Australia’s dominant food system encourages the overconsumption of foods detrimental for human and planetary health. Despite this, Australia has limited policies to reduce the burden of disease and protect the environment. Political donations from the food industry may contribute to policy inertia on this issue. We aimed to explore the extent of political donations made by the food industry in Queensland and investigate the timing of public health nutrition policies in relation to these donations.

We collected publicly declared political donations data in Queensland, Australia, as it has the most transparent donation records. Policy data were sourced from the Australian National and Queensland State Parliaments, and consultations from the Australian and New Zealand Ministerial Forum on Food Regulation.

Queensland, Australia.

Not applicable.

The Liberal National Party (LNP) received 68 % of all donations, with most immediately preceding the 2017 and 2020 state elections. The Australian Labor Party, despite forming government for the time period under study, received only 17 % of total donations. Most donations were given by the meat industry, followed by the sugar industry. Few policies exist to protect and improve human and planetary health, with limited associations with political donations for most industries except sugar.

Industry preference for the LNP, particularly as most donations coincided with election periods, may be due to the party’s emphasis on minimal state involvement in economic and social affairs. The relationship between industry donations and policies is not clear, partly due to the limited number of policies implemented overall.

This study used publicly available Form 990 tax documents to quantify food industry donations to patient advocacy organisations (PAO) dedicated to supporting patients with non-communicable diseases.

Observational, cross-sectional assessment of significant national and international food industry donations to US-based non-communicable disease-focussed PAO between 2000 and 2018. Researchers recorded and categorised the: (1) frequency and value of donations; (2) reason for donation; (3) name and type of PAO recipient and (4) non-communicable disease focus of the PAO.

Form 990 tax documents.

Nine food and beverage companies that donated to non-communicable disease-focussed PAO.

Adjusting for inflation, nine food and beverage companies collectively donated $10 672 093 (n 2709) to the PAO between 2001 and 2018. The largest category of donations was ‘matching gifts’ (67·9 %, median amount = $115·16), followed by ‘general operations support’ (25·8 %, median amount = $107·79). Organisations focussing on cancer received the largest number and amount of donations ($6 265 861, n 1968). Eight of the nine companies made their largest monetary value of donation to PAO focussed on cancer.

Publicly available tax data provide robust information on food industry donation practices. Our findings document the food industry’s role in supporting patient advocacy organisations and raise questions regarding conflicts of interest. Increased awareness of food industry donation practices involving PAO may generate pressure for policies mandating transparency or encourage donors and recipients to voluntarily disclose donations. If public disclosure becomes widespread, constituents, advocates, researchers and policymakers can better supervise and address potential conflicts of interest.

To assess the relationship between market concentration and diversity, as indicators of market structure, and the healthiness of food and beverage sales across Europe.

Market share (MS) data per country were used to calculate market concentration, assessed by the four-firm concentration ratio and market diversity, and by the number of companies with ≥1 % MS and the number of companies uniquely present in one European country. The healthiness of food sales was assessed by applying the NOVA classification (level of processing). Simple and multiple linear regressions were performed to assess the relationship between market concentration, diversity and the healthiness of food and beverage sales.

The European single market.

The twenty-seven European single market member states for which Euromonitor sales data were available at the most fine-grained Euromonitor packaged food and non-alcoholic beverage product subcategory level.

Increased market concentration with a country and a product category fixed effect significantly predicted increased sales of ultra-processed packaged food products. There was insufficient data variability in the level of processing of non-alcoholic beverage product categories to formulate conclusions for non-alcoholic beverages. Increased market diversity in turn significantly predicted reduced country-level sales of ultra-processed products.

The results indicated a relationship between market structure and the healthiness of packed food products sold on the European market. However, more research with detailed nutritional data is warranted to document and quantify this interaction.

To identify the corporate political activity (CPA) strategies used by food industry actors during the development of two public health nutrition policies in Central America: Law #570 (taxation of sugar-sweetened beverages) in Panama and Bill #5504 (labelling and food marketing regulations) in Guatemala.

