ISEAS-Yusof Ishak Institute

Summary

INTRODUCTION

Globalization is a complex and multifaceted phenomenon. It is best understood as a modern process as well as one with historical antecedents and continuities with past eras (Tazreiter and Tham 2013). From the contemporary perspective, it involves the intensified flows of capital, goods, people, images and discourses around the globe, driven by technological innovations mainly in the field of media and information and communications technology (ICT) and resulting in new patterns of global activity, community and culture (Blommaert 2010).

Globalization has had a profound impact on the development of education worldwide. One of its impacts is in the area of educational language policy, which has a lot to do with the global spread of English brought about by globalization. Within the contemporary context of globalization, the global spread of English has been accentuated by agents of globalization, especially the neo-liberal ideology embraced by transnational corporations (TNCs) that use English as the in-house working language and the advent of ICT that relies on English as its operational language (Tan and Santhiram 2014). Both agents of globalization have increased the instrumental value of English in periphery-English countries, leading to the spread of English to these countries. For instance, in Russia alone, 50 million people are learning English. Meanwhile, English is the main foreign language in China (Watson 2000), and proficiency in this language is a key university entry requirement (Stanley and Lee 2011). What is worthy of note here is that the number of speakers of English as a second language (350 million according to one estimate) has exceeded the number of native English speakers (Nettle and Romaine 2000). Among other things, this spread of English is facilitated by increased emphasis given to English via educational policy intervention. In fact, a United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization report (2002) notes that as the result of challenges arising from globalization, educational systems around the world are paying “special attention to foreign languages, first and foremost it is English” (cf. Rizvi and Lingard 2010, p. 176). Consequently, educational institutions become the sites where “the hegemony of the English language is spread, reproduced, but also contested” (Coulby 2005, p. 279).

Summary

BACKGROUND

Since independence in 1957, Malaysia has transformed itself from an agrarian to an increasingly industrial and globalized economy. Malaysia was formed in 1963 comprising Malaya, Sabah, Sarawak and Singapore, with the last leaving the group in 1965. In the country of 30-odd million, 62.1 per cent are Malays and other indigenous groups, 21.8 per cent Chinese, 6.5 per cent Indians and 9.6 per cent Others (includes 8.7 per cent non-citizens). Malaya and Singapore were served by the University of Malaya (UM), located in Singapore, until 1957 when a branch campus was established in Kuala Lumpur. In 1962, it split into two entities, University of Malaya and University of Singapore, as befits the two sovereign states.

Formal steps were taken post-independence to develop higher education institutions to provide the high-level skills that the industrializing nation required. These aspirations took particular shape after the civil disturbances of 1969. Higher education in Malaysia expanded exponentially over the last four decades with dramatic improvement in access to public and private higher education institutions (HEIs). The factors contributing to increased access were primarily high secondary enrolment and completion, building on democratization and universalization of the system; an increasingly diversified institutional pattern of universities, colleges, polytechnics and community colleges catering to various levels of achievement; a burgeoning private higher education sector as a result of liberalization policies; and a combination of public and private sources in the financing of HEIs.

This chapter examines current higher education policies and implementation in Malaysia, understanding their historical antecedents in relation to higher education access, equity and quality issues. The issues are analysed within the overall context of the need for well-qualified and highly skilled graduate participation in an increasingly globalized knowledge-based economy with the goal of reaching high income status as envisioned by Vision 2020 (Mohamad 1991). The key challenge is human capital growth. Underlying the discussion is the question: which policies and actions have worked, and which need to be reviewed and adjusted to ensure that the nation's talent pool will match the demands of a high income, knowledge economy?

METHODOLOGY AND DATA

The study draws heavily on government documentation issued by the Ministry of Education (MOE), the Ministry of Higher Education (MOHE), and the Department of Statistics, particularly its Census Reports and Labour Force Surveys. Data provided by officials and politicians to the press have been included.

Summary

INTRODUCTION

Most research on school choice and academic achievement focus on the outcome in terms of either standardized exam scores or upper secondary graduation. However, instead of using these measures some economists place more emphasis on higher education attendance as an indicator of school performance. Using various methods, numerous studies have analysed the effect of school choice on secondary school and higher education or college attendance. A significant proportion of these studies focused on and evaluated the performance of Catholic, private and public secondary schools.

