The impact of urban gardens on food production and nutrient supply is widely recognized in the literature but seldom quantified. In this paper, we present the results of a semi-structured interview conducted in the ‘social gardens’ of Prato (Italy), i.e. areas of land assigned by the Municipality to individual pensioners or unemployed people for the cultivation of vegetables intended for domestic consumption. Some demographic and socio-economic aspects, the cultivated crops and the related areas were investigated. Starting from the areas, the total production of vegetables and their minerals and vitamins contents were estimated. The typical gardener was male, retired, with an average age of 74, and a low level of education. Gardening enabled pensioners to utilize their free time, facilitated physical activity, promoted socialization, and stimulated self-esteem. A 50 m2 plot cultivated on 40% of the area produced an estimated amount of 90 kg of vegetables per year, equivalent to approximately 61.5% of a person's fruit and vegetable needs. Tomato, by far the predominant species, occupied more than 80% of the cultivated area. The highest contributions to nutrients intake concerned Vitamin C and Vitamin A, the lowest Ca and Na. A higher yield and a greater and more balanced nutrient supply could be easily obtained through better use of the land (reduction of uncultivated area and greater assortment of vegetables). In our view, raising gardeners' awareness of this aspect and involving them in training programs on agricultural practices, vegetables composition, and nutrition, could be helpful for increasing the nutrient productivity of the plots and, ultimately, for strengthening the productive function of social gardens.

Making woody mulch (WM) from organic waste is one solution for repurposing waste. Our work had two primary objectives. First, we wanted to destermine the current use of WM as a soil cover, barriers to use, benefits, and possible motivations for adopting the use of WM by home and commercial growers for cultivating crops in Barbados and the Baltimore-Washington, DC metropolitan region in the USA. To accomplish this objective, we administered a survey to growers in both regions. Second, we wanted to determine the benefits of using WM in agricultural production for sweet potatoes (both regions) and Hungarian hot wax peppers (USA). We measured whether WM influenced crop survival, crop yield, crop nutrients, weed mass, and soil characteristics in replicated plots covered with a layer of WM or left bare. Growers reported that expense, availability, and ease of application were barriers to using WM. Despite the barriers, many growers were using, or had previously used, WM and reported myriad benefits, including improving plant yield and/or nutrients, preventing weed growth, maintaining soil moisture and reducing irrigation needs, improving soil fertility, reducing soil erosion, reducing compaction from heavy rain, and maintaining soil temperature. Our data from replicated field trials verified some of the potential benefits reported by growers. WM in some cases promoted higher crop survival and yield of sweet potatoes, suppressed weeds, conserved soil moisture, and maintained higher soil temperature. Understanding which crops benefit from WM and the longer-term effects of WM on crops and soil are deserving of future study.

Allotment gardens (AGs), one of the most popular forms of urban agriculture (UA), have attracted social attention because of the ecosystem services they provide to citizens. However, the services and availability of AGs may be unevenly distributed, owing to their geographic location. The patterns underlying the provision of AG plots and facilities to users in Tokyo are unclear. Thus, this study quantitatively examines the characteristics of different types of AG provision and their determinants in the metropolitan region of Tokyo. We classified a sample of 313 AGs gathered from governmental open data via a non-hierarchical cluster analysis of AG provision patterns based on their properties, including number of plots, plot size, contract price and duration, and facilities such as agricultural equipment and access to instructors. Moreover, we examined the influence of urban development and residential characteristics on these classes using the Kruskal–Wallis test. The analysis identifies six AG provision patterns based on their properties. It also revealed that AG provision in Tokyo was differentiated by the percentage of agricultural land and the socio-demographic characteristics of residents, including population, percentage of young population, and income levels from the city center to the suburban areas, corresponding to urban sprawl. These findings could provide valuable insights to help local governments, farmers, and non-profit organizations address the challenges and opportunities arising from each AG provision pattern and to make AG plots and facilities more adaptable to upcoming urban shrinkage, business opportunities, and possible excessive subdivision and price hikes.

The emergence of monumentality in the Maya lowlands has been linked to political complexity. But how did the emergence of these monuments relate to changing human-environment interactions? Here, the author proposes that Maya monumentality embodies traditional ecological knowledge, or TEK. Taking the example of Tzacauil, the gathering of fieldstone for the preparation of land for cultivation is connected to agricultural intensification and the florescence of monumentality in the Late and Terminal Formative period (300 BC–AD 250). Exploration of the relationships between monumental traditions and localised TEK practices may illuminate the entanglement of complexity, subsistence and human-environment interactions in other parts of the world.

