The twentieth-century history of men and women’s attempts to gain access to reproductive health services in the Republic of Ireland has been significantly shaped by Ireland’s social and religious context. Although contraception was illegal in Ireland from 1935 to 1979, declining family sizes in this period suggest that many Irish men and women were practising fertility control measures. From the mid-1960s, the contraceptive pill was marketed in Ireland as a ‘cycle regulator’. In order to obtain a prescription for the pill, Irish women would therefore complain to their doctors that they had heavy periods or irregular cycles. However, doing so could mean going against one’s faith, and also depended on finding a sympathetic doctor. The contraceptive pill was heavily prescribed in Ireland during the 1960s and 1970s as it was the only contraceptive available legally, albeit prescribed through ‘coded language’. The pill was critiqued by men and women on both sides of the debate over the legalisation of contraception. Anti-contraception activists argued that the contraceptive pill was an abortifacient, while both anti-contraception activists and feminist campaigners alike drew attention to its perceived health risks. As well as outlining these discussions, the paper also illustrates the importance of medical authority in the era prior to legalisation, and the significance of doctors’ voices in relation to debates around the contraceptive pill. However, in spite of medical authority, it is clear that Irish women exercised significant agency in gaining access to the pill.

This study examines the postmarriage bargaining power of women—specifically, their decision-making power with regard to fertility—vis-à-vis imbalances in matching in the marriage market. Applying a multinomial logit model to data on rural Bangladesh for 1998/99, the study gauges women's relative empowerment: (i) at the time of marriage (measured by the bride price as a share of total marriage payments) and (ii) postmarriage (measured by women's use of the contraceptive pill). The empirical findings reveal that a higher bride price (as a share of total household marriage payments) has three main outcomes: it increases the predicted probability of women (i) using the contraceptive pill, (ii) spacing births further apart, and (iii) choosing to have fewer children.

Urea kinetics were measured using prime/lintermittent oral doses of [15N15N]urea, on five separate protocols in thirteen normal young women. Each woman underwent either two or three study protocols.Measurements were made at day 12 and day 22 of the menstrual cycle, whilst consuming their habitual protein intake in seven women not taking the contraceptive pill and in six women taking the contraceptive pill. In three woman taking the pill, and three not taking the pill, urea kinetics were measured whilst taking a diet in which the intakewas restricted to 55 g protein/d. There was no difference in the rate of urea production, urea excretion or urea hydrolysis between the women taking the pill and those not taking the pill at day 22. In the women not taking the pill there was no difference in any measure between day 12 and day 22. In the women taking the pill there was a significant difference in the disposal of urea N to excretion or hydrolysis on day 12 compared with day 22, with a relative decrease in excretion and enhancement of hydrolysis at day 12 compared with day 22. On the restricted diet, an intake of 55 g protein/d represented 77% of the habitual intake and urea production, excretion and hydrolysis were reduced to about 84% of the rate found on the habitual intake. In paired studies the reduction in urea production was statistically significant, and there was a statistically significant linear relationship between urea production and either intake or the sum of intake plus hydrolysis. The within-individual variability for urea production was about 10% for excretion 15% and for hydrolysis 44% The between-individual variability for intake was about 17% on the habitual intake. The variability for production, excretion and hydrolysis (14, 13, 36%) was less in the women not taking the contraceptive pill than in those taking the pill (23,32,42% respectively). The variability was reduced on the controlled low intake of 55 g protein compared with the habitual intake.These results confirm the wide variability in aspects of urea kinetics between individuals. In women this variability is not, to any large extent, accounted for by changes associated with themenstrual cycle