Some studies in developed countries have found that Catholic or private schooling has a positive effect on academic achievement or earnings. Evans and Schwab (1995) found that attending a Catholic high school increases the probability of graduating from high school or participating in a four-year college course by 13 percentage points. Likewise, Neal (1997) found that urban minorities beneﬁt greatly from attending primary Catholic schools as their probability of high school and college graduate rates increased. Vella (1998) also found that, despite the tuition fee being relatively low, attending an Australian Catholic School increases the probability of access to higher education and higher earnings. Using a quantile regression approach, Eide, Goldhaber and Showalter (2004) found that students attending a Catholic high school in the United States will more likely lead to attendance at a selective four-year college relative to students attending public high schools. Altonji, Elder and Taber (2005) developed a new technique of assessing selectivity bias in the absence of valid instruments based on measuring the ratio of selection on unobservable variables to estimate the effect of attending Catholic school on college attendance. They found that Catholic high school attendance substantially increases the probability of college attendance.

However, other research have found contradictory evidence. Akabayashi (2006) shows that in Japan public schools outperform private schools on college attendance rates when competition is increased. Cappellari (2004) found that general high school attendance increases the probability of access to university, whereas private high school students have lower academic performances. Similarly, Stevans and Sessions (2000) found that school choice has different implication for white, black or Hispanic students, as school choice is mostly taken advantage of by white urban residents. Moreover, white students perform better in private schools than in public schools, whereas a performance gain for private school minority students is found to be signiﬁcant.

Summary

INTRODUCTION

Internationalization of higher education has become a worldwide phenomenon that impacts education systems across contexts, countries and continents. The expansion of the internationalization process and its complexity is well illustrated in the evolution of academic attention paid to the definitions of internationalization. Arguably, the most acclaimed definition was given by Knight (1994) who defines it as the “process of integrating an international and intercultural dimension into the teaching, research and service functions of the institution” (p. 7). This working definition represents one of the first attempts to situate the internationalization process as a central part of every function of higher education institutions. Ten years on, the definition of internationalization of higher education was equated, to better include internationalization'svarying idiosyncratic characteristics; as “the process of integrating an international, intercultural, or global dimension into the purpose, functions or delivery of post-secondary education” (Knight 2003, p. 2). Note the inclusion of the “global dimension” and the changing terminology from “institution” to “post-secondary education”. This revised definition was intended to incorporate the growing diversity of the international process, which has indeed expanded in both its breadth and depth.

To understand the internationalization of higher education and its relationship to policy change, Van der Wende's (1996) framework is useful. According to him, the internationalization of higher education could be viewed as a “process of educational change” that comprises of first-order and second-order changes. The first-order changes mean “those [changes] that improve the effectiveness and efficiency of what is currently done”, while the second-order changes alter the fundamental ways in which organizations are put together, including new goals, structures and roles. (Van der Wende 1996, p. 26) Internationalization of higher education can bring about both first-order and second order changes simultaneously. Examples of second-order changes include preparing students to join the international labour market, establishing special units to facilitate international cooperation and exchange, becoming partners in international alliances, and having performance assessed in accordance with international comparative perspectives (Van der Wende 1996, pp. 26–27, cited in Nilphan 2005, p. 39). Thus Van der Wende's definition of first-order and secondorder change can help researchers assess and analyse the level of policy “success” that internationalization has brought about.

Summary

INTRODUCTION

Ho Chi Minh City (HCMC) has seen its population and the number of vehicles on its roads rapidly increase over the last ten years. Today, there are close to 8 million motorbikes in the city, and over half a million cars. Recently, the Chairman of the Ho Chi Minh City People's Committee, Nguyen Thanh Phong attributed rising congestion problems to larger-than-expected population growth. Estimates that had put HCMC at 10 million inhabitants by 2025 have already been vastly exceeded, and Nguyen announced that the city is already home to roughly 13 million inhabitants. The number of motorbikes on the roads is now at 7.6 million, alongside over 700,000 cars. Recent data show that over 1,000 new motorbikes are added into traffic each day.

The city has responded in various ways to these strains on the transport infrastructure and to its growing congestion problems. Most recently, HCMC authorities, following their counterparts in Hanoi, have been considering the implementation of a motorbike ban in the urban core. Urban planning analysts have advised against such a drastic measure, citing that such a ban would exacerbate the pri

Summary

EXECUTIVE SUMMARY

Summary

The economic, political, strategic and cultural dynamism in Southeast Asia has gained added relevance in recent years with the spectacular rise of giant economies in East and South Asia. This has drawn greater attention to the region and to the enhanced role it now plays in international relations and global economics.