We triangulated data from publicly available information from 2018 to 2020, (e.g. industry and government materials; social media material) with semi-structured interviews with key stakeholders.

Guatemala and Panama.

Government, academia and international organisations workers in health and nutrition.

CPA strategies were categorised according to an existing internationally used taxonomy into action-based, instrumental strategies (coalition management, information management, direct involvement and influence in policy, legal action) and discursive strategies.

Instrumental strategies included the establishment of relationships with policymakers and direct lobbying against the proposed public policies. Discursive strategies were mainly criticising on the unfounded ground that they lacked evidence of effectiveness and will imply negative impacts on the economy. The industry pointed at individuals for making their own food choices, in order to shift the focus away from the role of its products in contributing to ill health.

We provide evidence of the political practices used by the food industry to interfere with the development and implementation of public health nutrition policies to improve diets in Central America. Policymakers, public health advocates and the public should be informed about those practices and develop counterstrategies and arguments to protect the public and policies from the vested interests of the food industry.

This study aimed to critically analyse Australia’s current and proposed policy actions to reduce added sugar consumption. Over-consumption of added sugar is a significant public health nutrition issue. The competing interests, values and beliefs among stakeholders mean they have disparate views regarding which policy actions are preferable to reduce added sugar consumption.

Semi-structured interviews using purposive, snowball sampling and policy mapping. Policy actions were classified by two frameworks: NOURISHING (e.g. behaviour change communication, food environment and food system) and the Orders of Change (e.g. first order: technical adjustments, second order: reforming the system, third order: transforming the system).

Australia.

Twenty-two stakeholders from the food industry, food regulation, government, public health groups and academia.

All proposed and existing policy actions targeted the food environment/behaviour change; most were assessed as first-order changes, and reductionist (nutrient specific) in nature. Influences on policy actions included industry power, stakeholder fragmentation, government ideology/political will and public pressure. Few stakeholders considered potential risks of policy actions, particularly of non-nutritive sweetener substitution or opportunity costs for other policies.

Most of Australia’s policy actions to reduce added sugar consumption are reductionist. Preferencing nutrient specific, first-order policy actions could reflect the influence of vested interests, a historically dominant reductionist orientation to nutrition science and policy, and the perceived difficulty of pursuing second- or third-order changes. Pursuing only first-order policy actions could lead to ‘regrettable’ substitutions and creates an opportunity cost for more comprehensive policy aimed at adjusting the broader food system.

To explore how some of the largest food companies involved in producing alternative proteins (AP) use health and nutrition claims to market their products.

We identified the largest food manufacturers, meat processors and AP companies selling plant-based AP products in the USA. Using publicly available data, we analysed the voluntary health and nutrition claims made on front-of-pack labels (FOPL) and company webpages. We also analysed company websites for further nutrition and health-related statements about their products or AP more generally. Claim classification was guided by the INFORMAS (International Network for Food and Obesity/Non-Communicable Diseases Research, Monitoring, and Action Support) taxonomy for health-related food labelling.

USA.

Not applicable.

1394 health and nutrition-related FOPL claims were identified on 216 products, including 685 nutrition claims and 709 ‘other health-related’ claims. No FOPL health claims were identified. Most nutrient claims were for nutrients associated with meat, with 94 % of products carrying a protein claim and 30 % carrying a cholesterol claim. 74 % of products carried a GMO-free claim, and 63 % carried a plant-based claim. On their websites, some companies expanded on these claims or discussed the health benefits of specific ingredients.

Companies involved in this category appear to be using nutritional marketing primarily to position their products in relation to meat. There is a focus on nutrient and ingredient claims, with discussion of processing largely avoided. The findings highlight the challenges companies face in positioning AP products as healthy against the backdrop of debates about ultra-processed foods.

Identify and characterise the food industry’s involvement in nutrition and dietetics national and regional events in Latin America and the Caribbean.

