We use cookies to distinguish you from other users and to provide you with a better experience on our websites. Close this message to accept cookies or find out how to manage your cookie settings.
To save content items to your account,
please confirm that you agree to abide by our usage policies.
If this is the first time you use this feature, you will be asked to authorise Cambridge Core to connect with your account.
Find out more about saving content to .
To save content items to your Kindle, first ensure no-reply@cambridge.org
is added to your Approved Personal Document E-mail List under your Personal Document Settings
on the Manage Your Content and Devices page of your Amazon account. Then enter the ‘name’ part
of your Kindle email address below.
Find out more about saving to your Kindle.
Note you can select to save to either the @free.kindle.com or @kindle.com variations.
‘@free.kindle.com’ emails are free but can only be saved to your device when it is connected to wi-fi.
‘@kindle.com’ emails can be delivered even when you are not connected to wi-fi, but note that service fees apply.
The 2011 uprising is a watershed event in contemporary Egyptian history in terms of the unprecedented scale of mass protest and the historic changes that followed it. This chapter asks what changed in relation to the production of lived and imagined citizenship in schools in the tumultuous months and years following the uprising. It outlines changes in the wider political, economic and social context and maps key changes in the educational sphere, presenting novel analysis on trends in teacher salaries and public spending on education. In analyzing the research with students, teachers and stakeholders from 2016 to 2018, it updates the discussion on the themes that are methodologically and conceptually developed across Chapters 1–6 in terms of informal privatization, permissiveness and violent punishment, and maps key changes to textbooks, rituals and student narratives relating to citizenship and belonging. In particular, it highlights trends of student contestation of violent and humiliating treatment and debates around the introduction of new pro-army song in school rituals and divergent textbook treatments of the Revolution and the legitimizing narratives of the regime.
In Chapter 2, Egypt enters the Arab Spring with relative strength in national unity and state capacities. However, during the country’s democratic transition, its military took advantage of conflicts between Islamists and secularists in order to stage a coup and reassert its historical dominance of Egypt’s political economy. Both Islamist and secular-oriented political parties were at fault in failing to forge the “twin tolerations” necessary for a political pact or democratic bargain in Egypt. Witnessing the victory of Islamists in transitional elections, secularists turned to the streets and the military to overturn electoral outcomes. For their part, after winning Egypt’s post-Mubarak founding elections, President Morsi and the Muslim Brotherhood made decisions and appointments that raised questions about their commitment to democracy and their willingness to share power at the most delicate point of a democratic transition, the period that includes constitution writing.
Recommend this
Email your librarian or administrator to recommend adding this to your organisation's collection.