A new paradigm for continuing care policy has emerged that is based on assumptions about the benefits of caring partnerships and client-centred care delivery. Such assumptions place the interface between formal and informal care squarely on the policy agenda. The authors describe how existing research can contribute to the debate stimulated by the new policy paradigm and suggest future research that is informed by the paradigm. They argue that theory is an important tool to make policy agendas more explicit and they use human ecology theory to illustrate how theory can frame the development of research to address policy. Finally, they describe barriers to be overcome in order for policy and research to inform one another.

The increasing presence of for-profit service providers in publicly-funded eldercare has transformed care in Nordic welfare states which have a strong tradition of public care provision. Macro-level research on care policies has mainly focused on public institutions, national policies, and marketization. The financialization of eldercare has not received much scholarly attention, and existing studies mostly focus on the UK. The financialization of eldercare refers to the ways in which care is both a site of profit extraction and financial engineering. The Nordic system is relatively universal, and, with rapidly ageing demographics, there is a secured demand for eldercare services. However, these services have been heavily marketized over the past two decades, opening up lucrative possibilities for financialized actors who have established a stronghold over the markets. We analyse these processes through selected empirical examples from Finland, and argue that the financialization of eldercare in the Nordic context demands attention as we are witnessing a new configuration between the constitutional order of the welfare state, public finances, and private profit which is neither transparent, nor democratic.

Scholars have recently argued that globalisation processes have significantly altered not just the productive but reproductive sphere. ‘Reproduction’ is formulated to include both biological and social reproduction, and which at the individual level requires ‘care’ throughout the life-cycle – that is, from cradle to grave – in sustaining the body in its corporeal and affective aspects. Concepts that have emerged in the literature in recent decades such as the ‘transnational family’, ‘global householding’ and ‘global care chain’ draw attention to the observation that the formation and sustenance of households is increasingly reliant on the international movement of people and transactions among household members residing in more than one national territory. Applying these notions to the context of the city-state of Singapore where the predicament around eldercare (resulting essentially from rapid fertility decline, shortages of Singapore women's reproductive labour and rigidities in the gender household division of labour) accompanies rapid globalisation, this paper examines strategies of care substitution which draw on the lowly paid labour of two groups of transnational subjects (mainly women) – transnational domestic workers working in the privatised sphere of the home, and transnational healthcare workers in institutionalised settings. The paper reflects upon the interdependencies between flows of transnational care migration and delves into the gender and class implications of these flows for an understanding of the links between transnational migration and social change.

New approaches to residential continuing care for frail seniors include a shift toward more social care models that involve hiring multiskilled workers and expectations of family involvement as partners in care. Recall and stylized time-use methods were used to assess the types of tasks and amounts of service provided by family and staff caregivers in three models of care. Findings are that family members provide about 30 per cent of on-site services to residents. Family members spend most time in enhancing well-being, while staff spend most time in housework. Patterns of care differ across Adult Family Living, Assisted Living and Dementia Care settings. Sustainability of these patterns of care depends upon adequacy of staffing and reasonable expectations about family resources.

This paper extends an earlier analysis of the geography of caregiving to elderly relatives (Joseph & Hallman, 1996), by closely examining the implications of time-distance between family caregivers and their older relatives. We hypothesize that overlaying a highly gendered social behaviour (eldercare) onto the distinctive time-space geographies of men and women will translate into demonstrably different “eldercare geographies”. Analysis of data from two interrelated CARNET surveys suggests that female and male caregivers provide assistance within very different time-space contexts. Women demonstrate greater engagement with caregiving and more extensive commitments to travel in order to provide assistance. This “distance-defying” behaviour translates into the use of residential relocation as a means of modifying time-space in order to improve caregiving provision. In contrast, male caregivers are more sensitive to the limiting effects of time-distance, including the manipulation of their eldercare geographies. The paper concludes with a discussion, based on comments made by caregivers, of the negative impacts of eldercare involvement, focussing on perceived effects on personal time for other family relationships.

In this paper we investigate the geographical context in which employed caregivers provide assistance to their elderly relatives. Specifically, we examine the impact of the spatial arrangement of the employed caregiver's home, their workplace and the care recipient's home (the “locational triangle” alluded to in our title) on work-family balance. Analysis of data drawn from a national study of Work and Family conducted by the Canadian Aging Research Network (CARNET) indicates that the parameters of the locational triangle have discernable impacts on levels of perceived stress and interference and on the incidence of certain job effects and coping behaviours. The impacts of longer journey to work and increased distance from elderly relative(s) on stress and interference levels are seen to be bound up with the nature of family responsibilities. Location-based coping behaviours (considered or implemented in the six months leading up to the survey) are reported by 18 per cent of our sample of 595 employed caregivers, but are virtually confined to the home-elder axis of the location triangle. On the basis of our results, we advocate greater attention to the spatial context of work-family balance.

The purpose of this feminist narrative study was to examine the experiences of women in four different health professions (nursing, medicine, physiotherapy, and social work) who provided care to elderly relatives. Although caring is a central and common feature of the personal and professional lives of many women (Baines, Evans, & Neysmith, 1991; Baines, 2004), the separation of professional, paid caregiving from family, unpaid caregiving among health care providers is problematic. Study findings suggest that female health professionals who assume familial responsibilities continually negotiate the boundaries between their professional and personal caring work. Despite the use of a variety of strategies for managing their double-duty caregiving demands, many women experienced a dramatic blurring or erosion of these boundaries, resulting in feelings of isolation, tension, and extreme physical and mental exhaustion. These findings suggest that women who are double-duty caregivers, especially those with limited time, finances, or other tangible supports, may experience poor health, which warrants further study.