Between February and April 2020, we conducted desk-based searches for nutrition and dietetics events held in the region between January 2018 and December 2019. Online freely accessible, publicly available information was collected on the involvement of the food industry through: sponsorship of events; sponsorship of sessions; speakers from the food industry; scholarships, fellowship, grants, awards and other prizes and; exhibition space/booths.

Nutrition and dietetics events in Latin America and the Caribbean.

Thirty-one events held in twenty countries of the region had information publicly available online at the period of data collection. There was a lack of transparency on the involvement of industry actors in these events. When information was publicly available, we found that a total of ninety-two food industry actors sponsored 88 % of these events.

There is a mostly unreported, but likely extensive, involvement of food industry actors in nutrition and dietetics events in Latin America and the Caribbean.

To analyse the arguments used by the food industry during the early development of the new nutrition front-of-pack labelling (FOPL) in Brazil.

A thematic qualitative analysis was performed using an inductive approach. All data were collected and analysed between December 2018 and April 2019. Data included documents published by the Brazilian government, including industry’s contributions to a technical public consultation, as well as industry material and newspaper articles.

Brazil.

Seven trade associations and one industry group.

During the early stages of the FOPL policy development, food industry actors presented themselves as legitimate actors, by highlighting their economic contribution to the country, their role in safeguarding consumers’ right to choose and their range of solutions in addressing the non-communicable disease epidemic. They also questioned the policy process by criticising the role of the Brazilian Health Regulatory Agency and the science that informed the policy. Finally, food industry actors highlighted the supposedly lack of coherence between national, regional and international policies, as well as other socio-economic risks. A small set of evidence published in non-academic, non-peer-reviewed reports was used by industry actors to support these arguments.

Collectively, these arguments reinforced the position of the food industry as a necessary part of the discussion on FOPL and shifted the blame away from unhealthy products to individual behaviours. It is crucial that public health initiatives, such as the introduction of a new FOPL, are no co-opted and negatively influenced by economic actors who may try to delay the policy process.

To identify and monitor food industry use of political practices during the adoption of nutrition warning labels (WL) in Colombia.

Document analysis of publicly available information triangulated with interviews.

Colombia.

Eighteen key informants from the government (n 2), academia (n 1), civil society (n 12), the media (n 2) and a former food industry employee (n 1).

In Colombia, the food industry used experts and groups funded by large transnationals to promote its preferred front-of-pack nutrition labelling (FOPL) and discredit the proposed warning models. The industry criticised the proposed WL, discussing the negative impacts they would have on trade, the excessive costs required to implement them and the fact that consumers were responsible for making the right choices about what to eat. Food industry actors also interacted with the government and former members of large trade associations now in decision-making positions in the public sector. The Codex Alimentarius was also a platform through which the industry got access to decision-making and could influence the FOPL policy.

In Colombia, the food industry used a broad range of political strategies that could have negatively influenced the FOPL policy process. Despite this influence, the mandatory use of WL was announced in February 2020. There is an urgent need to condemn such political practices as they still could prevent the implementation of other internationally recommended measures to improve population health in the country and abroad, nutrition WL being only of them.

To identify examples of the ‘corporate political activity’ (CPA) of the industry producing and selling ultra-processed food and drink products (UPP) in Latin America and the Caribbean.

Searches were conducted on the national websites and social media accounts of large industry actors. Coding was deductive and based on a framework for classifying the CPA of the food industry.

Fifteen countries in Latin America and the Caribbean.

Twelve members of the International Food and Beverage Alliance (IFBA) and major trade associations and chambers of commerce in the region.

During the current pilot study, more than 200 examples of CPA were found in Latin America and the Caribbean. The UPP industry lobbied governments during the development of national health policies. UPP companies tried to build alliances with health professionals, but also with communities where they operated and with policy makers. In addition, the UPP industry fought against regulation in court and proposed weaker alternatives to public health policies, such as self-regulation.

Food systems in low- and middle-income countries, including in Latin America and the Caribbean, are increasingly penetrated by the UPP industry. These countries are at risk of being influenced by the CPA strategies described in the present study. There is a need to further identify, monitor and evaluate the impact of these CPA strategies on public health policies and public opinion in the region, in order to develop mechanisms to effectively prevent such interference.