The sustained effort made by Southeast Asian nations since 1967 towards a peaceful and gradual integration of their economies has had indubitable success, and perhaps as a consequence of this, most of these countries are undergoing deep political and social changes domestically and are constructing innovative solutions to meet new international challenges. Big Power tensions continue to be played out in the neighbourhood despite the tradition of neutrality exercised by the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN).

The Trends in Southeast Asia series acts as a platform for serious analyses by selected authors who are experts in their fields. It is aimed at encouraging policy makers and scholars to contemplate the diversity and dynamism of this exciting region.

Summary

EXECUTIVE SUMMARY

Summary

Housing development in Johor has undergone profound transformation in the last decades. High-rise apartments are now a common sight in the downtown area close to Singapore. Luxurious enclaves, complete with gated security and leisure facilities, encroach on waterfront land along the Straits of Johor. Foreign developers build new townships on reclaimed land, exhorting international buyers to invest their future in these projects as well as the rest of Johor.

This paper attempts to explore the political economy underwriting such development, analysing the housing policies and development goals of both the Malaysian government as well as its Johorean counterpart. It does so by focusing on Iskandar Malaysia, a special economic zone (SEZ) earmarked as a high-impact project since 2006 by Malaysia's economic planners. Despite some commercial success, this paper argues that Iskandar Malaysia is bogged down by tensions along two dimensions: bumiputra versus non-bumiputra interests; and federal government versus state government priorities. The paper unpacks such tensions by analysing the case of Forest City, one of the most high-profile projects in Iskandar Malaysia in recent years.

The paper begins with an analysis of Johor's housing situation. It examines statistical data from the relevant authorities to make sense of the demand and supply of houses in the state. The paper then focuses on Iskandar Malaysia, unearthing its origins and subsequent growth trajectory. In particular, it sheds light on the tension between the federal government and the Johor government in managing the development of Iskandar Malaysia. The next section analyses the changes and deviations of Johor's housing policy. In particular, it investigates the provision mechanisms of low-cost housing. A probe into such issues enables a better understanding of the state's long-term housing challenges and solutions. Thereafter, a case study of Forest City is presented for its utility in underlining the inherent conflict of housing development in Johor. The paper concludes with a summary of the main arguments.

OVERVIEW OF HOUSING DEVELOPMENT IN JOHOR

Johor is a state located at the southern end of Peninsular Malaysia. With a total land area of 19,016 km and total population of 3.66 million, Johor is the fifth largest and second largest state respectively in physical and population terms (Department of Statistics 2017). According to the Town and Country Planning Department of Johor (2017), the state's population will reach 6.06 million by 2030.

Summary

Background

Prior to 1809, the upper Northern Region or “Lanna Kingdom” (Lanna means the land of a million rice fields) with Chiang Mai as the capital had a close relationship with Burma after which relations with Bangkok developed and grew stronger. As Siam's vassal state, Lanna had to send royal tributes, gifts, and soldiers in times of war to Bangkok. Lanna was granted autonomy by the Siamese government thus the kingdom could appoint its own governor and viceroy. Lanna was free from being governed by Bangkok until the 1860s. The Northern Region extends to the upper Central Region, or the part that is usually called the lower Northern Region, covering the area occupied by nine provinces today: Nakhon Sawan, Tak, Sukhothai, Uttaradit, Phitsanulok, Kamphaeng Phet, Phichit, Phetchabun, and Uthai Thani.

In the nineteenth century, the population of the Northern Region comprised of Thais, Chinese, and various minority groups such as Khmu, Lau, Karen, Meo, Yao, and other ethnic groups. The Northern Region's subsistence economy focused mainly on rice cultivation. Households made various goods mostly for their own consumption through exchanges within the villages. Exchanges also took place between northern villages and nearby regions such as Yunnan and Burma due to the limited access of the mountainous terrain and because waterway transportation was prohibitively expensive. The North traded with Yunnan Province in China and the city of Moulmein in Burma, using mules and horses. Yunnanese and Shan merchants brought iron, opium, brass pans, and beeswax from Yunnan and would buy salt, areca nut, and raw cotton from the North and lac, ivory, and tobacco from Moulmein.

The North traded with Burma and China more than with Bangkok because of better transportation. Bowring stated that in 1855 the river flowing to Bangkok, from Chiang Mai to Rahaeng [Tak], was treacherous. Intercity trade was very limited, most of which was through exchanges of goods. Bowring therefore concluded that:

Currency was rare and it could almost be said that trade was through the exchange of goods. Salt was highly lucrative and could be exchanged with any goods. Salt, one of Bangkok's goods, was sold at very high prices in Chiang Mai.

