This account is taken from Raffles’ History of Java, 2nd ed., 1830, v. 2, pp. 110–16. I am assuming that it is a summary, whether summarized by Raffles or at his request.

The history of the kingdom of Tumápel, being an account of the origin and rise of the kingdom of Majapáhit, written on the day of Respáti (Thursday,) the 10th of the fifth season. Date wisaya rasa toya wasitan (literally 1465.)

In the kingdom of Tumápel there reigned a king, named and styled Rátu Sri Jáya Purúsa, who in his demise was succeeded by his son, known by the name and title of Sri Láksi Kirána, who on dying left two sons, the elder named and styled Sang Sri Síwabúda, who succeeded to the throne; the younger Ráden Wijáya, who was remarkable for the beauty of his person.

During the reign of Sáng Srí Síwabúda the state had very much declined. Every district was going to ruin, in consequence of which the páteh, named Mángku Rája Náta, addressed himself to the prince, reminding him of the manner in which his forefathers used to treat the people, and which the welfare of his kingdom required of him to follow. To this, however, the prince would not listen, and as a punishment to the páteh for his presumption, he immediately ordered him to quit Tumápel.

Sang Sri Síwabúda had a man in his service named Wíra Rája, whom, in consideration of his useful services, he had made ruler over the eastern part of Madúra called Súmenap. On being informed that the king intended to accuse him of a crime of which he was innocent, and considering himself in danger, he sent a messenger to Sri Jáya Kátong, sovereign of Kedíri, to say, ‘that as the kingdom of Tumápel was almost in a state of confusion, he might attack and conquer it without difficulty’.

Sri Jáya Kátong, on hearing the intelligence, was very much delighted, and accordingly he ordered his páteh, Kébo Mundárang, to make preparations for the purpose of invading Tumápel.

A number of years ago the books Banjaran Singhasari and Banjaran Majapahit crossed my desk as part of my work in the library. Their account of the Mongol army in Java in 1293 was very different from that which I had read in the passing remarks of historians of the Mongols, and I looked around a bit to see what else I could find. At the time, I could not get very far because of my lack of knowledge of old Javanese. The topic has remained in the back of my mind for eight years as I worked on Polish and Czech-Slovak bibliographies of Mongolian studies. I left the wonderful Southeast Asian collection at Northern Illinois University where I had access to everything I needed for studying Java, but very little for studying Mongolia, and moved on to the University of Chicago in 1995. When Professor Bira invited me to read a paper at the 8th International Congress of Mongolists in 2002, I pulled out the paper of 1994, my notes, photocopies and all that I could remember of the topic, and decided there should be enough material to make a decent short paper for the congress.

The most important text — the Pararaton — is now available in English, the translation having appeared in 1996, while the Desawarnana in English, and English and Dutch summaries of the kidungs have been around for many years. The interest in this incident among Indonesian and Javanese historians has been limited to just those aspects of the story and the texts written about it which are relevant to issues of Javanese medieval history, society and culture; very little has been written on the Java campaign by Mongolists, and apart from Rossabi's brief comments in his Khubilai Khan, the Javanese version of that campaign has never appeared in publications on the Mongols.

The first edition of this book (entitled Khubilai Khan and the Beautiful Princess of Tumapel: The Mongols Between History and Literature in Java) was written and published under a number of constraints. A deadline for publishing that gave me seven months to finish it, technical difficulties that led me to eliminate all diacritics except umlaut and acute accent, and most of all an inadequate knowledge of Chinese and no knowledge of Javanese, Balinese or Sundanese. In this revised edition the diacritics remain absent except in Stuart Robson's essay as it would have entailed an enormous labor to track down all the original materials to identify where and what diacritics had been used, and my knowledge of the relevant languages has advanced only slightly: I am still indebted to translators and their translations. And that, I have come to realize, is a far greater problem than I had previously imagined.

A number of important publications have appeared in the years since 2002, including Heng's monograph on Sino-Malay trade and Yamaguchi's paper on Wolio genealogies. In addition to new publications, I have continued my search for relevant materials of older vintage, and this new edition not only makes use of Gaubil's Histoire de Gentchiscan… and Robson's translation of the Desawarnana, both works that I was unable to obtain in 2002, but also Robson (1979, 2000), Schurmann (1956), Mills and Ptak's translation of Fei Xin's Hsing-ch'a sheng-lan, Damais (1958), Reid (1996), Gonda (1976) and others.

One of the most important discoveries I made in the years since the book's first publication was the work of the Oxford philosopher and linguist Roy Harris, especially his 2004 monograph The Linguistics of History and the more recent After Epistemology (2009). The Linguistics of History raised many questions about the writing and understanding of history, not the least of which is the role of translation, not only accross languages, but also across cultures, times and spaces.