The Food Standards Code regulates health claims on Australian food labels. General-level health claims highlight food–health relationships, e.g. ‘contains calcium for strong bones’. Food companies making claims must notify Food Standards Australia New Zealand (FSANZ) and certify that a systematic literature review (SLR) substantiating the food–health relationship has been conducted. There is no pre- or post-notification assessment of the SLR, potentially enabling the food industry to make claims based on poor-quality research. The present study assessed the rigour of self-substantiation.

Food–health relationships notified to FSANZ were monitored monthly between 2013 and 2017. These relationships were assessed by scoping published literature. Where evidence was equivocal/insufficient, the relevant government food regulatory agency was asked to investigate. If not investigated, or the response was unsatisfactory, the project team conducted an independent SLR which was provided to the government agency.

Australia.

Self-substantiated food–health relationships.

There were sixty-seven relationships notified by thirty-eight food companies. Of these, thirty-three relationships (52 %) from twenty companies were deemed to have sufficient published evidence. Four were excluded as they originated in New Zealand. Three relationships were removed before investigations were initiated. The project initiated twenty-seven food–health relationship investigations. Another six relationships were withdrawn, and three relationships were awaiting government assessment.

To ensure that SLR underpinning food–health relationships are rigorous and reduce regulatory enforcement burden, pre-market approval of food–health relationships should be introduced. This will increase consumer and public health confidence in the regulatory process and prevent potentially misleading general-level health claims on food labels.

To identify the corporate political activity (CPA) of major food industry actors in France.

We followed an approach based on information available in the public domain. Different sources of information, freely accessible to the public, were monitored.

Data were collected and analysed between March and August 2015. Five actors were selected: ANIA (Association Nationale des Industries Agroalimentaires/National Association of Agribusiness Industries); Coca-Cola; McDonald’s; Nestlé; and Carrefour.

Our analysis shows that the main practices used by Coca-Cola and McDonald’s were the framing of diet and public health issues in ways favourable to the company, and their involvement in the community. ANIA primarily used the ‘information and messaging’ strategy (e.g. by promoting deregulation and shaping the evidence base on diet- and public health-related issues), as well as the ‘policy substitution’ strategy. Nestlé framed diet and public health issues, and shaped the evidence base on diet- and public health-related issues. Carrefour particularly sought involvement in the community.

We found that, in 2015, the food industry in France was using CPA practices that were also used by other industries in the past, such as the tobacco and alcohol industries. Because most, if not all, of these practices proved detrimental to public health when used by the tobacco industry, we propose that the precautionary principle should guide decisions when engaging or interacting with the food industry.

Americans consume Na in excess of daily recommendations. Most dietary Na comes from packaged foods, and bread is a major contributor. In the UK, national Na reduction strategies contributed to lower Na levels in packaged foods and lower population Na intake. Similar initiatives are emerging in the USA and require surveillance to assess effectiveness. We aimed to examine Na levels in bread products in the USA and compare levels with similar UK products.

Na data for bread products were obtained from the US Label Insight Open Data Initiative (n 4466) and the FoodSwitch UK database (n 1651). Mean, median and range of Na content, and proportion of products meeting Na targets established by the National Salt Reduction Initiative (NSRI) and the UK Department of Health (DH) were calculated overall, by bread type and by country.

Mean (sd) Na content in bread was 455 (170) mg/100 g in the USA and 406 (179) mg/100 g in the UK. In both countries, savoury bread had the highest mean Na (USA=584 mg/100 g, UK=543 mg/100 g) and fruit bread the lowest mean Na (USA=345 mg/100 g, UK=277 mg/100 g). Na content of US bread products was 12 % higher than in the UK, with 21 % of US bread products and 31 % of UK bread products meeting the NSRI and DH targets, respectively.