The global trend of urbanization coupled with an increasing awareness of the importance of food systems resilience, has led to an increasing interest in urban agriculture to sustainably feed the rapidly growing urban population and mitigate against food supply chain disruptions. While home and community gardens have been long studied, there has been relatively little empirical research focused specifically on commercial urban agriculture (CUA) operations. The purpose of this study was to characterize commercial urban farms, and to identify their primary barriers to business development and expansion, their perceptions of future opportunities, and their specific informational needs. Because CUA has received relatively less attention in previous empirical research, a qualitative approach was used for this needs assessment to collect rich, contextualized information to help differentiate the specific barriers, opportunities and needs of CUA operations as opposed to their rural counterparts. We conducted semi-structured interviews (n = 29) of CUA producers in Florida. These interviews revealed that CUA operations face many of the same barriers that are common to establishing and growing small farms, with additional barriers due to local government regulations and tensions associated with farming on land that is not traditionally used for agriculture. Despite these difficulties, CUA operators believe their urban location is a key benefit to their operation and they see a variety of opportunities for future business and market expansion.

In many US states, the power to regulate urban agriculture (UA) rests in local governments. Although there has been increased interest in UA, some local governments have been slow to adopt policies or ordinances to foster food production in urban areas or have actively sought to limit UA in their municipalities. To learn more about the disconnect between resident interest and local government policy, University of Florida, Institute of Food and Agricultural Sciences Extension and Center for Public Issues Education conducted a statewide survey of local government stakeholders (LGS) to assess their attitudes toward UA, subjective knowledge of UA, perceived benefits of and barriers to the implementation of UA and educational needs. Responses were collected using 5-point semantic differential and Likert-type scales. Overall, respondents displayed positive attitudes and moderate knowledge of UA, and they identified a number of benefits of and barriers to implementing UA in their communities. The findings of this study support the hypothesis that lack of basic knowledge about UA is one difficulty in fostering UA. Despite being positively disposed toward UA, LGS may not fully understand how to effectively develop and implement policies to foster UA. This finding may also help explain reluctance to adopt local government policies to support UA. Efforts to provide LGS key information and enhance their knowledge of UA may support the development of UA activities.

Evidence has been slowly accumulating that the urban home gardens of immigrants or transnational migrants in the USA conserve food plant diversity with roots in the developing world. Published species lists for home gardens indicate that, at least at the species level, this diversity is not novel but consists of widely grown, culturally important plant species that are also available through the horticultural trade. In 2018, we returned to the home garden of a Mexican-origin household in Chicago and confirmed the identity of a plant provisionally identified as Jaltomata darcyana during an earlier inventory of the garden. A recently named species of Central America, J. darcyana has not been previously recorded in cultivation. Collection of this species from a Chicago garden suggests that urban gardens may harbor other novel species awaiting documentation by urban ecologists and botanists.

With food security increasingly seen as an urban concern, urban agriculture (UA) has emerged as one strategy for improving access to healthy, affordable food within cities in the Global North. This research evaluates the contributions of three types of urban gardens in Santa Clara County, California, to food security. Survey, interview and harvest data were collected from home gardeners, community gardeners and gardeners participating in community food security (CFS) programs, which provide low-income families with the materials and training to grow their own vegetables. To assess food security we use a multi-dimensional framework that encompasses food availability, accessibility, nutritional adequacy and cultural acceptability as well as agency within the food system. Over the summer of 2015, median garden production ranged from 26 kg for participants in CFS programs to 56 kg for home gardeners. All garden types produced enough produce for at least one adult to consume the number of cups of vegetables recommended by federal nutritional guidelines. Gardening also increased some low-income gardeners’ access to healthy food, allowing them to have the diet they wanted—one high in organically grown vegetables—but could not otherwise afford to purchase. Interviews showed that gardeners do not think of cultural acceptability strictly in terms of the presence of certain types of cultural crops; they also articulated a broader set of values concerning the environmental and social conditions of food production. At all income levels, gardeners frequently described a set of food values related to knowledge, control, trust, freshness, flavor, organic production methods and sharing, which they were able to enact through gardening. Taken together, these findings demonstrate the nutritional contributions that urban gardens make but also highlight the importance that low-income gardeners place on having food that aligns with their cultural and ethical values and being able to exercise greater autonomy in making food choices. In conclusion, we suggest that more robust, holistic assessments of UA's contributions to food security will include the subjective aspects of food as well as quantitative measures related to food production.