The English summary presented here is an abridged translation of Berg's Dutch summary which precedes his edition of the Middle Javanese text (Rangga Lawe: middeljavaansche historische roman. Bibliotheca Javanica, 1. Batavia: Kon. Bataviaasch Genootschap van Kunsten en Wetenschappen, 1930. Zoetmulder offers a brief summary and comments in his book Kalangwan: a survey of Old Javanese literature (pp. 415–17).

In Tumapel reigned a brave young ruler who was called prince Krtenagara, and given the name Shiva-Buddha after his enthronement. In those days there were two beautiful young princesses in Tumapel who were intended to become the wives of Wijaya, the king's young nephew. While Wijaya was a charming man, honoured and much loved by all, the king himself was bad, like a hot sun beating down mercilessly upon all.

Mpu Raganatha, the wise, old and prudent minister decided that since his advice was always disregarded he would resign. Kebo-Anengah and Panji-Agragani became prime ministers.

After he had overcome all dangers, Shiva-Buddha sent an expedition against Malaya. A great army departed, accompanied by the two ministers as far as Tuban. In Tumapel remained only a few soldiers.

While Shiva-Buddha was living a gay and carefree life, Banyak-Wide set to work to achieve his undoing. This man, later called Arya Wiraraja, had been forced out of his position in Singhasari and sent off to be the governor of East Madura. When he found out that Tumapel was empty of troops, his opportunity had come. He met with Jayakatwang, King of Kediri, and secretly advised him to march against Tumapel.

Jayakatwang followed his advice. He consulted with his men on how best to succeed against Tumapel. It was decided that his army would be divided into two groups: the worst troops would march against Tumapel along a northern route; the other, better troops would march silently along a southern route under the command of Kebo-Mundarang.

The Pararaton: a study of the Southeast Asian chronicle. Translated from the original Kawi text by Dr. I Gusti Putu Phalgunadi. New Delhi, Sundeep Prakashan, 1996. I have revised and edited the relevant portion of his English version found on pp. 97–115.

Chapter V

King Rangawuni was survived by his son Sri Krtanagara. Mahisa-champaka also had a son, Wijaya. Sri Krtanagara was crowned as the king, with the consecration title of Bhattara Siva-Buddha. He had an officer who was the son of the chief of Nanka village. His name was Banak-wide and his title was Arya Wiraraja. Apparently the king did not trust him, so he was removed and sent to East Madhura to serve as the governor of Sumenep province.

When Sri Krtanagara was consecrated, the Prime Minister was Mpu Raganatha. Although he had always served the king well and devotedly, the king did not think much of him and demoted him to an inferior position. His place was given to Kebo-tenah and Panji Aragani. Mpu Raganatha was transferred as a Superintendent (or Supreme Judge) in Tumapel. An important event of the regime was that king Krtanagara killed the villainous (Kalana) Bhaya. Then he sent an expedition to attack Malayu. While this expedition to Malayu was in progress there were fewer guards in Tumapel. Panji Aragani accompanied the invading army up to Tuban region and then returned to Tumapel, as it was his duty to supervise king Krtanagara's household. There was rivalry between king Krtanagara and King Jayakatwang the ruler of Daha. He was the enemy of king Krtanagara. He did not pay any heed to a possible surprise attack from his enemy. He did not realise his error. Banak-wide was forty-three when king Krtanagara launched his expedition to Malayu. He was a close friend of king Jayakatwang. Jayakatwang had sent a message to Banak-wide, also known as Arya Wiraraja of Madhura. Then Wiraraja sent a letter to Jayakatwang in reply.

This dance drama was performed at Candra Wilwatikta Amphitheater Pandaan, Pasuruan, from June to November 1993. The illustrated synopsis was published in a trilingual edition — English, Indonesian and Javanese. Banjaran Majapahit. Surabaya: Dinas Pariwisata Daerah, Propinsi Daerah Tingkat I Jawa Timur, 1993. In the selection presented here I offer an edited version of the English text.

Episode 1. [Prose introduction]

It is a story written on an inscription. After Regent Jayakatwang's attack on Singhasari, he crowned himself king. Based on history, it happened in 1292.

What a story! The son-in-law of King Kertanegara, Raden Wijaya, was defeated in the battlefield, escaped from his country safely, sailed across the sea and sought protection under Wiraraja, Regent of Sumenep. Because of Wiraraja's cunning diplomacy, Raden Wijaya got a pardon from Jayakatwang, and was even granted a piece of land in Tarik. Tarik was a large jungle with big trees. The jungle was dark in the morning, and got even darker at night. There was a part of the jungle that had no trees anymore. So when the moon shone brightly, the moonbeam illuminated the forest, going through the forest trees. Therefore the land was called Tarang Wulan or Trowulan, which means the full-moon.

