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15200 results in ISEAS-Yusof Ishak Institute

Page 171 of 760

  • Preface

  • Porphant Ouyyanont
  • Book:
    A Regional Economic History of Thailand
    Published by:
    ISEAS–Yusof Ishak Institute
    Published online:
    12 January 2018
    Print publication:
    16 September 2017, pp vii-xi

  • Summary

    A regional economic history of Thailand is important for a broad picture of the economic changes in the country for a number of reasons. First, most existing studies focus to a large extent on Bangkok and the economic progress of this city and the central areas. This is understandable. Bangkok itself, since its inception as Thailand's capital in 1782, has always been the most significant urban centre in Thailand — indeed, the only city of considerable size in the country until the very recent period. Thus, Bangkok has been the centre of court and government, manufacturing production, consumption, finance and foreign trade, and a host of other economic activities. This has naturally induced historians to look mainly at Bangkok for significant changes in the Thai economy, and to ignore what is happening in the rest of the country.

    Again, there is a cultural dimension to Bangkok's centrality in the story of Thailand's economic development. Bangkok has traditionally been seen as the focus of social changes, and regional developments have been obscured by such an emphasis on the capital. Equally, many of the existing sources, whether records of government departments, newspapers, or descriptions by foreign travellers, all tend to pay attention primarily to Bangkok.

    Of course, Bangkok is a major part of the story of Thai economic development, and in this study Bangkok is given a prime place as one of the important regions of Thailand. But we also emphasize changes in the other regions, give importance to the ways in which Bangkok had an impact on the other regions, as well as how changes in the other regions affected Bangkok.

    Another reason for a regional approach to Thai development is that for much of the nineteenth and well into the twentieth century, the realities of communications and transport in Thailand meant the existence of quite separate regional economies. Certainly river transport linked many parts of the country, but away from the main river arteries, road transport was often non-existent and local specialization and regional commercial hubs were prevalent. Such regional economies often fall below the radar of studies whose focus is national rather than regional. We may reflect, for example, that until the close of the nineteenth century, links between the northern cities of Chiang Mai and Lampang were often more developed with Burma (through overland trade) than they were with Siam proper.

  • 7 - Conclusion

  • Porphant Ouyyanont
  • Book:
    A Regional Economic History of Thailand
    Published by:
    ISEAS–Yusof Ishak Institute
    Published online:
    12 January 2018
    Print publication:
    16 September 2017, pp 379-382

  • Summary

    This study has provided a regional perspective on Thai economic history. Such a perspective is necessary in order to avoid an undue emphasis on Bangkok.

    Of course, the long-term predominance of Bangkok in so many spheres has affected all parts of the country since the early nineteenth century. However, it is necessary to emphasize: (a) the continuous and autonomous development of the regions, even during periods of Bangkok's greatest primacy; (b) the relative lessening of Bangkok's primacy, which took place from the 1980s, and which saw considerable urbanization and economic diversification in the various regions; and (c) a growing integration of Bangkok's economy with that of the regions.

    During the nineteenth century several factors influenced Thai regional development. One was the existence of natural resources. This could be seen most clearly in the South, where, for example, tin was mined predominantly by the Chinese — controlled and operated by enterprises, processed in Penang or Singapore, and exported to foreign markets. Later, the South developed rubber and other plantation commodities.

    In other regions, too, specialization resulted in centres of commercial activity, sometimes geared towards foreign markets. Already before 1900, textiles from Chiang Mai and Phrae, gems from Kanchanaburi, and a variety of forest products throughout the country, found their way to domestic and foreign markets, including notable land border trades with Burma and Malaya. Later, such border trades expanded and widened.

    A notable feature of Thai economic history has always been the unusually large proportion of the population engaged in agriculture (mainly rice farming), with consequent high proportions of Thais living in rural areas. A natural result of this has been very limited urbanization outside Bangkok until very recent decades. Such a pattern was well established before the First World War, and continued until the 1980s. The large agricultural populations that characterized all regions have influenced social and economic development. Only since the 1980s have there been marked changes, with regional urban centres such as Hat Yai, Chiang Mai, Nakhon Ratchasima, Udon Thani, Rayong, and many others, exerting a profound local and non-local influence.

    Thai regional economic development has been influenced by geographical factors to an extent that cannot be overestimated. Both transport and agricultural productivity have been dominated by geography.

