinh La Thang, member of the Politburo and party secretary of Ho Chi Minh City.

  • Singapore–China Relations: Building Substantive Ties amidst Challenges

  • from SINGAPORE
  • Edited by Daljit Singh, Malcolm Cook
  • Book:
    Southeast Asian Affairs 2018
    Published by:
    ISEAS–Yusof Ishak Institute
    Published online:
    08 June 2019
    Print publication:
    06 April 2018, pp 321-340

  • Summary

    Singapore is extremely small compared to China on a range of indicators such as geographical size, population strength, natural resource endowment and economic scale. Despite this huge asymmetry, Singapore has been able to develop a substantive relationship with China. On its part, China also sees value in engaging Singapore in a number of areas.

    In fact, the two countries interact and cooperate in many fields ranging from economics, business, the arts, culture, education and the environment to military cooperation (that has progressed from bilateral land-based to naval exercises). This relationship is also manifested at many levels ranging from government-togovernment ties involving the top leaders to people-to-people exchanges of tourists and students. Over the years, bilateral relations have not only deepened in existing areas but have also broadened into new areas such as financial cooperation and legal and judicial matters.

    Perhaps even more notable has been the establishment of three governmentto- government projects over the years which are in line with the development priorities and needs of the two countries. By working hands-on on common projects, the two countries are able to share and benefit from each other's experiences as well as best practices from around the world. Moreover, each of these projects is overseen by a high-level bilateral cooperation mechanism that ensures progress is being made on a regular basis. Such a mechanism also provides a regular platform for the leaders and officials of the two countries to interact and get to know each other better. It would be rather unusual for China to have such a mechanism with a small country like Singapore unless it saw value in the relationship.

    Going forward, there are broader factors at play that have affected and could increasingly affect the dynamics of this bilateral relationship. Foremost among them is the strategic realignment of forces between China and the United States, which small states like Singapore will have to adjust to. When China–U.S. relations are stable, there will be more room for small states to manoeuvre. However, when there is tension in China–U.S. ties, there will be greater pressure on small states to take sides. Moreover, China has certain expectations of how small countries like Singapore ought to conduct themselves, and it has made this known in no uncertain terms.

Page 153 of 760