Soon, the big trees in the forest were cut down, and the land cultivated. Then it became a small village called Majapahit. The new land was called Majapahit because Raden Wijaya, together with his troops were suffering life's bitterest days. Besides, in the forest there were many Maja trees which have bitter fruit.

Raden Wijaya appeared to submit to Shri Jayakatwang, but actually he was planning to take revenge. He wanted to get back the throne since by having it, Raden Wijaya wished to unite Nusantara (Indonesian Archipelago) which had been the dream of the late King Kertanegara.

Meng Khi, the Tartar envoy, went back to his country to meet King Shri Khubilai Khan and reported what had happened hastily. Hearing his report the king became angry.

The English summary below is in large part a translation of Berg's Dutch summary which precedes the Middle Javanese text published by C.C. Berg (Kidung Harsa-Wijaya. Tekst, inhoudsopgave en aanteekeningen door C.C. Berg. ‘s-Gravenhage: Martinus Nijhoff, 1931). I have omitted and condensed a few passages, and incorporated additional material taken — sometimes directly — from Zoetmulder's English summary (in Kalangwan: a survey of Old Javanese literature, pp. 409–15).

Over Java and the surrounding lands there ruled king Narasingha of Singhasari from the family of Hari. This king had a relative who held the rank of arya, named Kertanagara. His Prime Minister was mpu Raganatha, his demang (Chamberlain) Wiraraja, his tumenggung (Commander-in-chief) Wirakrti, and his chief brahmin was Cantasmrti.

To Narasingha and his prameswari (first wife and queen) a son is born, who receives the name of Harsawijaya. The dignitaries sent their sons to the court and these became the inseparable friends of Harsawijaya: Lawe, Nambi, Sora, Pedang, Dangdi, Gajah-Pagon and Lembu-Peteng.

When Narasingha felt his end was near Cantasmrti, Harsawijaya, Kertanagara and the other ministers came to his sick bed. The king asked Kertanagara to take Harsawijaya as his son; Kertanagara did, since he was sure that he would succeed him as king and rule over Harsawijaya himself. The king died and was cremated with his consort who followed him in death. Kertanagara now became king. Under his rule Wijaya grew up, and when he got older he received his own residence together with his companions. Harsawijaya is especially handsome in appearance; all the women fall in love with him. He grows up as the personification of every quality required in a prince, being handsome, clever and valiant, and excelling in every branch of art.

The new king did not pay much attention to the words of his Prime Minister; the latter therefore quit his office; he was succeeded by Rangga Nengah. Also, Wirakrti quit his office, as did the Chamberlain who was appointed to the governour of East Madhura.

Banjaran Singhasari was performed from June to November 1992 by the East Java Ballet at the Amphitheatre Taman Candra Wilwatikta in Pandaan, Pasuruan Regency. The synopsis of this dance drama was published in a trilingual edition — English, Indonesian and Javanese. Banjaran Singhasari. Surabaya: Dinas Pariwisata Daerah, Propinsi Dati I Jati, 1992. In the selection presented here I offer an edited version of the English texts found on pp. 43–65.

Performance of Saturday, September 26, 1992, 7:30 P.M.

VIII. Kertanegara's effort to unite the Indonesian Archipelago.

After Shri Wisnuwardhana died in 1268, his son, Kertanegara succeeded him as king. The kingdom of Singhasari expanded for even though he was young, he was always victorious in war. Singhasari had truly entered a glorious era; it was easy to get clothing and food, and people lived secure.

The people embraced the Hindu and Buddhist religions and were obedient to them.

The unification of the countries beyond Java began under Panji Gula Kelapa. Swarnabumi in the western part, Nusa Cendana in the eastern, Seram, Ambon, and Kalimantan Islands in the northern part were now ruled by Shri Baginda Maharaja Kertanegara.

Narrated: Shri prabu Kertanegara was not happy to see foreign Chinese merchants come in and out of Nusantara without heeding the sovereignty of the state which they visited and they were unwilling to pay tax. They ignored his sovereignty, and that is why King Kertanegara ordered Ki Kebo Anabrang to meet Prabu Darmasaraya in Palembang to invite him to stop the Chinese merchants who would try to come through Malaka Strait. Prabu Darmasaraya agreed with the idea of prabu Kertanegara to close Malaka Strait, and that made Shri Khan, the King of China disappointed.

The latest edition of the Sundanese text was published as: Babad Majapait. Anggitan Kadir Tisna Sujana. Jakarta 1979. The following selections in English are my translations based on the Indonesian translation: Babad Majapahit. Translated by Rusman Sutiasumarga. Jakarta 1987. The pagination refers to the 1979 Sundanese version. The Indonesian translation omits some of the verses found in the Sundanese text.