  • 1 - Introduction

  • Porphant Ouyyanont
  • Book:
    A Regional Economic History of Thailand
    Published by:
    ISEAS–Yusof Ishak Institute
    Published online:
    12 January 2018
    Print publication:
    16 September 2017, pp 1-3

  • Summary

    This book, A Regional Economic History of Thailand, presents an economic history of Bangkok, the Central Region, the North, the South, and Northeastern Regions from the signing of the Bowring Treaty in 1855 to the present. It takes a regional perspective, which is meant to provide a more accurate picture of the long-term development of the country's infrastructure, economy and society than a Bangkok-centric approach. Although Bangkok has undeniably had a wide-ranging influence on Thai society, studying the economic history of all of the kingdom's regions at the same time yields a more complete picture of the changes in the Thai economy. Four reasons support this argument.

    Firstly, past studies of the long-term economic changes in Thailand have focused primarily on Bangkok, its surrounding areas and the central delta region. This is because Bangkok is the capital city and centre of government, finance, commerce, industry, consumption, and international trade. It is the most populous city and exerts tremendous influence over the social, cultural, and economic development of other regions. Furthermore, research resources, such as government documents, newspapers, and foreign records of Thailand's history, most commonly originated from the capital. Most research has, therefore, focused on Bangkok as the centre of change affecting other regions and has neglected other regions that had an influence on Bangkok.

    Secondly, the social and economic fundamentals of the five regions are inherently different and are unique to each region. These fundamentals include population (for example, ethnicity); economy; agriculture, industry and service infrastructure; and geography (plains, hills, mountains, seas). It is therefore important to study each region separately. Stark social and economic differences may exist even within the same region, such as in the eastern and western parts of the Central Region, so the distinct characteristics of each should also be explained. In contrast, almost all past studies of long-term economic changes (such as over a 100-year period) have addressed a particular area in isolation instead of examining the five regions together to compare factors such as geography, including an area's distance to a river or sea, and the availability of natural resources and raw materials.

  • The Indonesia National Survey Project: Economy, Society and Politics

  • Diego Fossati, Yew-Foong Hui, Siwage Dharma Negara
  • Book:
    The Indonesia National Survey Project
    Published by:
    ISEAS–Yusof Ishak Institute
    Published online:
    12 March 2019
    Print publication:
    05 September 2017, pp ix-x

  • Summary

    EXECUTIVE SUMMARY

  • • The ISEAS – Yusof Ishak Institute commissioned a nationwide survey in Indonesia, called the Indonesia National Survey Project (INSP) to enhance understanding of economic, social, and political developments in Indonesia.

  • • President Joko Widodo's approval rating hovers at around 68 per cent, and respondents generally think that the President has made improvements to the economy, although there are concerns with the price of necessities and job-seeking prospects. The Widodo administration scores well in infrastructure development, which is its signature policy thrust. Roads, education and electricity supply remain the top priorities for respondents, while corruption is still considered the most important problem facing Indonesia today.

  • • Some key issues that have emerged during the Jakarta gubernatorial election, such as punishing blasphemy against Islam and voting a Muslim leader into office, receive significantly high support from respondents, suggesting that these issues have currency beyond Jakarta and the election.

  • • On the political front, state institutions, especially the Army, are more highly trusted than politicians. Key elements of Indonesia's political infrastructure, such as democracy, Pancasila, and decentralization are supported by an overwhelming majority of respondents.

  • • Indonesians identify strongly with Indonesia and consider traditional economic partners such as Malaysia, Japan, Singapore and ASEAN to be most important for Indonesia.

  • The Indonesia National Survey Project: Economy, Society and Politics

  • Diego Fossati, Yew-Foong Hui, Siwage Dharma Negara
  • Book:
    The Indonesia National Survey Project
    Published by:
    ISEAS–Yusof Ishak Institute
    Published online:
    12 March 2019
    Print publication:
    05 September 2017, pp 1-49

  • Summary

    Background of the Study

    The Indonesian economy, society, and politics have been undergoing a number of crucial developments that may shape the country's future trajectory in important ways. The economy, although still crippled by sluggish global economic expansion, has proven to be resilient to the slump in commodity prices, and the current administration has ambitious plans to expand infrastructure and promote a more open and investment-friendly economic environment.

    In the social and cultural realm, Indonesia is facing seemingly contradictory developments. On the one hand, there is a resurgence of anti-liberal sentiments, ranging from a growth of conservative Islam in some social sectors to increased animosity towards immigrants and ethno-religious minorities. On the other hand, civil society organizations are becoming more assertive, and they play a more influential role in shaping policy direction.