Alongside associated forms of socially and politically conscious food production, community food growing is routinely connected to a wide range of social and environmental benefits. However, robust evidence in support of these associations remains scant, and while the conversation has shifted in recent years to take account of the sometimes unintended or negative aspects of these activities, no consensus has been reached about how such forms of food growing should adapt to new conditions, or be scaled up to maximize their positive impacts. A July 2016 conference was organized to address this strategic shortfall. This themed issue presents the papers resulting from the conference.

Different forms of urban agriculture have gained increased interest and participation in Germany. One form of urban agriculture is self-harvest gardening where participants can lease a plot in a field with various vegetables. However, in Western Europe, little is known about self-harvest garden participants and providers or their motivation and social background. Therefore, in 2015 a survey was conducted with 173 participants and 34 providers from different regions and cities in Germany. The study aimed to compile a self-characterization of people engaged in this form of gardening on a national level. The outcome of the survey captures an emerging phenomenon. While many of the self-harvest gardens can be assigned as grassroot initiatives, participants generally characterized themselves as having a middle or high income, a sustainable lifestyle, high level of education and high nutritional awareness. Disproportionally often, females were engaged in self-harvest gardening. Providers were mainly farmers with a high affinity to organic agriculture. Often the farmers had synergistic effects with other activities like farm shops. Location of the garden area, good support by the providers, promotional marketing and social activities were identified as factors for successful self-harvest gardens. The main incentive for the participants seem to be their engagement in the production of local and healthy food, which can be taken into account by the providers when considering their future focus. On the other hand, problems with bad harvest, theft and vandalism were challenges for some self-harvest gardens. While, legal problems were not a major concern for the providers.

This paper is concerned with how urban food activists related to the media during 2015, when Bristol was the European Green Capital (EGC), how they represented themselves and how others represented their agenda. Our intention is to inform the debates on urban agriculture (UA) and, more specifically, to contribute to discussions about ‘scaling up’ UA. To achieve this, we adopt a form of analysis that rests on Castells’ insights about contemporary protest movements, the media and the role of communication technologies in constituting social power. By using Bristol, a city with a well-developed and studied urban agriculture movement, we suggest new areas for consideration that focus on the importance of communication in the development of the movement. Our study relied only on publicly available data; newspaper reports about the EGC and a sample of the social media used by the urban food networks in the city. We found that the mass media was mainly concerned with reporting topics other than food and that urban food was not a salient issue in their coverage. The Twitter network we analyzed was a loose constellation of different communities, which shared materials that were mostly concerned with creating a shared, normative picture of urban food. By considering the structure of these forms of media, we can observe the assembly of the forms of communication and their content. The paper concludes that the self-representation of urban food networks at that time reveals a narrow focus of interest. This emphasis may have contributed to the lack of connection within the city between potential allies. Our conclusion supports similar research findings in neighboring communities, which have observed the limited connections of urban food networks to the circuits of power and influence.

The rise of Urban Agriculture projects across the UK has led to a surge of interest in their efficacy and resulting social impacts. Real Food Wythenshawe is a Lottery-funded urban food project in the UK that aims to teach the population of Wythenshawe to grow their own food and to cook from scratch. The area, popularly referred to as ‘Europe's largest council estate’, suffers from high levels of deprivation and has been described as a ‘food desert’ due to a perceived lack of access to fresh fruit and vegetables (Small World Consulting, 2013). In order to encourage Wythenshawe residents to grow their own food and to increase access to fresh fruit and vegetables, Real Food Wythenshawe aims to transform unused areas of land into growing spaces, such as allotments and community gardens. This paper focuses on research conducted at a community garden in Wythenshawe, established by Real Food Wythenshawe as an example of a ‘meanwhile’ or temporary growing site for people affected by cancer. The research investigated the impact of the growing activities on community garden participants through a series of observations and interviews. The findings suggest that the benefits of the space were multiple and diverse, ranging from increased growing knowledge to therapeutic effects, while there has been minimal effect on participants’ dietary behavior. The organization of the community garden also raises questions over some of the practicalities of temporary urban growing sites and highlights the tensions that can arise between small community growing groups and larger institutions with control over land use. These findings add to a growing body of research that considers the value of growing in the city and reflects on the role of community gardening in deprived urban areas of the UK.