US bread products have, on average, 12 % more Na than similar products in the UK. Variation in Na content within product categories, and between countries, suggests the feasibility of manufacturing products with lower Na to lower dietary Na intake.

In the present study, we used a structured approach based on publicly available information to identify the corporate political activity (CPA) strategies of three major actors in the dairy industry in France.

We collected publicly available information from the industry, government and other sources over a 6-month period, from March to August 2015. Data collection and analysis were informed by an existing framework for classifying the CPA of the food industry.

Our study included three major actors in the dairy industry in France: Danone, Lactalis and the Centre National Interprofessionnel de l’Economie Laitière (CNIEL), a trade association.

During the period of data collection, the dairy industry employed CPA practices on numerous occasions by using three strategies: the ‘information and messaging’, the ‘constituency building’ and the ‘policy substitution’ strategies. The most common practice was the shaping of evidence in ways that suited the industry. The industry also sought involvement in the community, establishing relationships with public health professionals, academics and the government.

Our study shows that the dairy industry used several CPA practices, even during periods when there was no specific policy debate on the role of dairy products in dietary guidelines. The information provided here could inform public health advocates and policy makers and help them ensure that commercial interests of industry do not impede public health policies and programmes.

Nutritional impact of the Tick front-of-pack labelling programme was evaluated by investigating nutrient changes to the purchased food supply and the nutritional quality of Tick v. non-Tick products. Factors influencing manufacturers’ decisions to develop and license Tick products were also explored.

Observational, cross-sectional and change over time data.

New Zealand food supply, 2011–2013.

Forty-five newly licensed Tick products from five food categories were analysed: Edible Oil Spreads, Yoghurt & Dairy Desserts, Frozen Desserts, Ready Meals and Processed Poultry. Four manufacturers of these products were interviewed.

Eligible products (31 % of all Tick products in these categories) removed 4·1 million megajoules of energy, 156·0 tonnes of saturated fat, 15·4 tonnes of trans-fat and 4·0 tonnes of sodium from food products sold in New Zealand over three years. In each food category, these Tick products were, on average, 14–76 % lower in energy, saturated fat, trans-fat and sodium than non-Tick products, indicating healthier options. Participating manufacturers reported that international market trends and consumer demand for tasty, healthy foods primarily influenced Tick product development and sales. Tick was used as part of their marketing strategy as it was perceived as a credible, well-recognised logo for New Zealand consumers. Tick was cited as the primary initiative encouraging saturated fat reduction.

The Tick Programme is continuing to encourage manufacturers to make meaningful improvements to the nutritional quality of the New Zealand food supply. Over time, these changes are likely to influence population nutrient intakes and reduce CVD risk factors.

To assess the change in Na content of Australian pasta sauces between 2008 and 2011. A secondary objective was to project the mean Na content of these same products in 2014 using the Australian Food and Health Dialogue Na commitment and compare projections with the 2012 UK Na target for pasta sauce.

Na data were collected from the product labels of pasta sauce products. Mean Na content was calculated for 2008 and 2011 and change assessed. Projected mean values for 2014 were derived by applying a 15 % reduction to the 2011 products above the ‘action point’ of 420 mg Na/100 g, consistent with the Food and Health Dialogue commitment (scenario 1). A 15 % reduction was applied to products already below the ‘action point’ (scenario 2). Projections were compared with the 2012 UK target.

Na data for pasta sauce products in Australian supermarkets (July–September) in 2008 and 2011.

Not applicable.

Data were available for 124 (2008) and 187 (2011) products, and mean Na levels were not significantly different (451 mg/100 g v. 423 mg/100 g; P = 0·16). The projected means (381 mg Na/100 g in scenario 1; 375 mg Na/100 g in scenario 2) exceeded the 2012 UK target (330 mg Na/100 g) and to attain this would require a 22 % reduction from 2011 levels.

There is little evidence that all Australian manufacturers of pasta sauces systematically reduced the Na content of their products between 2008 and 2011. Even if all manufacturers achieve the current voluntary commitment by 2014, average salt levels in Australian products would still be above the 2012 UK target.