    In politics, the process of democratic consolidation continues without substantial setbacks, despite unfortunate continuities with the past such as pervasive corruption and the dominance of political parties with close ties to oligarchic elites that have long entrenched themselves in Indonesian politics. At the same time, how the political sphere unfolds under the administration of President Joko Widodo (popularly known as Jokowi), a non-military man who was not part of the Jakarta elite, will be a test of the post-Reformasi (Reform Movement) institutions developed after the fall of Suharto.

    Against the backdrop of these important developments at a critical juncture of Indonesia's political history, the Indonesia Studies Programme (ISP) at the ISEAS – Yusof Ishak Institute commissioned a nationwide survey, called the Indonesia National Survey Project (INSP). This project aims to enhance our understanding of economic, social, and political developments in Indonesia by surveying public opinion on a wide range of issues, including the economy, the state, politics, infrastructure, Islam, ethnicity, and international relations. The data were collected from a large sample of 1,620 respondents in all 34 provinces in Indonesia to ensure countrywide representation of opinions and attitudes. The local research partner that administered the survey was Lembaga Survei Indonesia (LSI, Indonesian Survey Institute), which fielded the interviews between 20 and 30 May 2017. Conducted in the wake of the Jakarta gubernatorial election, where certain religious and ethnic fault-lines were accentuated, the findings of this survey provide important and useful data for understanding recent cleavages in Indonesian politics and society.

  • Foreword

  • Diego Fossati, Yew-Foong Hui, Siwage Dharma Negara
  • Book:
    The Indonesia National Survey Project
    Published by:
    ISEAS–Yusof Ishak Institute
    Published online:
    12 March 2019
    Print publication:
    05 September 2017, pp v-v

  • Summary

    The economic, political, strategic and cultural dynamism in Southeast Asia has gained added relevance in recent years with the spectacular rise of giant economies in East and South Asia. This has drawn greater attention to the region and to the enhanced role it now plays in international relations and global economics.

    The sustained effort made by Southeast Asian nations since 1967 towards a peaceful and gradual integration of their economies has had indubitable success, and perhaps as a consequence of this, most of these countries are undergoing deep political and social changes domestically and are constructing innovative solutions to meet new international challenges. Big Power tensions continue to be played out in the neighbourhood despite the tradition of neutrality exercised by the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN).

    The Trends in Southeast Asia series acts as a platform for serious analyses by selected authors who are experts in their fields. It is aimed at encouraging policy makers and scholars to contemplate the diversity and dynamism of this exciting region.

  • 3 - Determinants of Inward Foreign Direct Investment in Emerging Asian Countries

  • Juthathip Jongwanich
  • Book:
    Capital Mobility in Asia
    Published by:
    ISEAS–Yusof Ishak Institute
    Published online:
    03 January 2018
    Print publication:
    24 August 2017, pp 42-67

  • Summary

    Foreign direct investment (FDI) inflow in emerging Asian economies has risen noticeably over the past three decades, with interruptions arising from the dot-com bubble crunch (2001–2) and the global financial crisis (2008–9) (see Figure 3.1). FDI not only directly provides additional capital funds to a host country, but also the superior technology associated with multinational enterprise (MNE) affiliates which can spill over to the local non-affiliated firms (Caves 1974; Sjöholm 1999; Wang and Blomstrom 1992). FDI is potentially able to both increase market competition and influence the performance of incumbent firms. It can also create linkages to upstream and downstream industries. Identifying the factors determining FDI inflows has become crucial and has received considerable attention from policymakers in emerging Asian countries. This chapter aims to examine such determinants of inward FDI in selected Asian countries.

    Interestingly, along with an increase in FDI in the region, the crossborder dispersion of component production/assembly within vertically integrated production processes, or so-called international product fragmentation, has become an important feature of the structural interdependence of the world economy. Rapid advances in production technology and technological innovations in transportation and communication have allowed companies to “unbundle” the stages of production so that different tasks can be performed in different places. This dynamic has resulted in a shift in the composition of trade towards intermediate (parts and components) goods. Although production sharing is now a global phenomenon, there is evidence that it is far more important for emerging Asian countries than elsewhere (Athukorala 2008). The share of the parts and components trade in the region has generally increased over the past two decades, although countries in South Asia still remain a minor player in global production networks. Figure 3.2 shows that the share of parts and components in manufacturing imports emanating from emerging Asian countries increased from less than 30 per cent in 1992 to 40 per cent in 2014, while on the export side, the share of parts and components in manufacturing exports rose to 32 per cent from less than 20 per cent during the same period. MNEs from the US, Europe, Japan and recently foreign investors from East Asian newly industrialized economies (NIEs) have played a pivotal role in linking countries in the region to regional and global production networks.

Page 171 of 760