Summary

Background

Ever since its designation as capital in 1782, Bangkok has prospered more than any of Thailand's other cities. It is the seat of the monarchy, the country's administrative centre, its centre of wealth, its principal port, home to the largest non-agricultural labour market, as well as the centre of internal and international trade. Bangkok is also the country's most populous city. In 1850, the population of Bangkok was estimated to be between 50,000 and 100,000 and since that time it has remained Thailand's primate city.

Bangkok is located favourably in the fertile lower Chao Phraya River delta in the country's Central Plain, an area that has long been the country's rice bowl with transport made easy and relatively inexpensive by a network of canals connecting with the Chao Phraya.

As the country's capital, Bangkok was the tribute collection centre from various places, as well as a centre for exports and international trade. Even before the signing of the Bowring Treaty with Great Britain in 1855, Bangkok was an important port not just in Thailand but also in the Asian region, receiving goods from India, the Malay Peninsula, and elsewhere for re-exporting to China. Trade was largely monopolized by the royal government, with China as the kingdom's major trading partner. Growth in both internal and international trade led to the expansion of Bangkok's economy. Revenues from international trade were especially important as they constituted one of the major sources of income of the kingdom.

International trade helped to open Siam to western and, through Singapore, Chinese influences. In 1820, Portugal set up a consulate in Bangkok and built a warehouse on the Thonburi side of the Chao Phraya River to store goods shipped from England. Westerners like the Portuguese were mainly employed in shipping, and as the port grew, Bangkok became a major employer of Chinese immigrants involved in shipping-related activities. Increasingly, the Chinese came to play major roles in various sectors of Bangkok's economy, as skilled and unskilled labour, concessionaires, tax collectors, entrepreneurs, and property owners. They acted as middlemen and merchants forging links between Bangkok and other economic centres in Asia and other parts of the globe. In time, more than half of Bangkok's population were Chinese.

Summary

Background

The Southern Region's society and culture are quite different from that of the other regions. The South has the highest number of Muslims. Ethnic problems are prevalent. Interventions by imperialist Britain also created political problems at the multi-national level. The region has its own history and culture which is related to neighbouring Malaya. It is the smallest of Thailand's regions, making up just 14 per cent of the country's land area (after 1909). It contains the thinnest point between Myanmar and the Gulf of Thailand, with the Ta Nao Si mountain range running along its length.

The Siamese settled in Nakhon Si Thammarat in the thirteenth century. At the time, the city was the region's commercial hub with links to Malaya. Nakhon Si Thammarat was later established as an independent state. The centres in the east side of the Southern Region (as it is today), which comprised Pattani, Narathiwat, Yala and parts of Songkhla, were once important cities belonging to the ruler of Malaya. They traded with Kelantan, Terengganu, and Melaka, which were commercial centres in Muslim Southeast Asia. Pattani became prosperous and was home to multiple ethic groups. The Thai state started to expand its reach into the state of Pattani and there were a number of skirmishes around the seventeenth century. In 1786, Pattani was under Bangkok's rule, butnevertheless had a degree of autonomy as a tributary state. The Muslim population held numerous anti-Siamese state protests in Bangkok and Pattani. The Siamese government tried to restore order by appointing a provincial commissioner to rule Pattani under the thesaphiban system. In 1909, the Anglo-Siamese treaty legitimized “the incorporation of Pattani into Siamese nation at the same time as it created, on the province of Satun, henceforward separated from Sultanate of Kedah which has passed into the hands of the British”.

The Muslims in the four Southern provinces — Pattani, Yala, Narathiwat and Satun — had close historical, ethnic, religious and cultural links to Malaya. Communications between them were easy because Malaysian was the local language. The people in these provinces became Thai due to political reasons.

Summary

Background

The Central Region contains a vast fertile plain that is the Chao Phraya River delta. It is similar to other river deltas of the world such as those of the Mekong River in Vietnam and Cambodia and the Ayeyarwady River in Burma, all of which are important to population settlement. Deltas are plains created by the accumulation of sediment carried by the river from mountains and other high areas. Delta soil is rich in natural fertilizers and is ideal for growing grains and crops to feed a large population.