[concerning Meng Qi (pp. 16–18)]

Although Chinese writers and historians have had little to say about the Mongols in Java, the peoples of Java have a long tradition of poetic references to the Mongols (always “Tatars” before the 20th century). The spread of Islam throughout most of Java interrupted the transmission and renewal of the early texts and their themes, but after the discovery and publication of the Desarwarnana, the Pararaton and the kidung literature in the late 19th and early 20th centuries, the Mongols once again appeared in new literary works. Whereas in Part I the narrative was drawn from all of the sources to provide a composite account, Part II takes each text separately, not to summarize, but to comment on certain salient features and questions which each one raises. We begin with the Chinese sources, proceed to the Javanese poetical histories ancient and modern, and end with the other histories, those from the world outside Yuan/Ming China and medieval Java.

The Chinese accounts

The principal Chinese account is that found in the Yuan shi, the main narrative occuring in Book 210, and supplementary material in the biographies of the generals in charge of the campaign, found in Books 131 and 162. Groeneveldt published an English translation of the relevant sections in 1876. Gaubil's Histoire de Gentchiscan et de toute la dinastie des mongous, ses successeurs, conquérans de la Chine; tirée de l'histoire chinoise, et traduite par le R. P. Gaubil (Paris, 1739) was a translation into French of material found in Chinese histories, but he did not identify his sources. Although his account is brief, it does contain material found in the Yuan shi and the Yu pi xu zi zhi tong jian gang mu. Howorth (p. xvii) wrote that Gaubil relied on the same sources for his translation as Hyacinthe (Iakinf) did in his “history of the first four Mongol Khans” (p. xix), i.e. the Yuan shi and the Yu pi xu zi zhi tong jian gang mu.

1. Introduction

The present paper is a thoroughly revised and rearranged version of a small honours thesis which was originally submitted in the Department of Indonesian and Malayan Studies, University of Sydney, in 1962. The topic was suggested by the then Head, Dr F.H. van Naerssen, who was an expert in the early history of Java, and managed to inspire some of his young students with the same interest.

The period chosen for discussion is a narrow one, AD 1292–1294, but is appropriate because of the range of sources available and because of the momentous nature of the events described there. The events were an invasion of Java and the foundation of a new capital. These events were also significant in view of the involvement of two different Asian societies, the Chinese (Mongols) and the Javanese, one a major power in continental Asia and the other located in the island world of what is now Indonesia. This juncture in early Javanese history has also been discussed in detail by N.J. Krom, in his Hindoe-Javaansche Geschiedenis [Hindu-Javanese History] (1931, pp. 346–68).

The paper aims to review, and quote at some length from, the sources, namely Javanese inscriptions, Javanese literary works and Chinese histories, and then to draw some conclusions regarding the course of events, bearing in mind the different nature of the various sources. In this way it is hoped to contribute to knowledge of a particular moment in the history of Java.

It may be useful first to situate the discussion. Geographically, we are looking at the eastern part of Java. For some centuries, this had been the site of successive centres of royal power and a civilization termed ‘Hindu- Javanese’; somewhat earlier, from the mid 8th to the mid 10th century, the same also applied to Central Java. We find ourselves thus in a period before the establishment of Islam in Java in the 16th century.

I. Gaubil's abridgement

This selection is taken from pp. 217–20 of Histoire de Gentchiscan et de toute la Dynastie des Mongous ses successeurs, conquérans de la Chine, tirée de l'histoire chinoise et traduite par le R.P. Gaubil de la Compagnie de Jesus, Missionnaire à Péking. Translated from the French by David Bade.

After some time he [Khubilai] had sent to the King of Kouaoua an official named Mengki [for Gaubil's note, see Note 1 below]. It does not say what Mengki did, nor what was the incident that made the King of Kouaoua act so terribly. The king took Mengki and with a hot iron marked him on the face as was often done to common thieves. After being thus affronted Mengki was sent away. The Chinese were indignant at seeing a Great Mandarin of their nation dishonored by a Prince treating them like barbarians, and they implored Khubilai to exact vengeance. Khubilai made an uproar over the insult done to one of his envoys, and ordered a large flotilla of warships and others to assemble in Tsuentcheou in Fokien. The Provinces of Kiamsi, of Fokien, and of Houkouang furnished 30000 resolute men, and they had no trouble arming the flotilla, the Chinese being eager to furnish everything necessary, the Mandarins of the nation being much interested and resolved to make foreign lands see at least that they were very sensitive to a dishonor done to a Minister of the son of Heaven [Note 2].

In the 12th moon of the year 1292 the flotilla was ready; it had 1000 ships including the supply ships and others. There were 30000 soldiers not counting the sailors and provisions for a year. Chepi, a native of Poyé in the district of Paotingfou, had the general command, Kaohing, native of Juningfou, was general in command of the troops, and Yehemiche, a native of the country of the Ygour, was in command of the sailors, with Yehemiche and Chepi having made the trip to the Indes and understanding the language of Kouaoua.