With increasing urbanization and environmental degradation, urban landscapes are increasingly expected to provide a wide range of ecosystem services typically associated with rural areas, including biodiversity conservation and food production. Because residential landscapes constitute the largest single urban land use, domestic gardens have emerged as a topic of research interest and planning concern. The ecosystem services (or disservices) these landscapes provide, however, have not been rigorously measured, nor have tradeoffs between the services they provide been assessed. In this study, semi-structured interviews were conducted with 59 African American, Chinese-origin or Mexican-origin households with on-lot or vacant lot food gardens in Chicago. Crop plants and cultivated ornamental plants on the lot were inventoried and mapped at the species level. A total of 123 edible plant taxa from 25 families and 288 ornamental plant species from 85 families were identified, for a combined total of 387 species from 90 families. Cumulatively, the gardens of African American households were relatively rich in ornamental plant species and families, while those of Chinese-origin households had a depauperate flora. Crop plant richness was more even across sample types. Shade trees and a developed shrub layer were absent from most gardens, possibly representing a tradeoff in ecosystem services in favor of food production. The richness of the aggregate 2.1 ha of residential property inventoried in this study was comparable with or exceeded that of a 34 ha prairie remnant west of Chicago. However, only 35 (9.6%) of the inventoried species were native to the Chicago area.

Allotment food gardens represent important sources of food security for urban residents. Since urban gardeners rarely receive formal agricultural education and have extremely limited space, they may be relying on readily available gardening advice (e.g., seed packet instructions), inventing cultural strategies that consider inter-specific competitive dynamics, or making poor planting decisions. Knowledge of garden crop diversity and planting arrangements can aid in designing strategies for productive urban gardens and food systems. We surveyed 96 individual plots in 10 allotment gardens in the Toronto region, assessed crop diversity within gardens and recorded planting practices used by urban gardeners by measuring the proximity of individual plants relative to similar or different crop species. We also compared planting densities used by urban gardeners with those recommended by major seed distributers. Collectively, Toronto urban agriculture contributes substantially to urban plant diversity (108 crops), but each plot tends to be relatively depauperate. Carrots and lettuce were three to five times more likely to be planted in clusters than intermingled with other crops (P < 0.05); whereas gardeners did not appear to use consistent planting arrangements for tomatoes or zucchini. Gardeners tended to plant tomatoes and zucchini 56–62.5% more densely than recommended by seed distributers (P < 0.001), whereas they planted 147 times fewer carrots in a given area than recommended (P < 0.05). Furthermore, neither crop planting density nor crop diversity changed with plot size. The planting arrangements we have documented suggest gardeners using allotment plots attempt plant densely in extremely limited space, and are employing cultural strategies that intensify competitive dynamics within gardens. Future research should assess the absolute and relative effect of altered cultural practices on yield, such that any modifications can be prioritized by their impact on yield.

The focus of this study is on urban agriculture which is a common informal sector activity across most sub-Saharan African cities. Urban agriculture is more common among poor urban households, and acts as a poverty coping mechanism. Poor households often spend more than 60% of their income on food alone. The major thrust of this study was to understand the underlying mechanisms driving farming in cities. A mixed method research approach was adopted and data was collected from 103 households in Glen Norah Township in Harare, Zimbabwe through semi-structured interviews, questionnaires and observations. Arising from analysis of the data, the Urban Livelihoods Coping Model (ULCM) is proposed in order to explain the phenomenon of urban agriculture in African cities. This model acknowledges the fact that the socio-economic conditions and the socio-historical context of Zimbabwe and other African countries today is as a result of the influence of ‘Western leaning’ development policies influenced by modernization and associated theories. These theories combined with cultural factors and the impact of Structural Adjustment Policies resulted in the present situation where urban agriculture plays a critical role in the survival of the urban poor as a coping mechanism against food poverty. The ULCM ascribes the emergence of urban agriculture to necessity, ability and opportunity. The significance of this study is that it will contribute to understanding the socio-economic role of urban agriculture and how it can be factored into the urban planning systems of developing countries.