The Chao Phraya River delta was first settled by communities of various ethnicities that migrated from abroad. It is suitable for building houses and for agriculture. The Central Region's delta has been deemed one of the most important “rice bowl” of the world. This reflects the area's richness and its suitability for rice cultivation with a potential to “feed” the people of the world. Other river basins exist in the Central Region, namely those of the Tha Chin and Pa Sak rivers. The western part of the region is not a plain but a continuation of mountain ranges from the North. The area is also fertile because it is a confluence of the Mae Klong and Phetchaburi rivers with coastal basins along the Gulf of Thailand. The Central Region also covers the east coast, which is the southeastern part of Thailand. The area comprises deltas formed by small rivers such as the Rayong, Chanthaburi and mueang Trat. The upper watersheds next to the Gulf and in the eastern part of the Central Region are the Bang Pakong basin and the Prachin Buri basin.

Before 1855, the economy and commerce of the region was expanding. Sugarcane farming for sugar production flourished in Bang Pla Soi, Nakhon Chai Si, Bang Pakong and Chachoengsao. There were no less than 200 sugarcane processing plants in Chachoengsao, some with as many as 200 labourers. During the reign of King Rama III, sugar production extended to 19 major cities, most of which were in the Central Region. Pepper was another important export. Its main production sites in Chanthaburi were run by the Chinese. The amount of pepper exported to China in 1822 was 600,000 hab. The development of a market economy affected the growth of the region's population and economy.

Summary

Background

For a long time (before 1760), the Northeastern Region, also known as Isan, had been under the rule of the Kingdom of Lan Xang. After 1779, the whole of Northeast and Laos came under Bangkok's rule and in 1893, western Laos was taken over by the French. Then, in 1903, some parts of the Northeast fell under French colonial rule as well. The centralization during the reign of King Rama V (which strengthened the unification between the central government and the national treasury) and the construction of the railroad linking Bangkok to Khorat allowed the educational system and culture of the region to be under the control of Bangkok.

The Northeast was a tributary state. Major mueangs in the region sent levies to Bangkok to fund exports and construction projects such as the construction of royal palaces. The growth of the Bangkok elites could in fact be attributed to levies from the Northeast. These levies reflected the economic expansion of the country even before the signing of the Bowring Treaty in 1855. A majority of the levies, particularly those paid in gold, came from the Northeast. This showsthat the region was able to pay its taxes in kind, rather than “money” or“labour”, which meant that the region was, to a certain degree, affluent.

The Northeast has arid weather because it is located in a rain shadow behind mountain ranges that separate it from other regions. The mountain ranges block the southwestern storms. As a result, the agricultural economy of the region became dependent solely on the South China Sea cyclones. The main river in the region is the Mekong which flows through a host of nations such as China, Laos, Vietnam, Cambodia and Thailand. Also present are the Mun, Chi and Songkhram rivers. The Northeast is sometimes called the Khorat Plateau. The mountain ranges that form the boundary between itself and other parts of Thailand are the Petchabun, the Dong Phya Yen and the Khao San Kamphaeng. The Phanom Dong Rak range separates the region from Cambodia.

The soil in the Northeast is generally not suitable for rice farming. Therefore, farmers produce little excess rice. Many areas in the region have a rather arid climate. Some areas had been settled by migrant Laotians who had crossed the Mekong River from Laos.

ISEAS-Yusof Ishak Institute

Refine listing

Refine listing

Actions for selected content:

15200 results in ISEAS-Yusof Ishak Institute

2 - Globalization, Educational Language Policy and Nation-Building in Malaysia

Summary

4 - Higher Education in Malaysia: Access, Equity and Quality

Summary

Contributors

5 - Indonesian Higher Education: Gaps in Access and School Choice

Summary

Index

3 - Second-Order Change Without First-Order Change: A Case of Thai Internationalization of Higher Education

Summary

Frontmatter

Speculating on World-Class Transportation Infrastructure in Ho Chi Minh City

Summary

Speculating on World-Class Transportation Infrastructure in Ho Chi Minh City

Summary

Foreword

Summary

Foreword

Summary

Frontmatter

Beneath the Veneer: The Political Economy of Housing in Iskandar Malaysia, Johor

Summary

Beneath the Veneer: The Political Economy of Housing in Iskandar Malaysia, Johor

Summary

4 - The North

Summary

Reigns of the Kings of the Chakri Dynasty

2 - Bangkok

Summary

5 - The South

Summary

3 - Central Region

Summary

6 - The Northeast

Summary

ISEAS-Yusof Ishak Institute

Refine listing

Refine listing

Actions for selected content:

Save Search

15200 results in ISEAS-Yusof Ishak Institute

Summary

Summary

Summary

Summary

Summary

Summary

Summary

Summary

Summary

Summary

Summary

Summary

Summary

Summary

Summary