A handful of governments can rewrite the rules for the global car industry, doubling the pace of the transition to zero-emission vehicles and radically cutting the costs. The COP26 campaign woke some countries up to this opportunity, while some of the world’s largest carmakers continued to fight back.

Despite solar and wind power generating the cheapest electricity in history, around forty countries are still building new coal-burning power plants – the worst thing anyone can do for climate change. How two years of campaigning led to twenty countries committing to phase-out coal power, and what needs to happen next.

After laying out the substantial challenges faced by the young People’s Republic of China in 1949, this chapter focuses on the particular ways in which revolutionary policies were implemented: by an ever shifting mix of bureaucratic and campaign modalities that were supported by a range of public performances. Bureaucracy was characterized by hierarchy, order, precedent, the strengthening of formal state institutions and a mania for classification, thus radically simplifying complex realities through a process of disaggregation; campaigns mobilized moral commitments through a different type of radical simplification – fusion into morally charged narratives and popular mobilization. Both modalities were in evidence in the two signature campaigns of 1951: the Campaign to Suppress Counterrevolutionaries and land reform. While, in the early 1950s, bureaucratic and campaign modalities were co-constitutive, after the mid 1950s, they were more often in stark tension with each other.

A handful of governments can rewrite the rules for the global car industry, doubling the pace of the transition to zero-emission vehicles and radically cutting the costs. The COP26 campaign woke some countries up to this opportunity, while some of the world’s largest carmakers continued to fight back.

Despite solar and wind power generating the cheapest electricity in history, around forty countries are still building new coal-burning power plants – the worst thing anyone can do for climate change. How two years of campaigning led to twenty countries committing to phase-out coal power, and what needs to happen next.

Ndebele–Shona ethnic animosities came to the fore before, during and after the June and July 1985 general elections. Violence shifted from wartime residual to ethnic-based violence. The Zimbabwe government was heavily influenced by strong ethnic identities and the military. Ethnic polarisation problems stood out as the major challenge to nation building in Zimbabwe. Ethnic differences were key drivers of election violence in 1985. The 1985 elections took place against a backdrop of bitter and mutual mistrust between Zanu PF and PF Zapu, personified by Mugabe and Nkomo, and their Shona- and Ndebele-based political support, respectively. The problem of dissidents in parts of Matabeleland and the Midlands, as well as Fifth Brigade reprisals not only against the bandits but also civilians in these regions, openly played out ethnic hostilities between these two main political rivalries. Zanu PF ran the country under a state of emergency justified on the three grounds of containing the dissident problem, dealing with Mozambican Renamo bandits from the eastern border and the destabilisation attacks by the then apartheid South African military. There was no genuine or concerted effort to heal the wounds of war by all sides despite a rhetorical reconciliation policy.

Chapter 4 begins with an in-depth process tracing of the decisions around political party formation in Egypt after Mubarak’s ouster. We revisit the puzzling variation in party formation across the Egyptian political opposition landscape, particularly examining the decision on the part of Egyptian organized labor and pro-reform activist groups not to form political parties, tracing the link between the structure of the opposition under the Mubarak regime to the strategic incentives and organizational constraints faced by groups at this juncture. We then conduct an in-depth within-case comparison of the mobilization prior to Egypt’s 2011 elections, utilizing granular data on political parties’ specific campaign strategies and methods to trace the link between the adaptations that various groups made during the Mubarak era to the relative organizational and persuasive resources political groups had, and the mobilization tactics and strategies they were then able to use. We also specifically examine compelling evidence for common alternatives or contributing explanations for the Muslim Brotherhood’s success, and show that while these explanations certainly fill in part of the picture, they are incomplete without an understanding of mechanisms linking authoritarian legacies to the 2011 elections.

This chapter begins with a message about the importance of diagnoses before developing a marcoms campaign. We then use the idea of communication barriers to help explain why creating an effective marcoms campaign is so challenging, before providing a broad understanding of what integrated marketing communications (IMC) is and why it is used. The chapter discusses both the theory and practice of achieving integration and synergy, and how synergistic effects come about. The managerial application of integration is also discussed, and its complexity is brought to life with the award-winning case of 'Magnum Gold?!' This chapter also provides a nine-step IMC planning model, including the importance of understanding how consumers make decisions. The consumer decision journey is suggested as a useful model, illustrated with another award-winning case involving the Korean car maker, Hyundai, which broke into the consideration set of United States car buyers during the global financial crisis.

Elections represent group contestations over political power. The rise of Latino candidates for public office and campaigns that emphasize anti-Latino immigration appeals have created an environment where animus toward Latinos is a dominant consideration in the minds of many White Americans. This chapter shows the pervasiveness of White animus toward Latinos across a range of federal and state elections, including its role in the election of Donald J. Trump as president in 2016. It then shows that candidates are often motivated to take a “hard-line” stance on issues like immigration when their constituents harbor resentment toward Latinos.